Categories
News

Take a Message

Since the first cave dwellers plunked a rock against a wall for purely expressive reasons, music has been social—even sometimes political. Like any art form, music offers an individual’s take on the surrounding world, one that is in turn absorbed and cast back into the world by an audience. Every song, no matter the subject, is a statement of sorts.

In Charlottesville, where a wide range of musicians make their home far from the contemporary perils of life in New York City, Jerusalem or Kabul, it’s fitting to wonder what the music of area artists is telling us about our little world and its values.

 

“Charlottesville is a good place to do anything you like, so it’s easy to be inactive or lazy, and the sad thing is that things then get swept under the rug, like the fact that we have such an extreme racial division,” says singer-songwriter Karmen Buttler, who records as Karmen. “Whether it’s Downtown or Belmont or the University, the communities in Charlottesville are so separated from what is going on with one another that people, artists or no, aren’t thinking about what is happening, myself included.

“And that’s really too bad,” Buttler says, “especially with so much going on here as well as in the world around us.”

But isn’t that just human nature? It’s much easier to turn a blind eye to the problems around us, especially in prosperous times, than to undertake the arduous and messy task of resolving them.

“As people, we have a tendency to gravitate toward the easiest thing to digest, especially when things are good,” Buttler says, pointing to the mass popularity of Britney, Justin and their ilk. “Unfortunately, the picture that is painted is that there aren’t critical, politically conscious people doing anything when times are good, but it’s really that the media isn’t looking at them and showing people that, even though it is going on.”

That might be an overstatement when it comes to Charlottesville, however, where musicians on the Downtown Mall are plentiful, for instance, but soapboxes are scarce regardless of media presence. Besides, when was the last time you went out to a performance by a local musician and were exhorted to get more involved in the community?

Despite its reputation elsewhere around the State as a liberal base camp, Charlottesville is not, many local musicians say, a home to musical activism. The reasons for that are many.

 

“Write what you know” is the adage guiding successful writers of every stripe. Unsurprisingly then, those musicians writing about issues that resonate strongly within themselves tend to strike the deepest chord with their audiences.

“The greatest songwriters write about what moves them and are able to make you feel what they feel,” says Geoff Sprung of the Small Town Workers. “A songwriter’s first obligation should be to be true to oneself. If that means writing about ‘partying all night’ or about ‘saving the children,’ so be it.”

Maybe it’s more laudable to write about downtrodden kids than all-night raves, but musicians almost universally recognize that music doesn’t succeed if it isn’t honest—whatever the message.

“One thing that I’ve learned as a songwriter and musician is that you just can’t fake it,” says Vandyke Brown’s George Lakis. “Passion and effectiveness are inextricably linked.”

In other words, even music that successfully tackles headier themes and is predictably tagged “important” can fail its audience and fall short as art when it is written out of obligation.

“Music suffers most under the strains of unnaturally forcing something into a work—political activism, false projections of an unfamiliar situation, anything that the artist doesn’t at that time need to write about,” local folk artist Paul Curreri says. In his music, Curreri avoids out-and-out political or social statements, choosing instead to wax personal with the “faith that certain emotions and interests are doubtlessly shared by others.”

The personal, it would seem, is political. Songs woven from personal tales and observations inevitably reflect back on the world from where much of their inspiration is drawn.

Few artists today express this as poignantly as local blues luminary Corey Harris. On his latest album, Downhome Sophisticate, Harris grapples with emotionally and politically charged issues. In “Frankie Doris,” Harris tells the story of a Welfare queen out to get what she considers her due. Harris doesn’t condemn Doris for her actions, nor does he celebrate them, giving the story a greater context and a certain moral ambiguity by levelly exploring the rationale behind her actions. Similarly projective, Harris’ “Money Eye” tells of the undoing of a relationship under cultural and materialistic pressures, while his “Santoro” addresses the simmering hatred and mistrust that underlies relations between African-Americans and police.

“I’m just trying to tell a story, and I realize that whatever story I have to tell is connected to the story of humanity. So, I’m trying to tell a story that is an individual story but at the same time others can relate to,” Harris says. “And I think that’s a part of art: I mean, you want to communicate, whether or not other people are always understanding your language—not everyone will always get everything, but you still want to communicate.”

In that give-and-take between artist and audience lies the real means for efficacy. When the listener has a stake in the interpretive process, in determining what a song or lyric means to him or her personally, the music takes on an internal life of its own.

The personal communication of music is especially good at giving listeners a look at others’ lives. Through a song, you can reflect on certain realities that you otherwise might ignore.

“We all flip flop and get down to the floor/Face down in the ward, ducking strays and afterwards the slaves, crack dealers and whores/ Can you adapt to that?” asks BEETNIX hip-hop frontman Damani Harrison in the song “Brainwash Syndrome.”

“If what a person portrays in their music is from their true self they can perform it anywhere, and those that need a message will get a message,” says Harrison. “Only then will the real meaning behind the music be understood.”

Local musicians like the fact that the personal allegorical tale more easily strikes a nerve with its audience, and for many it is the only way to go. They say that songs given to a specific and obvious end too easily come off as contrived or bogus.

“The seat-of-the-pants topical song, sincere as it may be, can backfire and even turn off a listener if one is not careful,” says folk artist Devon Sproule, who records under her first name only.

In a sense, subtlety and sincerity can effectively work in concert to give music greater resonance with an audience, she says.

Nickeltown’s Browning Porter agrees. “I’ve always thought that [local singer-songwriter] Brady Earnhart’s beautiful love songs from the point of view of gay men are political in an indirect way, and this really makes them much more profound and successful than a song that bluntly preaches tolerance,” Porter says. “And I think if you can identify with someone, then ‘tolerance’ is too pallid a word for what you feel towards them. ‘Solidarity’ is a better one.”

Presumably local musicians listen to tunes from all over the country and world, including songs from the Overtly Political school, such as N.W.A.’s “F*ck the Police” or the Sex Pistols’ “God Save the Queen.” Both of those groups explicitly courted their audience’s alienation with the sheer force of their respective messages. Even if they’re familiar with the technique, though, musicians in Charlottesville don’t seem intent on shocking an audience into submission or rejection.

Buttler says the subtle approach is more effective “because it’s not about wearing it on your sleeve. It’s about relating to people, and getting people to relate to you, without the subject matter being your sexual orientation or political position or ethnicity,” she says.

“I think music is such a wonderful thing for that, because so many people don’t realize how open they really are to do or think things that otherwise they would avoid if it were labeled.”

Indeed, perhaps a middle-aged, conservative man might really dig a k.d. lang song he hears on the radio. He’ll buy a couple of her albums, only to realize that she is a lesbian. In this scenario, he’s more likely to re-evaluate his beliefs than if lang hollered “Gay pride!” from the mountaintops and over the airwaves, in which case he would have just turned off the radio without giving it a second thought.

 

Maybe this is starting to sound like an elaborate apology by musicians for not taking a more active role in the advancement and well being of the community. That couldn’t be further from the truth.

For the most part, local musicians are aware of the power they hold to convey social ideas. A photograph, painting or novel can be incredibly moving, but the audience is often only able to know the person behind the piece indirectly. With live music performances, at least, the musician is the art made flesh. As artists, they walk, talk and feel. They are one of us.

“I remember one of my teachers in high school once told me that he cried more when he heard that John Lennon died than at his father’s funeral,” says former Charlottesville musician Ben Arthur, now living in New York. “The possibilities in music—particularly in popular song—for emotional communication are extraordinary and are why, I imagine, a lot of us get into this game.”

It certainly motivates Arthur, whose songs have a pointedly popular feel to them, and who connects with his listeners by means of a quirky, comedic and sometimes surreal take on the commonplace. In his album Gypsy Fingers, Arthur too places a special emphasis on personal tales in songs like “Sestina” or “This Hurts You (More Than it Hurts Me).”

Yet while their powers of influence are self-evident, do musicians have a responsibility to speak out? What about novelists, athletes or movie stars—anyone in the popular public sphere for that matter? Do they have a responsibility to their audiences?

“I feel that as a musician I have as much responsibility to be involved politically and socially in my community as any other person,” says Jessie Fiske of the Hackensaw Boys. “Musicians, however, are in a unique position to submit their ideas to the general public on a larger scale than the average individual.”

To an extent, Harris agrees. “I feel individually that I have a responsibility with my music, but I think it’s just an aspect of being a human and sharing the planet with other people that you have that responsibility, whether or not you play music,” he says. “I don’t know if you have any more responsibility as a musician, but it’s definitely a tool in some way to educate people or to get people excited about certain ideas.”

If our musicians feel no greater responsibility to act than should we, they at least understand their unique position of influence. As such, Harris, for one, today feels a growing sense of urgency in acknowledging and using that power.

“Artists should speak out on things they feel strongly about, because we can still exercise that right and it might not always be like that,” he says. “There is already a constriction of the First Amendment. It’s not as robust as it once was, and a lot of other basic freedoms are being questioned in the name of fighting terrorism.”

 

Thomas Jefferson once wrote of the American Revolution, “God forbid we should ever be 20 years without such a rebellion.” But in his hometown, revolution, even within the music community, seems a far-off prospect.

“The fact of the matter is that the state of the world has little bearing on the music scene in Charlottesville,” says Eli Simon, of Bottom of the Hudson. “And that’s not because we’re insulated by a thriving community of music supporters. There is no scene. There is no venue to support socially conscious music. There are no promoters to push that kind of music.”

The forum is important, too. “What the Charlottesville scene really needs is more and better venues that are friendly to local music,” says Porter. “I’ve been playing in this town now for 12 years, and my greatest frustration has been with the slow attrition of good places to play.” Porter is hardly the only musician to voice such a complaint. Beyond a scant handful of quality places to play, there is little aside from bar/restaurants offering crusty cover acts that pass for live entertainment.

Even those who remain optimistic see that much is lacking. “I think Charlottesville is a liberal, open-minded town, and fertile ground for the rock-and-roll revolution,” claims Ostinato drummer Matthew Clark, who plays in a number of Tokyo Rose-based side projects, most notably the openly political Frank Zapatistas. “We just need more local support, venues and motivation.”

For some though, fear is an issue. “I think the ‘Ville has an incredible music scene, but most people wouldn’t even know it was there. And some of the best artists and musicians I have met in this town remain underground because they are afraid,” says Harrison. “Face it. We are in a conservative place that is controlled by conservative government. If the true feelings of the people I know and hang out with were made known to the mass public, there would be straight pandemonium.”

And like Buttler says, Charlottesville is an easy place in which to forget your troubles, never mind those of others. Whether it is fear, a lack of motivation or something else entirely behind it, there’s no question that organization and activism are absent on even the most grassroots level. “You can usually gauge a scene by the amount of benefit shows that are coordinated,” Small Town Workers’ Mike Meadows says, pointing to Charlottesville’s relative paucity of such events.

Almost universally, those dissatisfied with the lack of social and political vitality in the Charlottesville music scene, or in the lack of a scene period, argue that the roots of malaise run deep. Music here is what it is because the City itself is a sleepy suburban dream.

