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News

Recycling: Does not compute

Dear Ace: As any good modern consumer, over the years I’ve acquired a good amount of computer equipment. Rather than throwing the old models out, I’d much rather take them to a recycling center. Is there any such facility in, or near, Charlottesville?—Electronic Clutterbug

Clutterbug: Just to test the limits of the City’s recycling program, Ace tried to put his old, dusty Apple II computer into
his curbside-recycling bin. When Ace returned home that night, he found his computer still sitting by the street. He also found a mob of middle school kids mocking his obsolete technology. Momentarily demoralized, but not defeated, Ace popped into the Acemobile for a drive to the McIntire Recycling Center. As he poked around the recycling dumpsters, it seemed that eco-friendly facility took everything under the sun, except computer electronics.

   Dragging his Apple II back home, Ace decided to take matters into his own hands. So, he called the City’s Public Works office, where he spoke with Cyndi Kirby. Kirby told Ace that, unfortunately, the City of Charlottesville does not recycle electronics. (Neither does Albemarle; the County’s Engineering Inspector for Public Works, Dan Fowley, says that because there’s no market for recycling computers, the landfill takes it in as solid waste.)

   But, if Ace were interested in recycling (and what true-blue investigative reporter isn’t?), Kirby suggested he try donating or selling his good components to a local computer store.

   Ace had to admit it was a good idea. The Apple II had to be worth something—The Ace Atkins had owned it, after all! Ace then called a techie bud of his, Anthony at PC Pro. He laid it out for Ace. “You see, Ace, a lot of the time, we tell people to just get rid of it since the components are not that useful. Occasionally, if the computer is only a generation or two old, it can be donated to the schools.” A hand-me-down from Big Daddy Atkins, Ace’s two-generation Apple II would be perfect for those school kids, Ace reasoned. But it turns out that “two-generation” has nothing to do with the family tree. Humpf.

   Luckily, there are numerous venues for donation around Charlottesville. Provided the computer is in working condition, the Goodwill, the SPCA Rummage Sale and the Salvation Army all accept donated computers. Computers 4 Kids, a local nonprofit, also accepts PCs with 500 megahertz or higher processors. But unfortunately, for poor Ace, they don’t take Macintosh computers, meaning Ace was left with no choice but to turn his dinosaur computer components into stylish end tables.

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News

Disorder in the court

The Albemarle County Circuit Court is open for business, but save for the eight people present (all but one being part of the proceedings) the place is empty the 12 rows of wooden gallery benches being merely ornamental. Behind the bench, beneath a gold-framed picture of Thomas Jefferson, Judge Paul Peatross sits front and center, head resting where it always rests: in his right hand. Peatross’ habitual pose mirrors Auguste Rodin’s “The Thinker,” only Peatross looks infinitely less Grecian and markedly more bored than the French sculptor’s famed subject.

   In the witness box, a young police officer recalls arresting the defendant for possession of marijuana.

   Public Defender Jim Hingeley builds his argument: Did you say the search of the vehicle would take 10 seconds? How many times did you say that? Did the search take 10 seconds? How much longer than 10 seconds did it take? The question here, Judge, is whether the scope of the search exceeded the permission granted.

   The Commonwealth’s bow-tied Attorney, Jim Camblos, rises from his seat and turns towards the judge. What Mr. Hingeley fails to note, Your Honor, is that the officer was just doing his job—to look for contraband.

   Although Hingeley and Camblos have worked together for more than 25 years, they refer to each other as “Mr. Hingeley” and “Mr. Camblos” before the judge. Likewise, both lawyers address Peatross as “Your Honor” or “Judge.”

   If procedure is king of the courtroom—even an almost empty one—then courtesy is queen. It may sound quaint, but in this modern age of blue dresses in the Oval Office and go-fuck-yourselves on the Senate floor, the courtroom is one of the last bastions of old-fashioned etiquette. But until there’s a serious breach in decorum, the kind of thing that earns headlines, most people may never realize that a vacant courtroom is supposed to be a sanctuary of good manners. Even the toughest criminals say yessir and nossir to a judge, and impatience with either King Procedure or Queen Courtesy spells trouble for all.

   Judge Peatross is one of five judges on the Albemarle County Circuit Court. More than 4,500 criminal cases and 3,000 civil suits pass through that courthouse each year. In his hands he holds not only his head, but the fate of everyone from murderers to pot smokers to people with one too many speeding tickets.

   However, during the past two years Peatross has managed to antagonize his colleagues so much with his courtroom conduct that in February 2004 Hingeley and Camblos filed separate, formal complaints against him. Five months later, the State’s Judicial Inquiry and Review Commission recommended Peatross’ removal from the bench and passed the case on to the State Supreme Court. The commission has made that recommendation only nine times since it was established in 1971.

   In a 2004 article commenting on a similar situation between Rhode Island lawyers and judges, Carl T. Bogus, a law professor at Roger Williams University, argued that Rhode Island judges are thin-skinned. They abuse their power, he said, by punishing lawyers who are critical of them with excessively tough sentences for their clients. Taking as his starting point a quote from W. Somerset Maugham— “People ask you for criticism, but they only want praise”—Bogus asserts that lawyers’ occasional solicitousness towards judges is problematic.

   “Saying that lawyers treat the judges with deference fails to capture the interaction,” writes Bogus. “It is more accurate to say that lawyers bow and scrape. Some lawyers have elevated fawning to an art form, pulling it off with subtle eloquence.”

   Bogus goes on to say that, along with the sense of power that comes from holding a person’s future in one’s hands, years of ass-kissing and sycophancy lead to what’s known as “black robe disease.” The symptoms, says Bogus, include when a judge becomes “impatient, disdainful and cantankerous.” Such adjectives echo the criticisms leveled against Peatross.

   “The very best judges have such wonderful demeanors that it brings out the best in lawyers,” says local defense

attorney Steven Rosenfield. “But there are judges that have demeanor problems that exacerbate an already tension-filled system.”

   UVA law professor George Rutherglen, an expert in civil procedure, allows that judges are given “quite a bit of latitude to be blunt and critical, especially outside the presence of the jury.” Yet the Judicial Inquiry and Review Commission, which read and seconded the complaint against Peatross, is staffed partly by judges. If anybody, they ought to have an idea of what’s kosher on the bench and what’s not.

   The Virginia Supreme Court handed down its decision on Peatross in late April 2005. While the Court did not exactly exonerate Peatross, it ultimately decided there was not enough evidence to remove him from the bench. So, after a self-imposed nine months off from criminal cases, Judge Peatross returned to Circuit Court in early July of this year to preside, once again, over cases argued by Hingeley and Camblos. And the drama ain’t exactly over.

 

Peatross listens impassively to Hingeley’s motion to suppress evidence in the marijuana search case, occasionally adjusting the perch of his head in his hand. Just weeks earlier, Hingeley had filed a motion that Peatross recuse himself from the bench for this particular case. The defendant, now sitting quietly at the defense table, had asked Hingeley to do so based on what he knew about Hingeley’s relationship with the judge. Peatross overruled the motion.

   After hearing out the two attorneys in this afternoon’s motion to suppress, Peatross says he’ll have a decision within two weeks. “Thank you, Judge.” Hingeley and Camblos echo each other, collect their things and exit the courthouse.

   The archaic manners of the room’s players emulate its spartan interior. Aside from the Jefferson portrait, the courtroom’s only other decorative flourishes are two other portraits of dead white men, framed copies of the Declaration of Independence and Monroe Doctrine, the requisite flags and two brass chandeliers. The chorus of crickets outside fills the deserted room like a liquid.

   “I’m reminded when looking at the courthouse,” says Rosenfield, “that Jefferson…believed [the courthouse] was the center of all of public discourse. It was the pinnacle of the community and, architecturally, there is that notion of solemnity.”

   The last to leave, Peatross rises from his blue, leather armchair and retreats to his chambers. Even when he’s seated it’s clear the 60ish Peatross is thin, but upright and engulfed in his voluminous black robes, he’s virtually disembodied. At about 6’2" and with a slightly stooped posture, as he leaves the room Peatross looks like he might tip over.

 

Paul Peatross graduated from Hamp-den-Sydney College in 1968 and got his J.D. from the University of Richmond three years later. After 14 years as an attorney, Peatross was appointed to a judgeship on the Charlottesville General District Court. He was named to the Albemarle County Circuit Court in 1992.

   Clearly, Peatross has had plenty of time to build up a reputation among the Court Square crowd, and it’s not just Hingeley and Camblos who have found the judge rude when it comes to criminal cases.

   The record, which became public when the case went to the Virginia Supreme Court, stresses the judge’s on-the-job demeanor.

   “[Peatross] is regarded as a judge who is often intemperate and impatient on the bench,” wrote local attorney Fred Heblich in a letter to the Judicial Inquiry and Review Commission on the topic of the judge’s court demeanor. “He angers easily, and he sometimes makes decisions out of anger that demonstrate meanness and spite. He is known as a judge who frequently treats prosecutors and defense lawyers with sarcasm, disrespect, and contempt. “

   Even lawyer Fred Payne, who wrote to the Commission that, “Off the bench, Judge Peatross is kind, compassionate and eminently likable,” allowed that he’s seen “Judge Peatross treat persons appearing before him in a manner which I can only characterize as rude.”

   The letters in support of Peatross were from lawyers mostly familiar with the judge’s work in civil cases; the issue at hand was his demeanor in criminal cases.

   Peppered with terms like “gentlemen,” “your honor,” and “Mr. Firstname Lastname,” the letters submitted to the Commission by local lawyers spell out, in print, the formality of the courtroom—its vocabulary and mannerisms. Such sentence constructions stand in stark contrast to the allegations of rudeness that is the meat of the texts.

   The way architects have their own brand of handwriting, lawyers have a patented brand of formality—and it seems to really mean something to them.

The situation among Hingeley, Camblos and Peatross began to deteriorate in the fall of 2003. That September, Camblos was prosecuting a client of Hingeley’s on a felony charge. On hearing day, and taking into account the defendant’s background, Camblos decided to reduce the charge from a felony to a misdemeanor.

   Not so fast, said Peatross. Either drop the case or prosecute the felony. When Camblos and Hingeley tried to explain their rationale and timing, Peatross grew impatient. According to transcripts from the hearing, no apparent conclusion had been reached when Peatross abruptly announced that he was taking it upon the Court to drop the case. The judge later admitted his decision was inappropriate.

   Following the incident, Camblos wrote to Peatross expressing anxiety over what Camblos wrote was the judge’s “unnecessary and uncalled for” reaction.

   Peatross’ response? It’s not personal, it’s business. That became the judge’s refrain in the following months.

   Commenting on the incident to the Commission, Peatross explained, “It is nothing personal, it is a matter of trying to conduct the business of the court. I don’t have anything personally against him, I just want him to operate in a business-like manner…”

   In December 2003, another dispute erupted. Camblos and Llezelle Dugger, an attorney in Hingeley’s office, had worked out a plea agreement prior to trial. Peatross didn’t accept it. A second plea agreement was presented in which the defendant would plead guilty to all charges except one. They agreed that the final charge would go to a jury. Peatross accepted this and gave the defendant a tough sentence—the maximum on all four plead misdemeanors. Peatross’ reasoning, according to Commission transcripts, was that if the jury gave a tough sentence in the felony case then Peatross could adjust his sentencing with regards to the misdemeanors.

   The day after sentencing, Camblos told Peatross he wanted to drop the final charge. The sentence, said Camblos, was already more than enough. Peatross, however, didn’t buy the lawyer’s claim that he hadn’t planned to drop the charge all along; Peatross believed there had been a pre-existing agreement between Dugger and Camblos—to which the judge was not privy—to drop the case.

   This possibility infuriated Peatross.

   “I felt like the integrity of the court was at stake,” Peatross told the Commission. “I didn’t think the lawyers were being up front with me, whether it was intentional or unintentional.”

   Just days after Camblos’ request to drop the charge, Peatross unceremoniously fired both attorneys from the case.

   Peatross told the Commission in retrospect, “I still feel [the attorneys misled me], but if my actions were wrong and I overreacted, then I should correct them in any possible way.”

   After each of these encounters the attorneys filed motions to reconsider and wrote personal letters to the judge expressing concern about his behavior. The judge denied the motions and didn’t deal with the matter privately or in person.

   “It’s easier to do a good job for one’s client [be it the state or an individual],” explains Steven Rosenfield, “if everyone’s getting along outside the courtroom.”

 

Peatross’ nickname among criminal defense lawyers is “Maximum Mac.” He’s known for his tough sentences and rarely cuts anyone a break. For example, it was Peatross who recently sentenced (on appeal) an Albemarle couple to over two years in prison for serving alcohol to minors at their kid’s 16th birthday party. While this was less than the original 8-year sentence, seeing as Camblos had recommended a 90-day sentence, many still considered it harsh. According to local lawyer Fred Heblich’s letter to the Commission, “it is said of him that ‘his idea of reasonable doubt is a suspended sentence.’”

   The final straw came in early February 2004. During docket call, which is when a judge schedules upcoming hearings, motions and trials, Hingeley asked to move back the date of a trial. According to the testimony of Camblos, who was present at the docket call, “[the Judge] then asked Hingeley with irritation, sarcasm and anger, while throwing his hands in the air, to tell the Court what day he wanted.”