“The name of the game here is survival, and if that means two cars, a Federal style house in Afton, horseback riding for little Suzie and hockey downtown for Billy, so be it,” says Simon. “What are we worried about? Not a lot, and that seems to be what we’re singing about.”

Harris thinks the problem is even more deeply entrenched.

“I don’t really think that Charlottesville, bottom line, is a very socially conscious place. It has affluence, and people have leisure time and there are some liberal-like attitudes, but this was a plantation town for a long time, the same town where Thomas Jefferson owned slaves and said we were animals,” he says. “So, I don’t think this is really the place to look for social consciousness. That isn’t to say that there aren’t people who are conscious, but I don’t think there is a tradition of that, and likewise I don’t think too much of the music is socially conscious.”

Harris adds, “There are still such huge inequalities in this town and the greater community, economically as well as racially, that there is a lot yet to be done.”

If there is one constant in life though, it is change. As Charlottesville wrestles with the pains of a rapidly expanding and diversifying community, so too will its community of musicians grapple with the new and unfamiliar.

“The political and social issues of our time will always be addressed as long as there are creative minds making music, and music will continue to evolve with society and culture,” says Darrell Muller of Old School Freight Train. “Music will always reflect what is going on in the society it comes from as well as the world that encapsulates that society.”

Categories
Uncategorized

What they don’t tell us

One of the most striking aspects of life in Third World countries is information starvation. Because they’ve learned not to trust their state-controlled media, people in authoritarian backwaters carefully debrief newcomers. What’s going on abroad? What’s going on here? Did you get any foreign newspapers or magazines through customs?

News is a component of infrastructure every bit as important as roads and telephones. Businesspeople need to know if a border with a neighboring country is open so they can decide whether or not to send out a truck. Citizens need to know their government’s international standing—are those falling bombs their leader’s fault? Hunger for news hurts a country almost as much as hunger for food.

The First Amendment enshrines freedom of the press in the U.S. Constitution, but a variety of forces conspire to prevent totally free access to information. Residents of most cities rely on one large daily newspaper, usually part of a media conglomerate that itself owns the biggest local radio and television stations. Directors of that corporation and the editors who work for them are frequently loathe to offend influential government officials and business tycoons, for if they get cut off—excluded from access to press releases, interviews, leaks, etc.—their ability to collect news is impeded. One might argue that such “news” is little more than worthless propaganda, but fear of causing offense often inhibits the media’s natural role as a watchdog of democracy.

Our government very rarely censors the media. It doesn’t have to.

A new, subtle form of self-censorship has recently become commonplace. A news story is covered in full, minus a crucial fact that changes the entire tenor of the piece. That missing bit of information is invariably something that would make someone important look bad.

 

The American media has, for example, devoted extensive coverage to political unrest in Venezuela, where mobs loyal to President Hugo Chávez have clashed with striking employees of the state oil company. The crisis sparked an attempted coup d’état in April 2002. To busy Americans, this looks like a simple story of a right-wing Latin American dictator crushing poor workers. That’s because three key facts are regularly omitted from the story. First, the oil company strike was called by its wealthy managers, not its workers. Second, Chávez was democratically elected. Third, the coup plotters were backed by the Bush administration. “We were sending informal, subtle signals that we don’t like this guy,” said a U.S. Defense Department official quoted in The Guardian, an English paper that has become an important post-September 11 resource for Americans in search of objective reporting. The bully, it turns out, is us—not Chávez, who is standing up for his nation’s poor.

Similarly, the North Korean crisis looks like a simple case of crafty Commies welching on their agreement not to develop nukes in exchange for economic aid. Repeatedly left out of the thousands of words spilled daily on this topic are the contents of the 1994 North Korea-U.S. Agreed Framework, in which President Clinton promised to develop full diplomatic relations with Kim Jung Il’s regime, and North Korean warnings dating to 1999 that they would resume nuclear research unless the United States kept up its end of the bargain.

North Korea is violating the agreement. But the United States broke it years earlier.

The closest thing to a “smoking gun” found by U.N. arms inspectors in Iraq is 12 warheads found at an ammo dump south of Baghdad. Americans know that the White House considers this discovery a “material breach” that justifies war. Few are aware that, as reported January 17 in the U.K. Telegraph, the canisters were empty, and are probably American-made shells sold to Iraq by the Reagan administration. Not much of a “smoking gun.”

Scratch the surface and you find this sort of thing all over the “news.” Democratic complaints that the Bush tax cuts only benefit the “richest 1 percent” of Americans are duly reported, but leave out a definition of the term. Did you know that you have to earn more than $330,000 a year to be in the top 1 percent? Nineteen percent of Americans don’t. They told Time that they think they’re in that top 1 percent.

Perhaps you’ve read that American soldiers are fighting off guerrillas loyal to warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in eastern Afghanistan. Hekmatyar, the Associated Press says, is “believed by Afghan and U.S. authorities to be allied with Taliban and Al Qaeda remnants.” That may be true. But Hekmatyar was always a sworn enemy of the Taliban—until the CIA tried to kill him last May, with a Hellfire missile fired by a Predator drone plane.

One missing detail. Changes the story a little, doesn’t it?

Categories
Uncategorized

For the record

The first sign of change at Spencer’s 206 is the pert display of DVDs at the register. They’re the right kind of DVDs, of course—Dylan’s Don’t Look Back, the Heads’ Stop Making Sense—but they signal the sort of infusion of new merchandise that says “reinvestment.” Then there’s the tidier aspect of the Water Street shop—actual sweeping seems to have occurred in recent days. Yes, local musician and longtime record-seller Spencer Lathrop is still sitting at the counter, but his shop, Spencer’s 206, has changed hands.

Lathrop sold the CD store on January 23 to Vickie and Cal Glattfelder. Cal’s neat haircut and well-pressed aspect make him the B-side to Lathrop’s sheepdog appearance. But like two sides of a 45 single, Glattfelder and Lathrop are clearly related—in their passion for music and their interest in making a go at small-time retail. The difference is that after 10 years, Lathrop is getting out of Charlottesville’s small-business market and Glattfelder is just getting started.

Lathrop opened his shop late in 1992 at 206 E. Market St. He had returned to Charlottesville, where he had been a student of Russian at UVA, after his teaching gig in San Francisco dried up. His plan for survival was minimal, but his intentions were straightforward: “I was really tired of asking people for a job,” he says, “so I decided to ask people for money, instead.”

Capitalizing on undergraduate years spent earning a living at a Barracks Road CD store, Lathrop stocked a small number of CDs in the tiny triangular space at the back of the Market Street building. In the early days, he rounded out his offerings with espresso and a performance space that got frequent use from bands and poets.

Between 1992 and 1999 when he relocated the store to its present location at 218 Water St., Lathrop scraped by. But if the dough was skimpy, the other rewards of owning the business that first introduced “listen before you buy” to local CD-shoppers were great. “Early on, somebody came in and said, ‘Oh, Lucinda Williams. I’m so glad you have that. I can’t find it anywhere,’” he recalled recently as he nursed a blizzard-related sprained knee and ankle. “It’s affirming when you share musical loves with people.”

Indeed, the legions of Spencer’s faithful who have relied on Lathrop and some of his star personnel (such as legendary local DJ Patrick Reed) to keep them stocked with hard-to-find or offbeat music can attest to the joy of obsessively debating the merits of The Strokes versus the White Stripes or praising the arched harmonies of Tanya Donelly and Kristin Hersch. For a decade, Lathrop has been the local equivalent of Rob Fleming and his shop has been our Championship Vinyl, the idiosyncratic proprietor and record store of Nick Hornby’s classic pop novel High Fidelity. On a recent afternoon, 10-year customer Frank McCue neatly summed up his relationship with Spencer’s while fingering his latest purchase, Du jazz dans le ravin by French composer Serge Gainsbourg. “Music is an addiction,” McCue said, “and they’ve been dealing to me for years.”

However enriched he might have been through the years by his rapport with his clientele, Lathrop never really got a secure financial foothold, he says, and about four years ago he started to consider selling the place. His ambition grew more intense, he says, in the past year as his third child was coming due. Besides that, it just started to feel to him that time was up. “Doing retail is not what I want to end up doing when I’m 45,” says 43-year-old Lathrop.

Enter Cal Glattfelder, a contract airplane pilot and self-described audiophile who says he’s always wanted to be in business for himself. Wisely, he’s arranged for Lathrop to stay on as an employee for the next year while he learns the names and tastes of the Spencer’s acolytes, a duty he concedes is “a little intimidating.” Sure, it’s good to be addressed personally when you walk through the door, but what about the music? Well, if it’s any indication, recently Glattfelder had Ry Cooder’s Mambo Sinuendo playing in the store. And on his system at home, he claimed, were discs by Robert Johnson, Southern Culture on the Skids and Dan Hicks & the Hot Licks. Not a note of Avril Lavigne to be heard.

Lathrop, who has not yet made plans for life after Spencer’s, gives the Glattfelders a ringing endorsement. “The beauty of me going into the business was that I was naïve enough to do it,” Lathrop says. “Shoot, if I can do it for 10 years, Cal can do it as long as he wants to.”

Cathryn Harding

Front-seat drivers

VDOT cedes control of Meadowcreek Parkway  

A few years ago, any local conversation about the Meadowcreek Parkway included plenty of invective against the Virginia Department of Transportation. For years, City and County officials saw the State road builders as a bully that pushed its outdated, one-size-fits-all highway designs past any local opposition. VDOT has eaten its humble pie, however—and it tastes like financial ruin.

In 2002 Governor Warner appointed Philip Shucet to head the bankrupt agency; among his budget-trimming measures, Shucet will allow more local control of road projects.

“The current tenor of VDOT is dramatically different. They are accommodating us,” said City Public Works Director Judith Mueller, during her report to City Council last week on the Parkway project. “VDOT is saying that it’s our road, and they’re working with us. We all know that wasn’t the case three or four years ago.”

The Parkway––planned to link Rio Road with McIntire Road––has been mired in controversy and politics throughout its 30-year gestation. Conceived in the 1970s as a way to directly connect Downtown with County subdivisions in the north, the Parkway has long been a target of alternative-transportation activists who object to the destruction of parkland and say the road will promote urban sprawl.

In the 2000 election, current Councilors Kevin Lynch, Meredith Richards and Mayor Maurice Cox courted the anti-road vote by voicing their opposition to the Meadowcreek Parkway. But their stance was arguably all politics, since both VDOT and Albemarle were already committed to building the road.

Council’s real battle concerned the Parkway’s design. VDOT envisioned four lanes of fast-moving traffic and interstate-style interchanges. Charlottesville wanted a slower, more aesthetically pleasing two-lane road. Council wanted a true parkway, it said, not merely a road through a park. Albemarle simply wanted a finished road, period. Since the road would wind through the City and County, everyone had to agree.

The parkway design favored by Charlottesville was created in the late ’90s by the local design firm Rieley & Associates. Last week Albemarle’s chief engineer Jack Kelsey said the County’s portion of the road would match Rieley’s design.