   Two days later, on February 4, 2004, Camblos and Hingeley’s offices each filed formal complaints against Peatross with the statewide Judicial Inquiry and Review Commission. (Camblos says these actions were not coordinated.) The attorneys’ primary grievances? Peatross had shown little respect for the king and queen of the courtroom: procedure and courtesy.

   After a formal hearing in June 2004, the Commission concluded that there was sufficient evidence to recommend that Peatross be taken off the bench and a formal complaint lodged with the Virginia Supreme Court.

   Citing specific canons from the Canons of Judicial Conduct for the Commonwealth of Virginia, the Commission’s notice to Peatross stated, “You have failed to uphold the integrity and independence of the judiciary…to avoid impropriety and the appearance of impropriety…and to act at all times in a manner that promotes public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary…You have failed to be faithful to the law…and to be patient, dignified and courteous to those with whom you have dealt in an official capacity…”

   At that juncture, Peatross voluntarily took himself off the criminal bench until the Supreme Court had decided the case. He limited his casework to civil complaints for the next nine months. During that time, the State paid him his regular salary of $125,795 and substitute judges filled in for him in criminal proceedings, according to D.J. Geiger, the State court system’s media relations spokesperson.

   In April 2005 the Supreme Court decided there was a lack of “clear and convincing evidence” that Judge Peatross had acted inappropriately and dismissed the case. Instead of calling Peatross’ behavior “extremely impatient, undignified and discourteous,” as the Commission had, the Virginia Supreme Court chose the words “stern, direct, and authoritative,” and thus not in violation of the Canons. Peatross was free to return to criminal cases.

   Both Hingeley and Camblos declined to be interviewed for this story. Peatross, too, declined to be photographed or interviewed, saying the public record speaks for itself.

 

In late April Judge Peatross returned to criminal cases on the Albemarle County Circuit Court bench, where Camblos and Hingeley again argue cases in front of him. The question that now arises is whether it’s possible for Peatross not to hold grudges against the attorneys for the ordeal of the past two years.

   Indeed, Hingeley anticipated this situation when addressing the Commission: “As a result of this, I would find it very difficult to appear in front of Judge Peatross, or for anybody in my office to appear in front of him…I think that that client would be very concerned about my ability to represent that client zealously and effectively…”

   Camblos and Hingeley believe their clients could pay the price for them publicly criticizing the judge, and that a judge known for tough sentences could get even tougher. The dilemma is described in the article by Bogus, the Rhode Island law professor.

   “There is a strongly enforced taboo,” he writes, “against criticizing the state’s governmental institutions, particularly its courts. The targets and enforcers of this taboo are one and the same: the lawyers and judges themselves.”

   Hingeley tells his clients about his office’s relationship with Peatross. If the client doesn’t want Peatross to hear the case based on what’s transpired, Hingeley’s office files a motion asking Peatross to recuse himself from the case. In the four months since Peatross has returned to the bench, only six clients have asked for a different judge. Peatross has dismissed each of these motions, maintaining that he is entirely impartial.

   The feasibility of that claim invites the philosophical debate of where and how we draw our emotional boundaries. It’s impossible to reach conclusions about Peatross’ vow of impartiality because the only person who could possibly know the internal workings of Paul Peatross the Judge is Paul Peatross the Man. But even then, can Peatross the Man know himself beyond a reasonable doubt?

   Taken as a whole, the six cases, including that of the alleged marijuana possessor, hold no clue yet, either. As of press time, only one case had been concluded. Another case has been dropped, three have not yet gone to trial, and one awaits sentencing.

   But whatever the outcome, on the afternoon Hingeley moved to suppress evidence against his alleged stoner client, Judge Peatross appeared cool, calm and collected. Was he on his best behavior given recent events? Only time will tell.

 

Bench pressed

 Each of the players in the Peatross drama testified before the Judicial Inquiry and Review Commission in June 2004. The following are excerpts from what Peatross, Hingeley and Camblos had to say for themselves.

“At the last minute, for the first time he looked at the case and decided he doesn’t want to treat it as a felony, and I thought that was inconsistent. I thought that took up a lot of time, that put a lot of people to work when he could have made that decision earlier, and I was hoping that he would understand that he should be more conscientious in how he was going to present his cases and make decisions earlier is what I was trying to encourage.”

-Judge Paul Peatross on Commonwealth’s Attorney Jim Camblos regarding the September 2003 case

 

“If I am lying to you, I invite you to remove me from office, because I cannot appear here before you and tell an untruth, and I am telling you the truth. That’s what happened.”

-Judge Paul Peatross on the December 2003 case

 

“I was mad at myself because I was not standing up to him more than I had been standing up to him, because of the way he treated us…I was taking the easier course many times of just not saying anything as opposed to saying something and getting snapped at…that’s why I said our professional relationship troubles me deeply.”

-Commonwealth’s Attorney Jim Camblos

 

“I was very concerned about [defense attorney] Llezelle personally because this was very, very difficult on her, but I was also concerned about, from an institutional standpoint, how this affected our office…Public Defenders are always struggling against a negative impression of the people that we have in our offices and the work that they do. So now I am faced with a situation where there is a public declaration by a Circuit Court Judge that one of the people in my office is unethical and lies to the court and is guilty of misconduct, so I had to deal with that.”

-Public Defender Jim Hingeley on Llezelle Dugger’s dismissal from the December 2003 case

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The Editor's Desk

Mailbag

Tastes awful, needs more filling

Your recent cover story by Gary Ruskin and Juliet Shor, entitled “Junk food nation” [August 23] was chock full of baseless jabs at the food industry and out-of-hand emotional dismissals of common-sense approaches. However, it was curiously sparse in terms of real evidence to support their dismissals, or even basic common sense. Let’s examine:

   The notion that lack of exercise, and not so much food, is largely responsible for our fattening up is waved away by the authors as if it could not possibly be true. However, there is no backup to support this dismissal. In fact, over the past several decades, while our kids have been getting fatter, their average caloric intake has risen, roughly, by a mere 1 percent, while their physical activity rates have plummeted by about 20 percent. This fact alone is enough to render most of the article nothing but alarmist nonsense.

   They laugh at the idea that food companies are not responsible for our fattening, as if we are all mindless sheep, powerless to fend off a TV advertisement for Oreos or a billboard for a Big Mac. I take offense to the notion that I possess no self-control! Not only that, but they pay no heed whatsoever to parents’ roles in what their children eat.

   They make a great many claims about the influence of “big food” over the government, but fail to construct anything but weak, thrice-removed links based on campaign contribution figures. Nowhere is any causality established.