During its regular meeting on Tuesday, February 18, Council approved a new study of interchange alternatives based on Rieley’s work––in typical City fashion, leaders endorsed a study to complement a study. The fact that the City and County are designing the Parkway and will instruct VDOT on how to build it marks a drastic change from the days when the massive agency built whatever and whenever it wanted.

Mueller predicts construction could begin on the Parkway by 2005. Given that the road’s planning phase is already three decades old, perhaps some skepticism is in order. Partly because the road is so long in coming, Cox says Council should proceed with caution. He called for the creation of a steering committee to oversee the Parkway design and construction, but other Councilors said this would mean more delay (not to mention more committees to oversee plans to make plans, etc.). While it seems inevitable the Meadowcreek Parkway will be built, anti-road activists can maybe take solace in the fact that we all might be driving hydrogen-powered cars by the time the concrete starts pouring.

––John Borgmeyer

 

 

Where’s the do re mi for ABCs?

Special ed and teachers’ pay fuel fat funding request

When asking for money, one should always aim high. Or so voted the Albemarle County School Board on February 13. With the State’s purse strings in such a knotted mess though, the School Board is certain that Superintendent Kevin Castner’s 2003-2004 funding request for $105,322,108 will be returned to them by the Board of County Supervisors for revision. That’s $1,927,551 more funding than is currently projected, by the way.

But a School Board can dream, can’t it?

“Our charge by the State code is to represent the needs of the school system,” says School Board Chair Diantha McKeel. “We intend to do that.”

After an hour of debate during the joint meeting of the School Board and Supes just the day before, it was obvious that not everyone would be budgeting the three Rs at the same level. Indeed, on February 13, two School Board members cast dissenting votes.

“The two members who didn’t approve the vote to send the funding request in as is,” says McKeel, “thought we should make cuts prior to sending it, before [the Supervisors] do it.” But in the end, Pamela Moynihan and Kenneth Boyd were overturned by a 5-2 vote. More likely a case of frustration than wishful thinking, approving board members chose to offer an effortless “aye” in place of shredding the current proposal in the weed-whacker.

For the current fiscal year, school funding has been reduced by just more than $900,000 from its original budget of $99,589,820, a problem that would have been exacerbated had the School Board not had $1.9 million tucked away under its mattress. Projected enrollment growth of 134 students for 2003-2004 should take care of those extra funds, however. Besides growth-related needs like gifted programs ($18,862), textbooks ($270,733), replacement busses ($255,000), upgrades in technology ($209,609), education of the homeless and (who can forget about) water, the fattest operational cost for 2003-2004 is special education. To meet legal mandates, an additional $204,234 is required as it stands now. With more student growth, that figure could sharply rise. And we didn’t even get to the question of teachers’ compensation and benefits.

The increased cost of health and dental insurance is projected by Castner as $1.24 million, about one-third of the $3.67 million requested for salary and wage increases for teachers and “classified” school employees such as bus drivers and cooks. During the joint meeting, not all County Supervisors were convinced that the lion’s share of greater County funding should go straight to teacher pockets. While School Board member Stephen Koleszar described County teachers as doing “a wonderful job,” citing details like “every home in the County is getting a report card,” Supervisor Sally Thomas, for one, did not see teachers’ efforts as exceptional among County employees.

“We require our County staff to be an urban government for a rural area,” she said. “They’re working extremely hard, too.”

The hierarchy of under-appreciation may remain in question, but the Supes and School boards can agree on one thing—no one wants to raise taxes in order to meet market salaries.

“These salary increase studies were done with the caveat that there’d be enough money to fund the increases,” said Supervisor Walter Perkins. “Now, where‘s the money going to come from?”

—Kathryn E. Goodson

Categories
News

Making Book

Books and writers certainly get their due starting at about this time of the year as the Virginia Festival of the Book ramps up. Local authors who have been holed away surface to share their year’s work in one way or another, shedding temporary (and sometimes unwanted) light on a solitary process. But there is one aspect of the writing life that gets even less notice.

“I am reminded just how invisible we local publishers are each time a new acquaintance asks, upon hearing I work at the University Press, ‘Oh, you mean where they make copies?’” says Trish Phipps, the publicist for UVA publishing operation.

Publishers might be invisible to the average Joe, but, by contrast, the publishers openly appreciate the City’s contradictory charms. The cost of printing books is comparable across the country, but the cost of living is not. At the very least, publishers that work on a shoestring budget (or stay on one even as their business grows), like the lower average salaries here and the fact that they can select from a well-educated applicant pool. The area’s location provides benefits, too, being close enough to metro areas to feel civilized but small enough to feel cozy. Whatever else you can say about Charlottesville, it’s not Northern Virginia…yet.

The publishing companies that have moved or grown here put out everything from highly specialized financial and investment newsletters to French literature and, of course, this place being where it is, all things Jefferson, Madison, Lewis, Clark and Civil War.

 

Established in 1989, Hampton Roads Publishers publishes fiction and non-fiction on topics like health, spirituality and metaphysical philosophy. Employing some 25 people, Hampton Roads publishes 30 books per year, on average.

Hampton Road’s Grace Pedalino says there’s a trade-off for the lower salary level in Charlottesville: “Publicity is harder.”

But Hampton Roads doesn’t make New York Times bestsellers. Its most popular book, selling 2.5 million copies so far, is Conversations With God: An Uncommon Dialogue ; Hampton Roads also published its two follow-ups, which combined have sold an additional 2.5 million copies.

A relative giant in these parts, the newly re-named University of Virginia Press (formerly University Press of Virginia) publishes 50 to 60 titles annually, mostly in the humanities and social sciences. Special focus is on American history (especially Civil War history), African-American studies, Southern studies, regional titles and something called eco-criticism.

Forty years old, the press gets support from UVA in the form of a site and financial backing. But that’s not all. The University has a pretty strong hand in the press’ overall governance: President John Casteen appoints directors to a three-year term on the board that selects titles for publication. Most are UVA faculty, giving them a tighter lock on the “publish or perish” dilemma than many of their peers.

Currently the press has 1,200 general interest and academic books in print. That’s not even counting the series that the UVA press puts out, such as the papers of George Washington and James Madison as well as the Carter G. Woodson Institute Series in Black Studies. Upcoming titles include The Selected Letters of Dolley Payne Madison and the paperback edition of Saving Monticello: The Levy Family’s Epic Quest to Rescue the House that Jefferson Built .

A graduate of the UVA English department, Ross Howell ventured out on his own to start Howell Press in 1985. These days he has five full-time employees. The company publishes between eight and 10 books per year, with specialties in regional titles, gourmet food, quilts, aviation, history and transportation. Among Howell’s most popular regional titles are Charlottesville Portrait by renowned photographer Mary Motley Kalergis and Charlottesville Collection , a cookbook by June Oakley. In conjunction with the UVA Library, Howell also recently published Lewis and Clark: Maps of Exploration, 1507-1814 .

He too likes the lower overhead, adding that the “quality of editorial and graphic design people for a town of this size is remarkable.” His clients extend from Washington, D.C. and Richmond to Virginia Beach.

Established in 1992, Rookwood Press specializes in French literature from the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries and publishes three to five books per year.

Founder David Rubin formerly edited Continuum, a journal on French studies, for AMS Press in New York City. When his five-year contract with the publishing house expired, Rubin took Continuum with him. He publishes the since-renamed journal (now it’s EMF: Studies in Early Modern France) through Rookwood.

Rubin is his only employee, but he’s not in it entirely alone. Howell Press warehouses and ships all of Rookwood Press’ books.

Bill Carden began The Charlottesville Guide while a student at UVA in hopes of earning extra spending money. A newcomer and tourist’s handbook for area attractions, The Charlottesville Guide was a successful production for Carden, who soon got help on it from another UVA student, Joe Jennings. In time, they launched Carden Jennings Publishing following Jennings’ graduation.

That was 17 years ago. Now Carden Jennings employs 25 people to publish everything from medical journals and books to CD-ROMs and Internet publications. Its most recognizable title, however, is something a tad more directed toward the general public, if they happen to be generally horsy, wealthy and snooty: Albemarle Magazine. With all these riches to boast of, Jennings credits his success in part to the “large pool of talented publishing professionals” here and the cheaper salaries they’re willing to accept compared to metropolitan markets.

A relative newcomer, ExploreLearning was founded by Dave Shuster in 1999. The company of 13 full-time staff specializes in online educational publishing, specifically interactive simulations like the popular “Gizmos,” which includes programs in math, science and language arts.

With a background in journalism, Thane Kerner began his career working with Carden Jennings Publishing where he launched the scientific publishing division. In 1993, Kerner began his own publishing company, Silverchair Science & Communications, with Elizabeth Willingham. The company today has 44 employees—33 in Charlottesville and 11 in Philadelphia.

Specializing in medical information, Silverchair publishes between 40 and 60 books per year. Silverchair also publishes Web portals and 20 to 25 personal digital assistant applications per year in the rapidly growing field of medical reference. Having access to medical reference material on a PDA can make all the difference for a physician working in an emergency or ambulance situation, and the demand is expected to grow.

The company added its Philadelphia office about 18 months ago with the acquisition of Corporate Technology Ventures. It was a crucial development, Kerner says, because Philadelphia is “the center of the medical world.” However, Charlottesville provides a “much more business-friendly” environment, says Kerner, a one-time Republican candidate for City Council, with lower taxes and fewer regulations than Pennsylvania.

If you are holding this paper right now, you are familiar with Portico Publications . In 1989 Bill Chapman and Hawes Spencer launched Portico, parent to C-VILLE Weekly. In 1995, Portico added Blue Ridge Outdoors, a monthly outdoors sports and recreation magazine that nowadays publishes a second edition in North Carolina. Rob Jiranek came on board as a partner in 1995 and serves as publisher of BRO; Spencer left the company last year. Portico currently employees 25 people full time.

C-VILLE comes out at least 52 times per year, depending on the calendar. It also makes the semi-annual dining and restaurant guide, Bites. We don’t reckon we have to explain C-VILLE’s content to you, but the business rationale for locating in Charlottesville goes something like this, according to Jiranek: It’s a “promising college town that needed a smart, alternative voice” and it has a “large enough population, a large enough retail base and limited media competition.”

As for Blue Ridge Outdoors, where else would you situate it if not in the foothills of the Blue Ridge—Reston?

Controversial UVA Professor of Education and Humanities E.D. Hirsch, Jr. began the Core Knowledge Foundation in 1986, drawn into publishing by “a desire to produce classroom materials that are solid, sequenced, specific and shared,” according to company press materials. The company publishes two or three new titles a year and specializes in producing materials for teachers and students that aim to improve “cultural literacy.” (Quick! Who was Shakespeare’s literary rival?)

The Foundation has produced the Core Knowledge Sequence, an outline of grade-by-grade content for kindergarteners through fifth graders that utilizes a “building-block model,” which supposedly lets students build on their knowledge of previous years and ensures a steady market for Core Knowledge materials.

Core Knowledge’s Chip Shields says the area is attractive to the Foundation because “Charlottesville is a vibrant community of writers, educators, artists and activists.”

Originating in New York City in 1970, Money Market Directories, Inc. relocated to Charlottesville in 1978. In 1986, the company was sold to Standard & Poor’s , making it Standard & Poor’s Money Market Directories. The company staff rises to as many as 70 employees at various points in the year.

Highly specialized, Standard & Poor’s makes products that serve as resource tools for the pension fund and financial services industry; there are seven titles in various media available at present. Example: directories of pension fund and investment managers, tax-exempt organizations, North American securities dealers and a register of corporations, directors and executives.

The largest publishing company in our survey, LexisNexis has more than 500 employees in Charlottesville, even after sharp staffing cuts a couple of years ago. Worldwide, it has 25,000 staffers. In 1994 Reed Elsevier Inc. bought the business, which was founded as the Michie Company in 1899.

Many people here know LexisNexis for its squat brick building anchoring the east end of the Downtown Mall behind the Amphitheater. What’s perhaps less well known is that the Charlottesville branch of LexisNexis is one of the company’s two major manufacturing locations and its center for primary law products, meaning statutory codes, the controlling laws of all 50 states and similarly necessary materials for attorneys. For LexisNexis, which publishes more statutory code products than any other U.S. publisher, the presence of the UVA Law School makes Charlottesville an especially attractive place to set up shop. The Charlottesville manufacturing facility of LexisNexis prints books in multiple formats, and publishes approximately 6 million books a year.

SNL Financial was started in 1987 by former banking executive Reid Nagle in Hoboken, New Jersey. Nagle moved the financial data publishing company to Charlottesville two years later, drawn in part by the relatively cheaper cost of well-educated employees here. Covering in its databases and online news products five basic financial industries—banking, specialized financial services, insurance, real estate and energy—SNL serves mostly institutional investors and executives in its target industries.

Now employing some 240 people, SNL has outgrown its second home, the five-storey Mall building at the corner of Fourth Street, and is preparing to relocate to the former National Ground Intelligence Center building four blocks northeast. The deal was brokered with some sweet assistance from the City, demonstrating how important the publishing industry is to Charlottesville.

Categories
Uncategorized

Lab Rat

I am an open-minded fellow. But when I heard I was going to be interviewing an 18-year-old high school student who had organized poetry readings at Mudhouse and was now hosting events at Live Arts, certain unpleasant associations crowded my head, despite my best efforts to banish them. I knew poets in high school—they wore berets, dressed in black and smoked cloves. One did not want to interview them, however enterprising they were.

I was way off base. Tucker Duncan is a bit scruffy, but that’s where the resemblance to the poet of my nightmares leaves off. He’s enthusiastic about his very interesting projects, but he manages to be so without wearing the scarf of sincerity too tightly around his neck. He’s a poet, and surprisingly, kind of cool.

The poetry readings Duncan spent much of last year hosting weekly at Mudhouse were not the poetry readings of my experience, either. They were “poetry slams,” a kind of competitive, performance poetry Duncan describes as “the sport of the spoken word.” Rules are simple: The work must be original. The reading must be completed in three minutes or less. And there are no props. “It’s just you and the microphone,” he says. The influence of and connections to hip-hop are obvious—Duncan, for instance, refers to the rapper Nasir Smith as one of his favorite poets.

Duncan, however, was not content to poetry slam forever. Recently, he and Live Arts regular Todd Ristau have begun to hold “poetry lounges” in the Live Arts LAB space. It is open mic with a live jazz band, which poets may use as accompaniment if they wish. Naturally for a poet still too young to drink alcohol and barely old enough to vote, Duncan’s view of his art is evolving.

“I’d just gotten to this point in my life where I realized that there is so much more to poetry than being judged,” he says. At the poetry lounge, he says, the goal is not winning, but something more fundamental and inclusive: “We want to create a home for poets.”

Duncan’s interest in poetry dates back to one moment that should inspire pride in the hearts of high school English teachers everywhere. He was in ninth grade when a teacher played a recording of Saul Williams, the “spoken-word artist” featured in the 1998 film SLAM. “He just spit out this poem and it just blew me away,” Duncan says.

While his interest in poetry was henceforth a constant, much else in his life was variable after that. Duncan, for reasons he says had something to do with disciplinary issues and something to do with the curriculum, spent the next four years in boarding schools from Utah and Idaho to North Carolina. He would get back from one, he says, “and it just seemed like the right thing to do to try another one.”

Nowadays, still a couple credits shy of graduation, Duncan is finishing up high school from the online Keystone National High School, which gives him the flexibility to get through high school while devoting himself to poetry.

And he’s been more than a little successful on the latter front. He’s been published in two anthologies, and, with typical entrepreneurial drive, has self-published two other books. Another collection of his poetry, When I was a Shorty, is due to be published by Ristau, in connection with Mary Baldwin College.

The big question is whether this restless youth will make Charlottesville his stomping grounds forever. Change is coming, he says, but he’s not sure what it will be. College is definitely not a given, he says.

“If I go, it will be to learn,” he says.

Whatever he chooses, it’s liable to be an interesting path. He is not content just to let things happen to him. Minutes after he concluded our interview, for instance, Duncan called me to make sure I understood the main point about his poetry lounges.

“It’s about giving poetry back to the people,” he says.

Categories
Uncategorized

Keeping race on track

Cindy Stratton grew up more than 30 years ago in Westhaven, the City housing project located in the 10th and Page neighborhood. Raised in a poor and racially segregated environment, Stratton says that, nevertheless, she “had no problem with white children.” But Stratton can’t advance that claim for the black kids growing up in Charlottesville nowadays. Nor would she presume inter-racial comfort for the current generation of white children here, either.

Motivated by the prevalence of segregation and weary of unfulfilled good intentions to fix Charlottesville’s race issue, Stratton is one in a small group of locals organizing an April forum to talk about the City’s racial and ethnic divisions. But Stratton wants more than just talk to come out of “Many Races—One Community,” the half-day program slated for April 12 at Buford Middle School.

“We’re saying there have to be small groups to talk about what people see as the issues that prevent us from being one community,” says Stratton, who is an administrative secretary with the Commission on Children and Families and formerly directed Barrett Day Care Center for 12 years. “What is the ideal community and how do you make that happen?

“Beyond that we need a mechanism to put those ideas in place. We need to make sure we continue this dialogue and things are dealt with—and not 20 years later.”

Citizens for a United Community, as the sponsoring group calls itself, grew out of the series of black-on-white assaults by a group of 10 Charlottesville High School students on UVA students in 2001 and 2002. When the racial nature of the attacks became widely known last year, a support group for the attackers and their victims emerged at Mt. Zion Baptist Church. After the controversy subsided and the perpetrators had their day in court, three spin-off support groups surfaced. One of them is Citizens for a United Community. Other members of the ad hoc group include local activists like Ida Lee Wooten, Nancy O’Brien, John McCutcheon, Mt. Zion’s Rev. Alvin Edwards and Mayor Maurice Cox.

But even with this relatively star-studded line-up and co-sponsorship from the NAACP and the Martin Luther King Community Celebration Committee, which for 19 years has hosted an inter-racial community Mass in Charlottesville, Stratton has good reason to be concerned that all the talk on April 12 will amount to…well, talk. The three-hour forum, she says, will be “the ‘hello’ part of the conversation.”

The way Stratton sees it, Charlottesville has a poor track record when it comes to implementing past suggestions from similar-minded citizen’s groups. “There have been five reports on race in 25 years,” she says, “and they’ve just been shelved. Not many recommendations have come to fruition.”

The range of issues that Citizens for a United Community has identified amount to a daunting task list for any city to tackle: neighborhood segregation, economic disparity, racial and economic achievement gaps in the public schools, and general cultural ignorance. Pointing to the problems has always been the easy part, of course. But even Stratton’s group has not, as of yet, defined the actions that should follow. Were April’s community conversation to beat the odds and bear some real fruit, what would Charlottesville look like in 25 years, Stratton was asked.

“For me, it would be a community that cares about its children and places a high value on them and shows it,” she says. “A place that is nurturing and supportive for all children. A place where there aren’t segregated lunchrooms and segregated neighborhoods. Where you couldn’t tell what was a public housing site from what wasn’t.”

Charlottesville would become, Stratton says, “a place where my children would want to come back and raise their kids.”

Cathryn Harding

 

Battle cries

Poets weigh in against war

Untangle this,” went the accusatory refrain laced through Jett McAlister’s poem. “This” was the mixture of grief and skepticism toward government many people have felt since September 11. By participating in a February 12 poetry forum, McAlister aimed his words specifically at the current debate over war in Iraq. The creative writing student was in line with the evening’s prevailing sentiment: Invited to read poems on any side of the discussion, Charlottesville bards overwhelmingly came out for peace.

An audience of about 60 showed up for the forum in UVA’s Minor Hall, organized by Jim Cocola, a Ph.D. candidate in English. Titled “American Voices, or, The War,” the forum was the local installment of a national event. After Laura Bush cancelled a poetry symposium at the White House out of fear that it would become a political platform, poet Sam Hamill (who’d caused the First Lady’s jitters by refusing her invitation) declared February 12 a national day of anti-war poetry.

Cocola found that reaction intriguing, but somewhat reductive. “Just as Mrs. Bush was trying to avoid conflict in her reading by having a single program for it, Sam Hamill too seemed to be advancing a single program that wouldn’t provide for a full range of voices,” he says.

Hoping to widen the debate and avoid, as he put it, “exclusive monologues,” Cocola invited readers to present poems for, against, or just about the coming war. A dozen people, mostly UVA faculty and students, answered the call and approached the lectern—some clutching their own lines, others verses by Whitman, Ginsberg and Yeats.

Either poets are all a peace-loving bunch, or Charlottesville’s pro-war poets congregated elsewhere. One undergraduate addressed her poem to a “blue-eyed girl,” an Iraqi counterpart whom the speaker wished could experience American peacetime. The poem turned on descriptions of daily life, grocery shopping and sled riding—“this, my anti-war.” Elegiac tones pervaded many selections, including Walt Whitman’s “When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloom’d” (written after Abraham Lincoln’s death), in which the speaker realizes the war’s dead no longer felt pain, but “the living remain’d and suffer’d.”

The event also raised questions regarding the role of poetry in politics, and vice-versa. Both Cocola and his co-organizer Bryan Maxwell made brief speeches rejecting the notion that art and politics are best kept segregated. Creative writing professor Gregory Orr introduced his poem, a short piece directly addressing the White House poetry snafu, by saying that poetry positions intimacy against “worship of human power and military all.” Judging by the heads nodding in agreement throughout the room, the readers seemed mostly to be preaching to the converted—and to be falling in line with Sam Hamill’s original plan.