   They attack industry lobby groups like Center for Consumer Freedom, but base their attack solely on the fact that CCF doesn’t hold public health advocates in the highest of regards, and promotes the industry’s point of view. This alone is nowhere near enough to discredit any group.

   Their only solid figure is a Wall Street Journal poll indicating that the majority of Americans support tighter restrictions on public school food. While this alone is all well and good, it is obvious that the authors are using the common ploy of “What About The Children!?” to loosely tie the entire obesity debate to defenseless kids. This is a common tactic of shameless politicians, but it has no place in journalism.

   They translate that one narrowly tailored WSJ poll on school food into the odd conclusion that America demands a “vigorous government response” to the obesity “epidemic.” Huh? That just doesn’t follow. Not only that, but any lack of action on the part of the government is, according to the authors, automatically a case of the government protecting the profits of “big food.” What a mendacious set of conclusions!

   It is quite clear that the authors came to the table with a viewpoint in mind, and then set about the task of trying to justify it. This is dishonest journalism, plain and simple. It is not reporting; it is the pushing of an agenda, no better than the industry lobbyists they so abhor. However, if the authors really wanted to push their viewpoint, the least they could have done was present some solid facts and figures to back it up, rather than relying on guilt-by-association logical fallacies and baseless dismissals of common-sense approaches. Not only was the article dishonest, it was poorly delivered and shabbily researched.

 

Evan F. Williams

Charlottesville

 

CORRECTIONS

In last week’s Get Out Now section we listed the Charlie Pastorfield and The Believers show on two different dates at Satellite Ballroom. The correct date was Friday, August 26. We apologize to any Pastorfield fans who missed the show.

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News in review

Tuesday, August 23
It takes a village to build a town

Charlottesville resident Ed Cusick called it “the best of everything and exactly what we need for the county,” while Crozet resident Bill Sweeny said it was “an insult to the people of Crozet and will dramatically hurt the area.” Each was describing the controversial Old Trail Village under review at today’s Albemarle Planning Commission hearing. The Commission unanimously approved the plan by Beights Development Corp. that would bring 2,000 housing units and 250,000 square feet of commercial/recreational space to a 257-acre parcel just 1.5 miles from downtown Crozet. Developer Justin Beights touted the project’s 37-acre public park and architectural elements that follow the neighborhood model district.

 

 

Wednesday, August 24
Rice dodges another jail sentence

Today Darrell Rice—once alleged to be the “Route 29 Stalker” and accused of murdering two female hikers—struck a plea agreement to reduced charges in an abduction case. Rice is currently serving an 11-year sentence for attempting to abduct a female bicyclist in the Shenandoah National Park in 1997. In a trial that began Monday, Rice faced life in prison for the 1996 abduction of Carmelita Shomo, but today he pleaded guilty to one count of unlawful wounding, which carries a 14-month sentence that will run concurrently with the sentence he’s already serving. He is scheduled to be released in 2006. Federal prosecutors had sought the death penalty against Rice for allegedly murdering a lesbian couple hiking near Luray in 1996. When that case fell apart, Prince William County tried to prove Rice attacked Shomo and several other women on Route 29, but they backed away from such broad accusations in this week’s trial. Citing paltry evidence, today prosecutors accepted Rice’s “Alford plea,” which denies guilt but acknowledges that there is sufficient evidence to convict.

 

Left meets Right over free speech

Legal defense groups from both sides of the political spectrum have lined up behind local noisemaker Richard Collins, a former Democratic candidate for the House of Delegates. Lefties at the American Civil Liberties Union and righties at Charlottesville’s Rutherford Institute—which represented Paula Jones in her sexual harassment suit against Bill Clinton—together say Collins had a right to greet voters in the Whole Foods parking lot in May. Shopping center property manager Charles Lebo had Collins, 70, arrested and charged with trespassing. Collins’ suit, filed last week, asks the Albemarle County Circuit Court to declare it legal to campaign in shopping centers. “He was handcuffed and arrested,” says Rutherford president John Whitehead. “It blows
my mind.”

 

Thursday, August 25
DMB gives to Sri Lanka

Today the Dave Matthews Band an-nounced they would donate $250,000 to support the efforts of humanitarian organization CARE in Sri Lanka, which was devastated by a tsunami in December. The band will also match all donations made by fans to their website, www.dave matthewsband.com.

 

Friday, August 26
Police continue search for two rape suspects

Police today continued their search for two suspects in an abduction and rape that was reported early Wednesday morning. According to the Charlottesville Police Department, the victim was walking near the intersection of Rosser Avenue and 12th Street NW when the suspects approached her in their car. They then forced her into the vehicle, drove her elsewhere in the city and allegedly raped her. The suspects, both estimated to be in their 40s, were described as a black man, about 6′ tall, and a Hispanic man. At press time, the Charlottesville police did not consider this incident related to the ongoing investigation of the serial rapist but, as Sergeant J. Hatter said, “They’re still investigating.”

 

Saturday, August 27
A born entertainer is born

His wee body conveying a goldmine of artsy DNA, Leander Wilde St. Ours made his debut just after noon today with a command performance at Martha Jefferson Hospital. Weighing in at 4 pounds, 11 ounces, the youngest St. Ours is the progeny of experimental filmmaker and iron-works artisan John St. Ours and locally noted actress and director Melinda Hardy St. Ours. In the words of his proud papa, Leander “looks like some kind of Mafioso Kingpin, with the body of a snowpea.” Casting agents, take note.

 

 

Sunday, August 28
Jackpot fever hits again

With the 12-state Mega Millions jackpot now at $111 million, even Virginia Lottery cynics have a hard time saying “no” to a $1 ticket. The drawing will take place Tuesday night.

 

 

Monday, August 29
Casteen assails racists

Today town and gown alike were buzzing about racial incidents that began late last week at UVA and continued through the weekend. In a campus-wide letter sent via e-mail Sunday, UVA President John T. Casteen III wrote: “These troubling incidents—which thus far have been affirmed by investigations—share common characteristics: all have been vicious, deliberate, and secretive efforts to insult and abuse members of this community for the color of their skin. The perpetrators—whether students or non-students, on Grounds or off —who lurk outside a student’s room to write the words ‘Nigger/I hate Jesus’ on a note board or who shouts racial abuse from a passing vehicle do nothing to advance truth or knowledge and communicate nothing other than her or his desperate lack of fit in our community.” Casteen encouraged the UVA community to report all incidents to campus police and to continue to show intolerance for racist stupidity.

 

Written by John Borgmeyer from staff reports and news sources.

 

 

Having it both ways, and then not at all
Catholic and Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tim Kaine fails the pro-choice test

 On August 17, NARAL Pro-Choice Virginia announced their candidate endorsements for the upcoming election. Their major endorsements went straight down the Democratic Party line, save one: When it came to the gubernatorial race, NARAL declined to endorse the Dems’ man, Tim Kaine, who happens to be a devout Catholic.

   “He embraces many of the restrictions on a woman’s right to choose that are opposed by NARAL Pro-Choice Virginia,” the announcement said. “We cannot therefore offer any endorsement in this year’s race for governor.”

   The lieutenant governor and former Richmond mayor’s position on abortion is nuanced. He has a faith-based objection to abortion (same for the death penalty). Save
for dire circumstances, he’s opposed to third-trimester abortions. However, he says that if elected he would not criminalize first-trimester abortions, and would uphold
t
he current law. His views on the subject have even been compared in The American Prospect to those of George W. Bush.

   In the Richmond Statehouse—which is known throughout the country as a wasteland for women’s reproductive rights, according to Planned Parenthood—Independent gubernatorial candidate Russ Potts is decidedly pro-choice. NARAL, however, declined to endorse Potts, though his views align with theirs, because he is chairman of the State Senate’s Education and Health Committee, and NARAL wants to keep it that way.

   “Potts has served an extraordinarily important role where he is and it’s crucial that he stays [there],” says Ann O’Hanlon, executive director of NARAL Pro-Choice Virginia.

   O’Hanlon also points out that NARAL is behind Democratic lieutenant governor candidate Leslie Byrne 100 percent and “we expect people to vote the ticket.”

   Yet, the inevitable concern is that Kaine’s ambivalence on this key topic, coupled with NARAL’s nonendorsement, will alienate the Democrats’ pro-choice base. Come Election Day, those swing voters could throw their hats in with the Potts camp.

    “There are many constituents who wish that Kaine were able to take a stronger pro-choice stance,” says Sherry Kraft, co-chair of the Charlottesville Democratic Party. “It’s definitely a concern that’s out there.”

   Kraft prefers to look at the glass as half-full, pointing out that Kaine supports family planning, birth control and sex-ed initiatives in the public schools. His Republican opponent Jerry Kilgore, by contrast, recently accepted the endorsements of the National Right to Life Committee and the Virginia Society for Human Life Political Action Committee, both of which believe life starts at conception and neither of which condones birth control.

   The local Dems have not issued an official statement on the NARAL nonendorsement. But Kraft is considering organizing local party members closer to the election to pressure Kaine to articulate a stronger pro-choice position.

   Joshua Scott, director of programs at UVA’s Center for Politics, agrees with Kraft’s assessment. He also says that while not getting NARAL’s endorsement doesn’t help matters, it isn’t everything.

   “Media and candidates make more of endorsements than the general public,” says Scott. “It’s hard to say whether this gives the election to Kilgore. If Potts is able to pick up steam and if it looks like he’s in good standing come late September, he’s likely to benefit from a lot of pro-choice voters. However, if Potts fizzles out, those voters will probably vote for Kaine.”

   Virginia has never had a Catholic governor. If Kaine is looking to reconcile his religious convictions with the political agenda of his party’s base, he might want to look to fellow Catholic Del. Mitch Van Yahres, who represents Charlottesville in the General Assembly.

   “Van Yahres has an outstanding pro-choice voting record,” says Ben Greenberg, director of government relations of Planned Parenthood Advocates of Virginia. “His votes reflect a true understanding of the reproductive rights issues.”

   Scott, however, notes that the key difference between the two politicians is that Charlottesville is famously liberal; the entire state is famously not liberal. It’s expected that Van Yahres would support abortion rights. Kaine, says Scott, must walk a finer line, and his religious opposition to abortion could help him appear more moderate in Virginia’s more conservative areas.

   Regardless, says Greenberg, “the individual who sits as governor will be vitally important in stemming the tide” that’s rising against reproductive freedoms in the Statehouse.—Nell Boeschenstein

 

Fear factor
Kilgore continues to dodge Potts with help from Larry Sabato

Jerry Kilgore wants to be a tough guy. The foppish Republican gubernatorial candidate wants voters to know  he can’t stand immigrants, loves guns and isn’t afraid to execute convicts. So why won’t Kilgore step on stage with his challenger, Independent candidate Russ Potts?

   Keeping with the Republi-can strategy of careful image control, Kilgore has debated Democratic challenger Tim Kaine only once, with another debate scheduled in Fairfax County on September 13. Kilgore has refused to debate Potts; a debate between Kaine and Potts is scheduled for September 30.

   “The debate should be between candidates who have a legitimate shot of winning the election,” says Kilgore spokesman Tucker Martin.

   Potts, who collected more than 24,000 signatures to get his name on the ballot, has a different take.

   “Jerry-boy is a lousy public speaker.
He has no confidence. He has no knowledge of the issues,” says Potts. “He hates confrontation.”

   The Center for Politics at UVA is now getting caught up in the debate over debates, too.

   Larry Sabato, the ubiquitous political commentator who directs the Center, says he tried for months to get the three candidates on the same stage for a debate to be televised statewide. The Center proposed that Potts would be included if his poll numbers hit 15 percent—which is the standard the two major parties have set for inclusion in the presidential debates. Kaine and Potts agreed, but Kilgore balked and stalled before finally agreeing to the terms a couple weeks ago, Sabato says.

   On August 18, the Newport News Daily Press ran an editorial criticizing Sabato for the 15 percent standard. On August 19, The Washington Post ran a similar editorial, accusing Sabato of burdening Potts with an “arbitrary” 15 percent benchmark.

   The usually amicable Sabato immediately went on the offensive. In letters to the editors of both papers, Sabato made it clear that the 15 percent standard was not arbitrary. “When we consulted with legal experts before making our debate proposal this year,” Sabato wrote, “the one thing they insisted upon was that we should be consistent and not arbitrary, and therefore should maintain the same standard used for years and years…” Sabato’s letter compared Potts, a Republican Senator since 1992, to Libertarian candidate William Redpath, who was on the gubernatorial ballot in 2001 but was also excluded from the debates by the 15 percent standard.

   The Washington Post re-sponded with a correction on August 22. On Saturday, August 27, the Daily Press ran an op-ed column from the Center correcting the error.

   Not everyone is letting Sabato off the hook, though. The snarky bloggers known as Not Larry Sabato say comparing Potts, an experienced senator, to Redpath, a “man off the street,” is a false analogy.

   “To compare it to the presidential race and their 15 percent threshold is also laughable,” NLS says via e-mail. “Presidential candidates are much more closely followed at an earlier date, making 15 percent easier to achieve for a credible candidate.”