Still, an anti-war stance can be more complex than sloganeering would suggest, and the evening’s 12 poems were hardly clones of each other. One selection offered hope, hinting that human creativity—including poetry—is an inevitable force even in the face of destruction. In William Butler Yeats’ “Lapis Lazuli,” even though “if nothing drastic is done/Aeroplane and Zeppelin will come out,” in the end there is always “gaiety transfiguring all that dread.”

Erika Howsare

 

Welcome to ’Hoo-ville

City banks on higher enrollments 

By order of the Board of Visitors, UVA’s enrollment is projected to swell over the next several years. While this means more traffic in City neighborhoods, more barf in the alleys and louder “not gay!” chants during home football games, City Hall appears to consider UVA’s growth a tax bonanza.

City planners say they expect UVA to grow by between 3,000 and 6,000 students over the next seven to 10 years. That’s a dramatic increase––from 1989 to 1998, the school’s enrollment only increased by 553 students to 18,463. As part of his plan to stimulate the State economy, Democratic Governor Mark Warner is asking all Virginia’s public colleges to enroll more students.

One of the City’s beefs with UVA is that the school only builds enough on-Grounds housing for about 35 percent of its students. City officials say they expect that ratio to hold even as enrollment expands. The other two-thirds of the students rent rooms in the surrounding Jefferson Park Avenue and Venable neighborhoods, prompting a litany of oft-heard complaints from residents: The students take up all the parking spaces, trash the houses, drive up the rents and so on.

Naturally, many homeowners in JPA and Venable were dismayed to learn of the City’s plans to triple the legal density in some parts of those neighborhoods. So-called University Precincts will permit buildings as tall as seven stories with up to 64 units and 150 bedrooms per acre. Developers will not, however, be required to provide on-site parking for each rental unit.

City planners say higher density will actually relieve traffic congestion, because students living close to Grounds will not want to keep cars at their apartments. Yeah, right, say residents. They’ll just ride to class on their flying pigs.

In some states, cities can approve or deny university construction projects, and local governments can—and do—use that authority to force schools to build more housing. In Virginia, however, cities and counties have little say over State schools.

Yet even as the age-old complaints about student rentals pile up, City Hall is not terribly agitated about UVA pumping millions of dollars into a basketball arena and parking garage instead of student housing.

A majority of the new University Precinct housing units will be built and maintained by professional property managers, says Wade Tremblay, general manager of Wade Apartments, which owns existing properties around Grounds.

“When student housing is privately held, it’s a win for the City because the owners are paying property taxes,” says Tremblay. An added bonus, he says, is that students don’t cost the City money because they typically don’t use social services or send kids to local schools.

The more pressing question, however, is how thousands of new ’Hoos wielding Daddy’s Discover card will impact already skyrocketing rents. City planners say the University Precincts will contain students and prevent them from spreading out into other City neighborhoods.

Tremblay, whose 300 apartment units are mostly situated near the University, says the new University Precinct apartments will satisfy students’ taste for fine living.

“The students have grown up in nice homes, and the general trend is that they want nicer housing, more features, high-speed Internet connections,” he says. “And they’re willing to pay for it.

“We know we can get $2,000 for a nice four-bedroom apartment. This is the first year we’ve reached that $500 per bedroom threshold,” he says.

With local landlords expected to rake in at least $75,000 per acre in the University Precincts every month, City leaders are evidently quite happy to pick up UVA’s housing slack. –John Borgmeyer

Categories
News

Know your enemy

Using the latest DNA technology, Charlottesville police in November linked a series of area rapes to a single perpetrator. The attacker’s modus operandi—violent sneak attacks on carefully selected victims—led police to suspect the serial rapist could be responsible for as many as seven assaults since 1997.

Hoping for a tip that could lead to an arrest, police released a composite sketch of the suspect (black male, late 20s, stocky) and encouraged citizens to report suspicious characters. The Daily Progress and WVIR-TV picked up the rape story, dutifully displaying the black-and-white sketch of a pudgy African-American. Their reports quoted police accounts of the attacks, warning women to lock their doors and travel in groups.

The Hook, an upstart weekly, went further than most other media, pandering to the tired racial cliché with a January account of a dozen attacks packed with pulp language like “terrorizing,” “brutal,” “stalking” and “predator,” the kind of words that create the notion that the rapist is an alien beast.

“People want to believe he’s somebody they don’t see every day,” says Charlottesville Police Lt. J.W. Gibson. “This guy is not going to be some drooling, rabid dog. He’s probably going to be just the opposite. He’s going to be somebody who blends in. When we catch him, his friends and neighbors will probably say, ‘I can’t believe it’s him.’”

In fact, despite media treatments that suggest rape only happens when an unknown black man crawls through the window, the reality is this: Most sexual assault victims in Charlottesville know their rapists as friends, lovers, leaders and parents.

The numbers tell the story. In 2002, the Charlottesville Police Department received 57 reports of “forcible” sex offenses (including rape, sodomy and fondling) and four reports of “non-forcible” incidents (incest and statutory rape). By contrast, the Sexual Assault Resource Agency (SARA) received 583 calls to its rape hotline last year. Of those, 380 were new callers. Most had suffered either rape or attempted rape. In 75 percent of SARA’s cases last year, the attacker was someone known to the victim.

Only a small percentage of local rapes make it to the police blotter, making the true story of sexual assault in Charlottesville’s homes, schools and churches more difficult to report than a composite sketch of a bad man might suggest. Very few rape victims share their stories with anyone. Their reluctance to rehash past trauma for the public record is understandable.

Joyce Allan is an exception. For many years, the 58-year-old nurse and psychotherapist remained silent about her childhood sexual abuse. She is speaking out now, however, because she wants to steer the conversation about rape away from street crime.

“Sexual abuse isn’t about sex, really,” says Allan. “It’s about power and control. We as a culture are not comfortable talking about abuse of power.”

It’s strange, says Allan, that sex sells—everything from toothpaste to mutual funds and daytime TV—yet frank talk about basic human appetites for sex and domination remains taboo.

“How many people do I know who have West Nile virus? None. But I know everything about it,” she says.

“But how many people in Charlottesville do you know who are suffering the emotional and physical effects of abuse?”

 

George Culbertson sure didn’t look like a rapist. In one of Joyce Allan’s childhood family photographs, her dashing father poses with his bride, Marjorie, shortly after their college graduation. In another suburban portrait, he stands with his children, Joyce, Gary and Dorene, beside a boxy station wagon parked in their driveway.

With his skill at fixing machines and his fondness for the Colorado mountains, Culbertson seemed to embody all-American manhood. He hid a dark secret, however. Culbertson was a pedophile. During his life he molested many children—neighborhood kids, scouts entrusted to his care, even his own daughter.

One day in 1955, in a moment Allan would later describe as the “atomic bomb,” Marjorie Culbertson walked into an upstairs bathroom to find George standing naked with 10-year-old Joyce kneeling before him, his penis in her small hand. Her mother “can still recall that I had a shocked look on my face as she walked in,” Allan wrote in her autobiography, Because I Love You. “What she and Daddy said to each other remains a complete blank to her. The only memory I have of this event, a clear visual memory I can still see today, is of a tiny rust spot on the bathroom window screen. I don’t remember the house, the bathroom, or event at all. Just that spot.”

Forty years after the “atomic bomb” detonated in that bathroom, Allan spent seven years tracing her family’s history of sexual abuse. The result was Because I Love You, titled to reflect the tangled relationships that set sexual abuse apart from other crimes.

Allan says she wrote her book to counteract a pair of popular myths about childhood sex abuse—that it is rare and that when it happens the rapists are creepy-looking men whose names are registered on the Internet as sex offenders.

“It’s much easier for us to think about rapists as people who are outside the institution,” or mainstream, says Allan during an interview at her workplace in Staunton. “But violent serial rapists are the smallest percentage of dangerous people. The church leader or the scout leader, however, is not likely to get arrested.”

Whether a rapist derives power from the blade of a knife or from his stature as head of the household, abuse of power is a common feature in all types of sexual abuse, according to police and rape counselors, be it an anonymous street crime or an assault in the kitchen.

In interviews, several local women said they knew people who had been sexually abused––although none admitted being victims themselves––and most said they view “sexual abuse” to be a wide range of behaviors from peeping and stalking to domestic violence and forcible rape. Indeed, on its website SARA defines sexual abuse as “any sexual contact through the use of threats, intimidation and/or physical force or violence.”

By this standard, sexual abuse is shockingly common: SARA data indicates the majority of last year’s 380 new clients suffered a “date rape” or attempted date rape; according to the American Medical Association, which in 1995 declared child sex abuse an “epidemic,” one in five boys and one in four girls will be sexually assaulted before they turn 18, most likely due to ongoing abuse by a parent or step-parent; and in 2001, Virginia’s domestic violence centers received more than 28,000 hotline calls, according to the Virginia Sexual and Domestic Violence Data Collection System.

“Sexual abuse is part of domestic violence. Women in those situations feel like they don’t have the right to say no to their partner,” says Brandi Painter, an assistant director at the Shelter for Help in Emergency, a Charlottesville center for battered women.

In Allan’s view, it’s easier for people to think about rapists as boogiemen creeping through windows because our society offers myriad ways to ease that fear—police, courts, jails, handguns, even gated communities.

“People’s value systems tend toward protecting male authority figures, or protecting institutions like family and church,” says Allan. “To speak about sexual abuse is to create a huge conflict.”

The untold story of rape is a shadow, says Allan, a dark truth that trails victims long after the violence has ended. Even though it’s underplayed in the media, the legal system and even everyday conversation, intimate violence lingers on. “Silence doesn’t make the problem go away,” says Allan. “It just makes the problem harder to deal with.”

 

The Code of Virginia prohibits sexual intercourse enacted through force or intimidation, through a victim’s mental or physical helplessness or with a child under the age of 13. It’s punishable by a prison sentence of five years to life. The clean simplicity of the Commonwealth’s rape law contrasts with the messy reality of most sexual abuse.

“The huge problem with sexual abuse cases is that it’s very rare for any incident to have more than two witnesses, so it often comes down to one word against another,” says John Zug, Charlottesville’s assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney. “That’s always a problem, because the law requires a burden of proof beyond a reasonable doubt.”

SARA encourages rape victims to go to the UVA Medical Center emergency room immediately following the assault. There, nurses will gather physical evidence, using special lights and swabs to collect hair, saliva and semen samples. The process lasts about an hour. Nurses are supposed to summon both police and SARA counselors, and all rape-related emergency room visits should be reported to the police, say SARA counselors.

But SARA data indicates most rape victims do not visit the emergency room, and instead seek counseling weeks or months after their attacks. “Many women will deny it the first time they get raped,” says Jessica Cochran, a counselor for SARA. “They’ll tell themselves it didn’t really happen. Then when it happens again, they report it.”

Zug trains new SARA counselors about rape and the legal system; to help the counselors empathize with rape victims, he asks them to tell each other the details of their most recent sexual encounter.

“They’re embarrassed just talking about consensual sex,” he says. “Imagine telling a roomful of strangers about being raped. For people who haven’t been a victim, it’s easy to say they should go to the police. But for the victims, I don’t think it’s realistic.”