   Saying Sabato should have used his influence to get all three candidates on the same stage, NLS continues: “Voters deserve to see them all, and shouldn’t let an agenda of Professor Sabato wanting to be friends with the incoming governor stop them from that.”

   Maybe next year. After the election, Sabato says he plans to arrange a meeting of press and broadcasters to set up firm dates for debates—no benchmarks, no haggling with campaign managers. “If a candidate doesn’t show up, too bad. The debate will be held with an empty chair,” says Sabato. “There will be a price to pay.”

   Potts vows that he’ll hit the 15 percent mark. Meanwhile, he says Kilgore is already paying a price for dodging a debate.

   “There’s no way he wins in the court of public opinion,” says Potts. “Whenever I’m out, people wonder, ‘Why won’t Jerry Kilgore debate you?’”—John Borgmeyer

 

Not another parkway!
Enviros express surprise at Van Yahres’ support for proposed road

When Bern Ewert cooked up plans for a 16-mile parkway as an alternative to the proposed Western Bypass, it seems he was hoping local environmentalists would embrace his idea as an eco-friendly way to ease congestion on 29N. So far, though, opponents of the much-reviled Bypass say they’re also wary of Ewert’s road—known as the Ruckersville Parkway—which is being promoted by Charlottesville delegate Mitch Van Yahres and local urban planner Gary Okerlund, too.

   “At this point we don’t have enough information to judge, but there are a number of concerns we have,” says Trip Pollard, a senior attorney and land-use specialist at the Southern En-vironmental Law Center.

   Pollard says he’s waiting for more information on how the Parkway might en-courage sprawl in northern Albemarle and Greene; he also wants to know how much the Parkway will cost and whether it would take away from other proposals to ease traffic on 29N.

   In 1998, the SELC sued
the Virginia Department of Transportation, the Com-monwealth Transportation Board, the Federal Highway Administration and the U.S. Department of Transporta-tion over the Bypass; the suit delayed the road, and VDOT put the project on hold four years later when the agency ran out of money.

   Plans for the Ruckersville Parkway are preliminary, Ewert says, but the road could solve some problems that many in Albemarle had with the Bypass. Because it would partially use existing roads, the Parkway could be substantially cheaper than the four-mile Bypass, which has been projected to cost as much as $250 million. Ewert says he wants the Parkway to exclude trucks and adopt a speed limit between 35 and 40 miles per hour. “The road could be designed to roll with the land” instead of plowing over natural features, Ewert says.

   That sounds nice, says SELC’s Pollard. “But how could you make sure it
doesn’t have trucks? There will be a lot of pressure from downstate and from the federal government to put trucks on it.”

   Much of the pressure to build a bypass here comes from politicians in Lynch-burg and Danville, who claim Charlottesville’s 29N bottlenecks hurt business activity in their cities. Last week, Republican gubernatorial candidate Jerry Kilgore announced his support for the Western Bypass, no doubt a nod to voters south of Charlottesville.

   Jeff Werner of the Piedmont Environ-mental Council (which joined the SELC in their suit against the Bypass) says he does not favor any road project that goes outside the growth area that Albemarle has designated around the 29N corridor. “Growth belongs in the growth area,” says Werner. “We’re trying to resolve local transportation issues, not build a highway for Lynchburg.”

   Werner says he was “a little disappointed, a little surprised” that Van Yahres, a staunch environmentalist, would lend his support to the Parkway. “Folks who opposed the Bypass for years are stunned,” says Werner.

   But Van Yahres is just be-ing practical. “There’s going to be growth, there’s going to be increased traffic, period—whether this road is built or not,” he says. Citing the low speeds and possibility for bike paths along the Park-way, Van Yahres says the road would be environmentally friendly, even if it did wind through parts of the county not designated to receive growth.

   Van Yahres has also been taking flak from Greene County supervisor Steve Catalano, who says he was “blindsided” by the proposal. “If you’re going to plan a bypass in my county and call it the Ruckersville Parkway, it might have been nice to get our input,” says Catalano. If the road bypasses Ruck-ersville, Catalano says it could hurt Greene businesses.

   For now, Van Yahres and Ewert are raising money—$2,500 from one unnamed local business owner alone—to pay a local engineering firm, Draper and Associates, to do a more complete proposal for the Parkway. He says news about the road leaked out, and he hopes critics will chill until the study is complete. “We’re not trying to blindside anybody,” says Van Yahres.—John Borgmeyer

 

Beyond the limit
Could Fairfax DUI decision get more drunk drivers off the hook?

Labor Day is one of the drunkest days of the year, according to the Virginia State Police. As such, it kicks off the drunk season, er, make that the holiday season: Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Year’s Eve rank high in the drunk department, too. While there’s no doubt that drunk drivers are in the wrong, a recent Fairfax case has gotten nationwide attention because it may mean that during the pending season of inebriation people charged with DUI could get a new defense.

   A couple of weeks ago in Fairfax General District Court, a judge bought a defense attorney’s argument that the State’s drunk driving laws are unconstitutional because they deny the defendant’s right to presump-tion of innocence. The lawyer argued that it cannot be presumed that a blood alcohol level of 0.08, the State’s legal limit, means someone is drunk. Why? Every-body metabolizes alcohol differently.

   Almost immediately after the judge announced his decision, speculation began about whether this was a fluke or the start of a trend.

   “This judge is not only wrong, but he’s way wrong,” says Charlottesville Com-monwealth’s Attorney Dave Chapman, who thinks the case is an anomaly. “This decision is shocking in the extreme. The law is very clear and it’s not particularly recent and it will not be long before this reported decision is demonstrated to be of no merit whatsoever.”

   Chapman’s office, in fact, submitted a brief to Charlottesville General District Court in relation to a case that deals with just this issue on August 23. Chapman’s office concludes that “presumptions” are “rational conclusions,” and therefore A-O.K. The case was still pending at press time.

   A. E. Dick Howard, a professor of constitutional law at UVA, agrees with Chapman’s criticism of the decision, calling it both “idiosyncratic” and “quite misconceived.”

   Howard likens the argument to this: Say that a person’s caught going 75 mph in a 55 mph zone. He then defends himself by pointing to a flawless driving record. His argument would be that, as applied to him specifically, the State’s laws are unconstitutional.

   “The Commonwealth is entitled to say that the offense itself is going more than the speed limit,” says Howard. The offense is not about the individual per se, it’s about the law as it applies to everybody.
In terms of DUI in particular, continues Howard, this means that, “It’s not a
question of whether I have a larger body mass and therefore more alcohol in my blood than the next guy.”

   Howard’s point is that if an individual has a blood alcohol level that exceeds the State’s limit, his condition is a presumed threat. Moreover, it’s the State’s prerogative to set that limit. Further, Howard asserts that other judges have not ruled like the Fairfax judge because most of them understand that doing so would lead to enormous public health and safety issues. That’s why, he says, this strange decision has garnered so many headlines.

   But that doesn’t mean defense attorneys aren’t going to try the Fairfax argument out in other courts.

   “If there’s any chance that it would help a client, then we would bring [the issue] to the court’s attention,” says Rhonda Quagliana, a local defense attorney with St. John, Bolling & Lawrence, LLP.

   She allows, however, that the chances are slim that local judges will buy the Fairfax argument or decide DUI cases any differently in the future.

   “If somebody wants to know if their DUI case is going to get dismissed because of what happened in Northern Virginia,
I don’t think so,” she says.—Nell Boeschenstein

Categories
The Editor's Desk

Mailbag

Clucky stars

Just a short note of thanks for your cover photo by Andrew Hersey of the local sculptural tribute to our band in your “Finders keepers” feature of August 9.

   Some enjoy the Stones’ “hot lips” while others prefer Little Feat’s “hot tomato,” but everyone loves the Chickenheads.

   Now that you’ve done this cover feature, what can we do to rate a C-VILLE Pick?

 

Victor Brown, Johnny Gilmore, Skip Haga, Andy Rowland, Aric van Brocklin

The Chickenhead Blues Band

Albemarle County

CORRECTIONS

In last week’s Galleries section we incorrectly identified the sex of current BozArt artist Beq. Beq is a woman.

In the August 9 issue a photograph of Matt Singleton was incorrectly credited. Billy Hunt took the picture.

Due to an editing error, “plum” was used in Susan Sorensen’s Timeline piece in the August edition of ABODE, where “plumb” was the correct term. The sentence should have read: “Check again to make sure each post is plumb.”

Categories
Uncategorized

News in review

Tuesday, August 16
Deeds supports bassicide

Today Creigh Deeds, Democratic candidate for Attorney General, launched a gun-rights group called “Sportsmen for Deeds” to play up his support for the right of all Virginians to hunt, fish and purchase weapons. Like fellow Democrat Tim Kaine, the gubernatorial candidate, Deeds apparently feels the need to pander to the Right. Deeds is no centrist-come-lately, however—as a State Senator he received endorsements from the National Rifle Association. Deeds has also sponsored a constitutional amendment that guarantees Virginians’ right to hunt and fish. Which invites the question: Fish? Is there really an anti-fishing lobby?

 

Wednesday, August 17
NARAL nixes Kaine endorsement

Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tim Kaine was snubbed today when the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League (NARAL) announced its Virginia endorsements today…and denied Kaine their seal of approval. NARAL didn’t endorse Republican Jerry Kilgore or Independent Russ Potts, either. According to NARAL Virginia’s website, “We cannot offer any endorsement in this year’s race for governor…[but] we see more hope for the women of Virginia in Kaine’s candidacy and we are eager and willing to work with him…” NARAL endorsed Democrat Leslie Byrne for Lieutenant Governor, and for Attorney General the group endorsed Democrat Creigh Deeds. NARAL also endorsed Steve Koleszar, who’s running against Republican incumbent Rob Bell to be Albemarle’s delegate in the General Assembly.

 

MZM’s move to Greene in doubt

Today Veritas Capital announced that it would buy embattled defense contractor MZM, Inc., raising questions about whether the company still plans to move into the former Technicolor building in Ruckersville. Republican Virgil Goode, the region’s U.S. Congressman, recieved major donations from MZM and brokered the deal to bring the company to the Greene County facility owned by Coran Capshaw. MZM was supposed to take over the facility this summer. The company’s future is in doubt, however, in the wake of a scandal involving the company’s former president Mitchell Wade, who purchased the home of California Rep. Randy “Duke” Cunningham, and who let the Congressman live on his yacht.

 

Thursday, August 18
Police nab peeper

Today Charlottesville police detectives arrested 26-year-old David Lee Long and charged him with three counts of breaking and entering, and one count of peeping stemming from a series of incidents that began in May. The most recent incident occurred early this morning, when a 29-year-old UVA graduate student awoke to find a man kneeling beside her bed. She screamed and the man ran away. Police say DNA tests have eliminated Long as a suspect in the ongoing serial rape investigation.

 

They’re hiding WMDs in the Metro station

Today Republican gubernatorial candidate Jerry Kilgore spoke on local radio station WINA and said that a Northern Virginia street gang is working with Al-Qaeda. The FBI says there is no evidence to support Kilgore’s claim, according to Bob Gibson in The Daily Progress. The Latin American gang MS-13 has been linked to at least one murder in Northern Virginia; the only clear link between the gang and Al-Qaeda is that both are favorite boogeymen for grandstanding politicians.

 

Friday, August 19
UVA and Al Groh—everybody’s happy

UVA football coach Al Groh signed a new six-year contract that kicks in this season. The deal, which UVA announced today, gives Groh a substantial raise—his annual base salary increases to $240,000 from $200,000, and it increases his total annual compensation (which includes media appearances, fundraising and product endorsements) to $1.46 million from $765,000. With grip like that, maybe Groh can pay ACC champ Virginia Tech to throw their game against UVA…

 

Saturday, August 20
Crimes of fashion and robbery

Four people emptied the safe at the Student Book Store on the Corner at about 2pm today. Some of the robbers distracted employees while others cleaned out about $2,700. Police described the suspects as “Gypsy-looking,” according to The Daily Progress, and store manager Jeremy Hunt said that one violet-haired burglar had “a really bad die job.” Police suspect the crime was executed by a traveling band of organized thieves.

 

Sunday, August 21
Mystery of SUV proliferation solved

Charlottesville feels a lot bigger today as about 3,100 freshman Wahoos and about 300 transfer students moved into campus dorms today. There were no reports of public disgruntlement related to the fact that earlier this week UVA dropped a peg in the U.S. News & World Report university rankings to No. 23. Indeed, UVA retained its position as the second-ranked public university behind UC-Berkeley. Meanwhile, upperclassmen also converged on the town this weekend, packing Downtown restaurants for one last dinner on Mom and Dad.

 

Monday, August 22
16,500 kids bummed but parents feel better

Today about 4,200 city school students and about 12,300 county school students returned to class. As the joys of summer fade away, the heat seemed to be doing the same, with temperatures maxing in the mid-80s.

Written by John Borgmeyer from staff reports and news sources.

 

Portrait of a Fed
UVA art grad goes national with her portraits of Alan Greenspan

Erin had called me the night before to tell me the story was running, but when I picked up The Wash-ington Post on August 11, I had no idea it would be that big. Turning to the business section, there it was, front and center: a huge article, complete with a quartet of color images of Erin’s Alan Greenspan paintings. I did a little dance. Erin Crowe had made The Big Time, baby.