When it comes to legal action, things get even more difficult, particularly when the victim is a child, or when the rapist is a family breadwinner. In Joyce Allan’s case, for example, her father kept the young girl quiet with the pressure of family ties. “He told me he molested me because he loved me,” she says. “He told me to be a good girl, to keep our secret, that if I told they might send him away and I wouldn’t have a family anymore.”

Even a seemingly protective statute like Megan’s Law, which was passed locally in 1996 and allows police to post the names and addresses of convicted pedophiles, can backfire on a young victim. “If a child knows their father will be a registered sex offender the rest of his life, that doesn’t exactly encourage reporting,” says Allan.

If the legal system intimidates victims, so do the social and economic consequences of reporting rape. Women who are sexually assaulted by someone in their social circle must often make a choice between reporting the abuse and keeping their friends, says SARA’s Cochran.

“Often, the survivor will be ostracized from that group,” says Cochran. “People don’t want to believe that their friend is capable of such a violent act.”

In domestic abuse situations, the most vulnerable women are either very rich or very poor, says SHE’s Painter. “They are most likely to feel very dependent on their abusers,” she says. “They’re less likely to leave their situation.”

Faced with such roadblocks, women are left to deal with their sexual abuse by themselves.

When Marjorie Culbertson caught her husband molesting Joyce, she offered him a choice—commit himself to a psychiatric institution or go to jail. George chose voluntary commitment. Decades later, Allan would learn the details of his pedophilia from taped conversations with his doctors. Culbertson insisted, even after he was released in 1958, that there was nothing wrong with what he did with his daughter.

At the time, Culbertson’s chronic abuse was shadowed in secrecy. Joyce and her siblings were sent to live with relatives while Marjorie prepared for single motherhood. On a counselor’s advice, she told the children their father had a nervous breakdown and never discussed his behavior with Joyce.

“She was trying to protect me,” Allan says. “She couldn’t understand why I might have needed to talk about it.”

As Joyce grew up, she says she came to associate romantic feelings with her father’s abuse, even as she defensively blocked out specific memories of her childhood trauma.

Allan’s attempts to establish a normal life by marrying and bearing children ended in divorce. As a single mother in the 1970s, Joyce supported her children, Joe and Jenny, by running a day care service and accepting Welfare. At night, she drank heavily, cried often and burned through a series of sexual relationships she says were devoid of friendship or emotional intimacy. She contemplated suicide.

“It’s like I had two selves,” Allan says. “I was in a deep clinical depression.”

At the time, Allan says she did not connect her depression to her sexual abuse. In fact, Allan says she has few clear memories of her childhood to this day. She was so emotionally numbed that when Culbertson, who had spent two years in the hospital, asked Joyce to send her children to visit him in Colorado, she agreed.

“I made him promise he wouldn’t touch Jenny the way he touched me,” Allan says. “And I believed him.” It was a bad decision, she admits. But at the time, Allan says the shadow of her childhood trauma left her denying the truth about her father’s sexual desires, and perhaps contributed to other mental problems.

In 1979 doctors, having observed symptoms of amnesia, dissociation, memory distortion, flashbacks, depression and addiction in Vietnam veterans, identified Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder an official medical diagnosis. Today, Allan believes PTSD fueled the depression that nearly claimed her life, the hidden weight of an unseen shadow pulling her ever closer to darkness.

SARA trains its counselors to diagnose the long- and short-term symptoms of what’s called Rape Trauma Syndrome, a reaction to sexual assault and the related fear of serious injury or death.

Cochran says women respond to rape in various ways, but in the first six months following an assault they commonly have trouble eating, sleeping and concentrating. Additionally, they have feelings of anger, guilt and shame. Later stages of RTS include stress-induced headaches or stomach cramps, chronic gynecological problems and difficulties with work, family and personal relationships. Some women who call the SARA hotline say they are afraid to leave their houses, says Cochran. A song, a whiff of cologne or the glance of a strange man can induce powerful flashbacks in some women.

Rape counselors say if victims of sexual abuse are left to grapple with their shadows alone, the results can be catastrophic. Unable to claim emotional or financial independence from a powerful figure, battered women often return to their abusive spouse, says Nicole Lloyd, a SHE legal advocate. Some women may also pass the cycle of violence to their own children.

Other women turn to self-destructive behavior. Many women in prison, for instance, have histories of sexual abuse, according to Linda Hamilton, director of Region Ten’s substance abuse treatment program.

“A large percentage of women in prison are there because of substance abuse,” says Hamilton. “There’s a very high correlation between substance abuse in women and sexual trauma. More than 80 percent of female addicts we see are either victims of incest or sexual abuse as an adult. Many of them accept it, because their friends have been assaulted. It’s part of the culture, in a way.”

The prevalence of sexual abuse and its powerful after-effects makes sexual abuse not just a problem for victims, but of the community at large, says Allan.

“These walking wounded are a part of our community,” she says.

 

In 1985 George Culbertson, who, despite hospitalization, continued to molest children during the rest of his life, committed suicide in his trailer in Colorado. With considerable relief, Allan believed his influence on her life was then over. She was wrong. In the mid-1990s, her children revealed that their grandfather had molested them during their summertime visits.

“I was determined to break the silence that had kept the shadow of sexual abuse running through generations of my family,” she says.

While researching her autobiographical book, Joyce interviewed Culbertson’s second wife, Irene, whose marriage to him ended after he molested a friend’s daughter. When Culbertson explained that fondling children’s genitalia was, for him, a form of affection, that he wasn’t hurting them because he didn’t penetrate them, Irene realized he needed help.

Culbertson had confided a secret to Irene, which as far as Allan knows, he never told anyone else. When he was a boy, his uncle had sodomized George during summer vacations. The news was a revelation.

“For the first time I saw the wounded, terrorized and silenced little boy that grew up to be my father,” Allan writes in her book.

Today, Allan is Director of Nursing at the Commonwealth Center for Children and Adolescents in Staunton. In her work, she helps emotionally disturbed children confront their own shadows. She says that because sexual abuse tends to be passed from one generation to the next, understanding the reality of rape requires showing compassion for abusers and victims.

“We don’t know why people become sexual offenders,” she says. “There are contributions of childhood experience, father absence, family violence and sex abuse of their own. Maybe there’s genetic pedophilia. We don’t know, because we’re not trying. We’re not being intelligent. We’re making emotional responses. We’re not exploring this. We just want to lock up the bad guys.”

Because most rape victims never have their day in court, rape counselors say the job is to help abuse victims regain a sense of power and self-esteem. “Women are guilt sponges,” says Region Ten’s Hamilton. “They take responsibility for [the abuser’s] behavior. We try to show them that they’re not bad people.”

Despite the terrifying ubiquity of rape, childhood sexual abuse and domestic violence, experts aren’t adopting a posture of alarm. Education, they say, is more effective than fear mongering.

“We need to focus on childhood sexuality so children know what’s normal,” says Allan. “If we just talk about abuse, we create the sense that sex is bad. Cultivating a fear of strangers is not a good thing.”

Counselors at SHE and SARA say sexual and physical abuse knows no class or ethnic boundaries. They teach women that they can’t spot a rapist or a violent person by looking at his wardrobe or listening to his accent. To find the rapist, look for behaviors.

Rape, says Charlottesville Police Lt. Gibson, is a form of domination. He hopes the much-publicized serial rapist’s desire to dominate will eventually put police on his trail, maybe through tips from someone who can look beyond his appearance to see suspicious behavior. “It’s possible he has a wife or girlfriend who was exposed to his manipulative behavior or role-playing that reflects a desire to dominate,” he says.

Most sexual offenders, from peeping Toms to serial rapists, commonly view women as possessions. They also tend to emotionally or physically manipulate others. Confronting the reality of sexual abuse does not mean wallowing in fear and mistrust of strangers, says Painter. To protect themselves, people should instead learn to recognize when powerful people take their control of others too far.

“That sense of possession is important, because it means you’re taking away someone’s humanity,” says Painter. “The first step in committing an act of violence is dehumanizing another person.”

Categories
Uncategorized

Artistic Choices

Budding art historian Aviva Dove-Viebahn is articulate, attractive, friendly and self-assured. She smiles readily. She makes a good first impression. None of that, of course, is very extraordinary. Unfairly or not, one expects a certain polish from the daughter of Rita Dove, a former United States poet laureate under Bill Clinton, and Fred Viebahn, an accomplished novelist.

And why shouldn’t the 20-year-old Dove-Viebahn feel confident? She is in the midst of a remarkable academic career, a career that stands squarely on its own, a career that is extraordinary—though she doesn’t think so.

“I just don’t think of it as that big of a deal,” she says over coffee at the Mudhouse. “I don’t think of it at all, really.”

Perhaps to her it’s no big deal that she began college at 14 years old, graduated at 18 and took the comprehensive finals for her master’s degree in art history the same week she turned 20 (“A nice birthday present,” she says wryly). Perhaps it’s not worth noting that she was recently awarded the first student fellowship endowment, named the Dennis M. Luzak Fellowship fund, ever offered to the UVA Art Museum.

But perhaps it is.

It wasn’t as if Dove-Viebahn was itching to embark on her prodigal journey. She enjoyed middle school, and was looking forward to attending Albemarle High. But during a summer program at Johns Hopkins University, Dove-Veibahn was told about Mary Baldwin College’s PEG, or program for the exceptionally gifted, in which children her age could begin their college career surrounded by others of advanced abilities.

The chance to participate in the program seemed like an incredible opportunity, one Dove-Viebahn—not her parents—decided she couldn’t pass up.

“My parents were really great about the whole thing, because they didn’t pressure me either way,” she says. “I think they felt it was my decision.”

Dove-Viebahn, whose grandfather, Ray Dove, was a noted chemist, double-majored in biochemistry and theater (while at Mary Baldwin she directed the play Five Women Wearing the Same Dress, written by Alan Ball of American Beauty fame). However, it was in an art history class her junior year taught by Marlena Hobson, a class she “absolutely adored,” that Dove-Viebahn realized her calling.

UVA had a good program, and the school’s proximity to home made it the perfect—in fact, the only—choice for the art historian. Now, with her master’s most likely under her belt by the time this article goes to press, Dove-Viebahn plans to work toward a Ph.D. in the field.

To the reader, it seems like a spectacular resume. But one can’t help but wonder if there hasn’t been something lost amidst all the schooling. Dove-Viebahn maintains, however, that she hasn’t had to make undue sacrifices related to her social life.

“If you’re not going to enjoy life when you’re in school, then you’re just going to be miserable,” she says, adding that she goes out fairly frequently, and throws parties with her friends. Her age doesn’t often come up. “It just doesn’t become an issue, until I can’t get into a bar or something like that,” she laughs.

Asked if she’s ever considered taking some time off to do the things often associated with young adulthood—travel, party, indulge hobbies (Dove-Viebhan says she’s always liked photography, but has no idea how to develop film)—she says she’s thought about it, but has decided to remain committed to her academic goals. It’s a game plan her parents agree with.

“Every time I’ve talked to my parents about taking a year off…my mom especially has pointed out that when people take time off, they have a tendency to lose their focus,” she says.

The reference to her mother invites another obvious question: With such a literary lineage, has Dove-Viebahn herself ever considered writing as a career? “I do like writing—otherwise I couldn’t be an art historian—but I think I lack the motivation for writing full time,” she says.

Once a slacker, always a slacker.

Categories
Uncategorized

Dog eat dog

Five pit bulls were euthanized during the last week of January at the Charlottesville SPCA. The dogs would only respond to their owner, who had just been arrested for murder in connection with a Federal drug charge. “Not only were they trying to kill other dogs,” says SPCA spokeswoman Carolyn Foreman, “but they were trying to kill us, too.”

The dogs’ hostility was a sure sign of serious mistreatment, says shelter manager Beth McPhee. “It takes an unspeakable amount of abuse to get this way,” she says. Foreman and McPhee both knew the dogs had been raised to fight, and for the canines, it was a matter of kill or be killed.

Spearheading the effort to eliminate dogfighting, Delegate Rob Bell brought a strict animal cruelty bill before the General Assembly on January 21. If approved, House Bill 2689 will make it a felony to promote, possess, transport, sell or train dogs for fighting.

“As it stands now,” says Bell, “the law is not preventative, and even harder to prosecute.” But until Governor Mark Warner signs on the dotted line, McPhee and Foreman continue to worry about the fighting dog’s plight.

“The biggest problem is that the dog fighting ring is so underground,” says Foreman, who testified in favor of Bell’s bill three weeks ago.

“We see the after-effects and the injured dogs, but all the horror stories we hear, without solid proof, are nothing more than hearsay,” she says.

Sure, an aggressive dog that arrives at the shelter wounded and scarred may have been hit by a car. But McPhee has her doubts. “Household pets just don’t look and act this way, period,” she says.

Fueling McPhee’s skepticism is the money behind dog fighting. It’s said to be a very lucrative business—not only in bookmaking but in the selling and breeding of the animals, too. Catching owners in the act is a constant challenge, to say the least.

“We’ll get a dispatched call about a pit bull dog fight five minutes away,” says Officer Bob Durrer, who for the past 21 years has been an animal control agent for the City, “and by the time we get there, there are dogs, and there might be people, but there’s no fight going on.”

Under the present dog fighting law, an undercover officer must prove not only that a dogfight took place, but also that bets were placed and money changed hands. This outdated legislation is no longer enough. Bell, like McPhee and Foreman, sees the new bill as a necessary preventative measure—save the dogs before they get into the ring.

“With this bill we can prosecute without ever physically going to the fight,” says Bell, offering the key element to his more workable law.

The breeds presently taking all the heat are pit bulls and Rottweilers. As Foreman points out, however, even a French Poodle, if abused long enough, will become uncontrollably aggressive, too.

“The dogs being trained to fight are being fed steroids and gunpowder,” says McPhee. “They’re being hung by their jowls, being allowed to eat a few bites then pulled away from their food by their legs. Their ears and tails are cropped to nubs. They’re forced to carry logging chains around their necks to build muscle.” And the abused dogs that don’t make the cut end up on a shelter doorstep every time.

McPhee and Foreman currently have at the shelter five pit bulls that might or might not have been abused, not counting the five they were forced to euthanize recently. They don’t blame the dogs, though. The responsibility for their condition falls strictly on the owners’ shoulders. “Man’s best friend,” says Foreman, “ultimately goes to his death.”

McPhee declined to comment in detail on the history of the five dogs recently put to sleep so as not to interfere with the ongoing police investigation into the owner. In most cases of dog fighting, owners aren’t caught committing dog abuse—McPhee and Foreman say the dogs are uncovered after a sting operation.

“Nine times out of 10 the police are going in after drugs and guns,” says McPhee. “There seems to be a direct link between the drug and criminal element and the dog-fighting problem.”

But until Bell’s bill is put into place, which could be as early as July 1, Foreman fears the numbers of abused dogs she sees daily will only grow.

“We have seen confiscated videotapes of these dogfights,” says Foreman, “and there are children in the audience. A lack of compassion begins at an early age, you know.”

—Kathryn E. Goodson

Peace of their heart

Council supports anti-war resolution

Geopolitical debates rarely play out in City Hall, but recently the most popular issue before Council has been a proposed resolution opposing a pre-emptive military attack by the United States on Iraq. Council approved the resolution 4 to 1 during its regular meeting on Monday, February 3, but not without a windy public hearing.

Mayor Maurice Cox extended the usual public comment period to accommodate people waiting in the aisles to speak before Council. They spoke. A lot.

Cox repeatedly asked people to keep their comments under three minutes. Very few complied, however, preferring instead to orate as if they were addressing the United Nations.

Several opponents of the resolution, including attorney Bob Hodus and a clique of local Republicans, said the debate belongs to Federal officials, not City Councilors; speakers from the Center for Peace and Justice, which drafted the resolution, said that with America on the brink of war, everyone needs to voice his conscience. According to Council records, 14 speakers favored the resolution, while eight opposed. Both sides fervently applauded like-minded sentiments, no matter how many times a particular point was repeated.

As it has in the national arena, the war debate inverted the political status quo in Council chambers. Conservatives called for dramatic government action, while liberals pleaded for restraint and warned of unforeseen consequences.

“I don’t want to go home tonight knowing my local representatives are a bunch of cowards,” said one man opposing the resolution, ignoring a shower of boos and hisses from peace activists.

A woman supporting the resolution told Council she believed America “should slow down and be careful.”

Each Councilor, too, resisted the edict to be brief as they expressed their sentiments about U.S. foreign policy. Only Schilling––alone among his peers in opposing the resolution––was succinct. He said it was inappropriate to debate war while the nation “is still mourning the space shuttle tragedy.”

At long (and I mean long) last, Council passed the resolution, which officially opposes “a pre-emptive military attack on Iraq unless it is demonstrated that Iraq poses a real and imminent threat to the security and safety of the United States.”

Council returned to familiar local territory at the end of the February 3 meeting when it approved a study that will examine traffic solutions at the Route 29 /Hydraulic Road intersection. Most of the $40,000 study will be funded by the Virginia Department of Transportation, with the local Thomas Jefferson Planning District Commission (TJPDC) pitching in $10,000.

Last fall, the Mayor pushed for a larger study, expecting funding from VDOT, UVA, the City and County, as well as the developers of the Sperry property at the corner of Hydraulic and Route 29, where a 1.7 million square-foot shopping center is in the works. The funds didn’t come through, however, so this study “will not take the place of a fully funded study,” but “it will demonstrate that further study is worth the investment,” according to City documents.

While this may not be good news for critics who say Council spends too much money studying problems and ways to study problems, this project marks a significant change in local relations with the State. In this study, VDOT officials will work under the direction of local and regional planning staff. “It’s unheard of,” says TJPDC Director Harrison Rue. “The State is recognizing that we can come together as a community and make transportation decisions. They want to hear what we have to say.”–– John Borgmeyer

Free to grow

Supes approve 30 percent increase in school numbers

Despite the ever-present worry about the fallout from proposed personal property tax hikes and decreased revenue for programs in Albemarle County, it wasn’t all rain clouds at the Board of County Supervisors meeting on February 5. As further proof that the fingers of local population growth are spreading deeper into the County, Free Union Country School applied for, and received by unanimous vote, approval for 30 percent growth in students and faculty.

At the proposed 125 students and faculty, the country school will now be able to grow larger than most private schools in rural Albemarle. While a positive measure for the school, the additional growth is a double-edged sword for the surrounding area.

Jay Fennell, development co-coordinator and second- and third-grade teacher at the school, is also a longtime resident of Free Union. “I’ve disappointedly watched the growth here increase,” he says. “The roads alone cannot bear any more traffic.”

But he faces the problem of growth with some equanimity. After all, without it new opportunities in the area would never have arisen. “When I was younger, I thought that professionally, I would have to move,” says Fennell. “Now, I’d never think that.”

Free Union Country School, now in its 20th year, has to grow with times, says Fennell.

“If we can reach the minimum number of 100 students,” he says, “it will stabilize us financially.” It will also aid in the expansion of a two-storey, 3,000 square-foot activity building with offices, a 1,800 square-foot pre-school building and playground and 12 new parking spaces.

Three years ago, a consultant gave Fennell and other school officials a figure of 105 students as the baseline needed to achieve financial security and viability for the school. “In terms of expense and income,” says Fennell, “we are not completely tuition-driven.”

The added increase in students will certainly help balance out the numbers, though. With a yearly tuition of $7,500 per student, 15 new students will mean added revenues of $112,500. Twenty extra students boost the figure to $150,000 annually. Judging from historical demand, Free Union Country shouldn’t have trouble adding to its student roster. Within its first decade, enrollment had increased to 55 students from 35. In 1999, the school’s population had nearly doubled to 90.


In other County news: Ron Huber, Charlottesville Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney, announced his withdrawal from the campaign for Commonwealth’s Attorney of Albemarle County. He cited personal and professional reasons in his February 5 announcement and pressed County residents to keep up the good fight.

“I encourage the people of Albemarle and the County Police officers to join me in continuing to offer suggestions to maintain a positive dialogue with [County Commonwealth’s Attorney] Jim Camblos to effect those changes,” he said.

—Kathryn E. Goodson

Categories
News

Science without politics

In his neatly appointed office with its volumes of medical references in the West Wing of the UVA Medical Center, Dr. Jonathan Moreno, director of the Center for Biomedical Ethics, speaks softly while his hands remain folded in his lap. With his slight stature, firmly pressed shirt and perfectly trimmed beard, he sits as an unlikely portrait of one of the few people to say “No” to the Bush Administration. But one month ago, on January 4, that’s exactly what he did.

Moreno had served on the Federal committee that advises on matters of medical research involving human subjects. He was first appointed by Bill Clinton in 2000. On January 3, Tommy Thompson, Bush’s Secretary of Health and Human Services, released the names of the new 11-member committee. When, without his consent, Moreno’s name showed up among them, he refused membership, making headlines across the country. It was a drastic about-face for someone who has made it his life’s work to explore questions of research protocols and their ethical implications. But the Secretary’s Advisory Committee on Human Research Protection, as the committee is now known, would have to carry on without Moreno. His own sense of protocol had been violated.

It wasn’t just that he’d been thrown onto the committee without being asked to re-enlist. Moreno had grave doubts about the panel’s newly rewritten charter, which explicitly includes embryos and fetuses among those who merit government protection. The Administration, which has repeatedly come under fire for rearranging its scientific committees to advance conservative goals, had changed the focus of the human research protection group. Moreno saw an opportunity to score his own political point, and he grabbed it.

“There are those who think I objected too much, but I’ve found I can get a lot more attention this way,” says Moreno. “I had the opportunity to make a public point.”

The urge to speak out likely had been brewing for a while. After the new Administration came into office in 2001, Moreno watched his advisory committee deteriorate. In contrast to Clinton’s team, no one from Bush’s Health and Human Services office attended any meetings of the Committee on Human Research Protection. Additionally, morale plummeted as members turned in reports on such matters as informed consent and the ethical issues surrounding research on children with nary a word of feedback in return. Thompson allowed the committee’s charter to expire last year, leveling the final blow (the move seemed calculated to restock the renamed committee, which had been originally known as the National Human Research Protections Advisory Committee, with Bush sympathizers). Speaking to The Washington Post at the time he announced his resignation, Moreno was blunt.

“This Administration cares about finding any way they can to advance their platform on the protection of embryos, in general, and on stem cell research, in particular,” Moreno said. “They’re clearly more interested in making ideological points than in increasing human research protections.”

With the flush of media attention behind him for now, 50-year-old Moreno remains at UVA directing the masters program in biomedical ethics and teaching the foundations of bioethics to students from all backgrounds from law to medicine to nursing. And while the calls from The New York Times have dwindled, he gets daily reminders of the stance he took last month. Plenty of colleagues stop by his quiet office to pat him on the back.

T he goal of the original Clinton panel, created in 2000, was to advise the small Federal agency overseeing scientific research that used human subjects. Moreno was appointed to it after several patients had been seriously harmed in medical experiments. The committee’s former chair, Mary Faith Marshall, suggested him for appointment to then HHS Director Donna Shalala.

“We were looking for someone who was a social scientist, a scholar in his field,” says Marshall, “and Jonathan spearheaded issues like the informed consent rules.” Informed consent covers the gray area of how ethically to involve, say, Alzheimer’s patients, in medical experiments when the patients are unable to give the consent. The joker in the deck, as Moreno sees it, lies in the fact that those patients in dire condition are just the ones sorely needed in the research. Given his stance on the issue, Marshall figured, Moreno would be a solid and thoughtful presence on the advisory committee.

Of the committee’s original 11 members, three were expert patient advocates. The others included specialists from such areas as the National Organization for Rare Disorders, the Academy of Medicine, the Dean of Research from Emory University and the founder of Citizens for Responsible Care and Research. As advisors, they had a broad mandate. The original charter said, “…it’s the duty of the SACHRP to counsel [the Administration] on matters pertaining to the continuance and improvement of functions within the authority of Health and Human Services directed towards protections for human subjects in research.”

The Clinton panel accomplished more than that. They hammered out statements clarifying rules to protect children and those who can’t give consent. They drew up protocol guidelines for behavioral and social studies in genetics.

Moreno and others on the panel, including Marshall, now a professor of medicine in bioethics at Kansas University, say that their work was abruptly aborted when the committee’s charter was allowed to expire by the Bush Administration. Disappointed, the panel felt the time and work they invested may have been, in the end, ill-used.

Their suspicions have been confirmed by the make-up of the new SACHRP. Stacked with compliance officers and industry sympathizers, the SACHRP lacks any patient advocates now. The Administration quickly ramped up a defense of its choices. On January 5, Health and Human Services spokesman Bill Pierce was quoted in The Washington Post saying, “The committee’s charter does not require that patient advocates be appointed. As you know there have been troubles in this business, and this is our attempt to aggressively address these issues.”

Indeed, the Bush Administration’s aggressive redress includes a new charter for a new committee: “Specifically, the committee will provide advice relating to the responsible conduct of research involving human subjects with particular emphasis on special populations, such as neonates and children, prisoners and the decisional impaired; pregnant women, embryos and fetuses; individuals and populations in international studies; populations in which there are individually identifiable samples, data or information; and investigator conflicts of interest.”

The important difference for Bush’s advisory committee is the addition of the words “embryos and fetuses” to the charter.

Moreno, who identifies himself as anti-abortion and pro-choice, still sees a big change implicit in a few small words. “I began to see a pattern of rules and regulations being developed around the protection of the fetus,” he says. “The very language of the fetus and the embryo has never appeared in the wording of who should and shouldn’t be protected before, and doesn’t belong there now.”

Born in Poughkeepsie, New York in 1952, Moreno graduated from Hofstra with highest honors in philosophy and psychology. He was a University Fellow at Washington University in St. Louis, earning his doctorate there in philosophy. In 1988, he received a Doctorate of Humane Letters from Hofstra.

In 1998, after establishing and directing a medical bioethics division at the State University of New York at Brooklyn, Moreno relocated to Charlottesville. When Marshall tagged him for the Clinton advisory committee, Moreno was already somewhat experienced in politics. For two years in the mid-1990s, he was a senior policy and research analyst for the Federal advisory committee on human radiation experiments. He also consulted for the departments of energy and education, the National Institutes of Health and the Institute of Medicine.

Many of Moreno’s colleagues regard him as highly knowledgeable and bold for refusing a presidential committee. There are others, though, who see a man who should have remained on the committee as the alternative voice.

“I’ve had several people tell me it’s unheard of to resign from a committee,” says Moreno, “but when I was appointed without my knowing it, I felt as if I was immediately being introduced into a political agenda.”

Interestingly, Moreno does not lay blame at the feet of Secretary Thompson, whose conservative credentials were secured with his overhaul of the welfare system when he was governor of Wisconsin. He sources it right at the top of the Bush Administration.

“Their political agenda is to get people talking about embryos,” he says. “ If they can do that, then they can open the wedge for their constituency.”

Jim Childress, the UVA John Allen Hollingsworth Professor of Ethics and the director of the Institute for Practical Ethics, says the new language in the SACHRP charter has made good work go bad and only produced a stalemate.

“When the Clinton-appointed charter expired and was replaced with an entirely new committee, all the work the SACHRP had done for human subjects was virtually abandoned,” says Childress. “And now, there’s a new panel with a newly worded charter. That was a mistake.”

A mistake, perhaps, but not an accident, the way Marshall sees it. She contends that “embryos and fetuses” are a concession to a leading right-wing pro-life think tank.

“I am certain the Family Research Council played a role in the new appointments and the new charter languaging,” she says.

Known to oppose abortion and stem cell research, the FRC states on its home page, “In Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court ruled that a mother’s right to privacy outweighs her unborn child’s right to life. What nonsense! One’s right to life should take precedence over another’s right to privacy.”

Ideologies aside and the political realities of committee appointments notwithstanding, Moreno is most concerned about the severe clamp the new committee could put on stem-cell research.

“Not only would government-funded research be out of the question, but privately funded research wouldn’t be allowed either,” says Moreno. “One could make it impossible to use embryos for stem cell research.”

Britain, Israel, Sweden and China are among the countries already researching the benefits of stem cells. “The United States, were it not to participate in stem cell research,” says Moreno, “would lose an edge in an area of medical research that we don’t want to lose.”

Along with the brain drain of smart young people interested in the field, Moreno says the research cannot proceed as quickly if the Federal wallet isn’t backing it. But the Administration refuses to give the ground-breaking research the green light. Bioethicists are not the only ones worried over the delay. Physicians are also uneasy.

“As an individual, it is my opinion that we have an obligation to use fetal tissue,” says James Q. Miller, UVA professor of neurology and chair of the Ethics Committee. “In fact, it would be immoral not to use it.”

Scientists like Miller and Moreno contend that stem cell research can help lead to breakthroughs in the treatment of virtually any disease that involves the destruction of tissue—cancer, Parkinson’s, strokes, Alzheimer’s—nearly all diseases, period. That’s because, in theory, fetal stem cells, created in a laboratory setting, haven’t had time to become true tissues. In other words, they’re still pluripotent and when added into an organ, the fetal stem cells take on the characteristics of that organ. Be it a liver, a kidney, brain cells or heart muscles, the messenging, the absorption by the cells of healthy information from the organs, works—although it’s not fully understood.

“It seems to be a real error in judgement to have a rule or an authority figure say we cannot use fetal tissue,” Miller says. “For me, I think if it might save someone who’s already suffering, then we have an obligation to use it—to do otherwise, would be immoral.”

But might stem cell research save someone’s life? Moreno says that the claims remain theoretical at this point. “It’s a legitimate area, and promising, but like gene therapy, it’s been hyped and for now there’s more talk than action. The promise of the benefits is there, but we may not see them for 20 years.”

The debate rages on, sometimes exceeding the discussion of fetuses to include questions of cloning, too—casting the creation of laboratory embryos as a variation on that questionable practice. Recently in the pages of The New York Times, Leon R. Kass, writing on January 24, said, “Supporters of cloning for research have often tried to confuse the issue by euphemistic distortion—claiming that the production of cloned embryos is not really cloning, that the embryos are not really embryos at all. Were this danger better understood, opposition to the practice would mount.”

But without a green light for the research, most scientists will be unable to gain a solid idea of the true benefits or even the line that must never be crossed.

Long before the human research advisory committee got mired in debates over embryos and fetuses, it was trying to address real problems in medical research. More than a dozen leading research institutions, including Johns Hopkins, Duke University and the University of Pennsylvania’s gene therapy program, had been under fire since 1998 for violations dating back much further. Lawsuits against everyone involved from the hospitals to the doctors, corporations and even states were popping up everywhere, including the case of breast cancer patient Kathryn Hamilton.

A 48-year-old health care administrator from Spokane, Washington, Hamilton was a breast cancer patient who died in 1992 during her participation in a controversial clinical trial. She turned to the stem cell transplant experiment at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center when her breast cancer returned for a second time.

While part of the experimental process involved high doses of chemotherapy, with which Hamilton had bad experiences before, the doctors at “Hutch,” as the medical facility is known, told her that if she threw up the pills intended to reverse fatal side-effects going along with the chemo, they’d give her the drugs intravenously. It turned out that Hutch’s supply of the drug in intravenous form had been cut off two months earlier. Hamilton, indeed, repeatedly threw up the pills, and died from the effects of high chemotherapy only 44 days later. Doctors had previously given her one to two more years to live.

Just one example of severe experimental mistreatment, this is exactly the kind of case that drove Moreno to be on the panel in the first place. He believes that under even the most extreme circumstances (national security issues, say), the Federal government must have a process in place and means to protect the 19 million people who participate as research subjects every year.

Moreno has questioned the role of government, committees and patients rights before.

In his book, Undue Risk: Secret State Experiments on Humans, published more than two years ago, Moreno looks at the history of the U.S. use of human subjects in biological, atomic and chemical warfare experiments from World War II to the present. Undue Risk, hailed by some as going where no researcher has gone before, is a litany of secret government documents revealing experiments involving LSD and mescaline and injecting substances like plutonium into unwilling hospital patients. He even details Federal efforts to recruit Nazi medical scientists shortly after World War II.

It’s fodder for conspiracy theorists, and it demonstrates that Moreno’s advocacy on behalf of human subjects is not a newfound political stance.

His views may have a newish wrinkle, namely the case for stem cell research, but he doesn’t regret his decision to reject the President’s appointment, he says.

“Science is an exercise in democracy,” he says. “Without it, it cannot function properly.

“Science must be held accountable. If we could just build a zone between politics and science.”