   That week Alan Greenspan raised interest rates for the 10th consecutive time, and the timing was perfect for Erin. Concur-rently, Erin, who’s a 24-year-old graduate of UVA’s art department and still lives here, had an art show in Sag Harbor, New York. It was all portraits of the Fed chairman. Sag Harbor is popular with Wall Street types and lucky for Erin, one of those types saw an ad for her show in the local paper, took a shine to the idea and alerted the news media.

 The next day Erin was featured on the financial news channel CNBC three times talking about her “Alans,” as she calls them. Within minutes of the last CNBC piece airing, all 18 Alans, priced between $1,000 and $4,000, had sold. The next day the Post piece came out. Last Sunday’s New York Times even got on the Erin Crowe bandwagon.

   It’s been two weeks now since the CNBC and Post coverage, and I’m still getting “Charlottesville” Google alerts about Erin and her Alans that random news services from Oregon to Florida have picked up. I have to resist the urge to forward her every alert.

   “It’s been very overwhelming,” she says. “It was what I always wanted but never expected.”

   Though all the Alans at the gallery have sold, she’s taken a few commissions. She also kept two—one she’s giving to her brother and the other to the gallery. Her parents bought one for posterity.

 

The first time I heard about Erin’s Alans I was working on C-VILLE’s art listings. I came across a show at Hot Cakes called “Alan As Art.” All the paintings, the press release said, were portraits of Alan Greenspan. “Alan Greenspan!” I thought to myself. “I love Alan Greenspan!”

   Every so often I develop a random crush on some high profile, white-dude politico. Mike McCurry (Clinton’s first press secretary) was my first love; Warren Christopher was next, but he was more of a fascination than a crush. When Erin’s show appeared on the radar, Alan Greenspan was my man of the hour. I insisted we feature the show in our listings.

   Fast forward a couple weeks later to when I met Erin through a mutual friend at a Christmas party we had all three crashed for the free vino. As soon as she found out where I worked, the first thing she did was thank me profusely, and smile her ear-to-ear smile, for putting the Alans in the paper.

   “I’m so flattered anyone would be interested in them,” she said, shaking her head.

   Girlfriend, do you believe me now when I tell you that was one smart idea?

   The Alans began when Erin asked herself, “What embodies the dollar sign?” She could come up with no better answer than the inimitable Mr. Greenspan. Before she knew it, she had painted four portraits of the Fed chairman.

   “Alan Greenspan’s face is good for portraiture because he has features that are challenging to paint and interesting to look at,” she says. “For example, when he purses his lips in either enthusiasm or anger he gets these dimples near his chin.”

   She’s sent Greenspan an e-mail offering to paint him a portrait in appreciation. She hasn’t heard from the man himself, but Greenspan’s wife, TV reporter Andrea Mitchell, has contacted Erin and the two are playing phone tag.

   Erin is an artist without an “e” on the end. What she likes about painting isn’t esoteric theory about postmodern negative space with a pop sensibility, but the process of putting paint to the canvas.

   “I keep coming back to the fact that I like to paint,” she says. “And I like it when it pleases other people.”

   She’s leaving for grad school in London in one month, destined for fame and fortune like Damien Hirst or Rachel Whiteread, I’m sure. Aside from the commissions, she doesn’t see any more Alans in her future, but she’s open to other pop icons. Maybe Oprah, maybe Warren Buffett.

   Why leave now? I ask her.

   “I’m really torn,” says Erin. “But I feel like I have to move on.”—Nell Boeschenstein

 

 

“Name’s Bond, Bail Bond”
On July 1, the number of Virginia bail bondsmen got slashed overnight

Bail-bonding isn’t for blue-chip men: Bailing people out of jail is a gamble, for sure. It used to be that any gambler could play the game, but that all changed on June 30, when Virginia’s Department of Criminal Justice Services took over the regulation of the state’s bail-bonding industry. Overnight, the number of bail bondsmen in the Commonwealth went to 400 from 1,300.

   The bail bonds-man is the guy you call when you land in jail after getting pulled over for drunk driving and you don’t have the cash to bail yourself out (or you simply don’t want to pony up your own dough). The bail bondsman comes and writes a check to the magistrate. That check is collateral to ensure you show up to all of your court dates. Once the entire court process is over the check is voided, and the bail bondsman collects his interest from you. The going bail bond interest rate in Virginia is 10 percent. On a $20,000 bond the bail bondsman collects $2,000.

   Kent Mills, a real estate agent and owner of Central Virginia Bonding, Inc. on Northfield Road, attributes the high interest rate to the fact that it’s “an extremely risky loan. If [the accused] doesn’t come to court, then the money is gone,” he says.

   In such cases, bail bondsmen either hire bounty hunters to track down their man or do it themselves.

   “I can kick a door open if I want to and say, ‘I’m Kent Mills and I’m coming in,’” he says.

   Luckily, it’s never come to that for Mills. He’s always gotten his money back with interest.

 

The June 30 development that cut the bail bondsmen population by two-thirds was just the latest in the ongoing process of increasing government control over bail-bonding, which began in October 2003. That month the State changed the law that allowed anyone to pay slightly more than $300 to become a bail bondsman. Instead, the new law required all bail bondsmen to get an insurance license (the same as if they were selling homeowners or car insurance), which means passing a State test.

   In January 2005, regulation was upped again when oversight was handed to DCJS. In turn, that department re-jiggered the requirements and those took effect midnight on June 30.

   “At that time [the bail bonding industry] wasn’t well regulated,” explains Eileen Guertler, planning and policy coordinator for DCJS. “We just want to make sure these individuals are trained.”

   Under DCJS, all bail bondsmen now need to be at least 18 years old, have a
high school education, be a U.S. citizen, have passed a DCJS course on bail-bonding and pay a $900 fee every 24 months.

   Mills blames the sudden drop in qualified bail bondsmen on the number of former bail bondsmen with felony records. Guertler agrees.

   “That’s probably true,” she says simply. “We weeded out those that were not acceptable, and a felon is not acceptable.”

   “DCJS has cleaned up the industry,” says Mills. “The bail bondsman you see today show up in a coat and tie. You don’t see anymore of these ponytails, earrings and gold chains with diamond pinkie rings. That’s the image of the bail bondsman.”

   According to Mills, the bulk of his calls—12 or 13 a week—come on the weekends; he’s rarely called to duty during the workweek, he says. While logic says that with fewer bail bondsmen around business would have picked up in the past two months, according to Mills it’s a seasonal business and the dog days of August are usually slow. During the holiday months, however, he says, “you can’t keep up.”

   Not that the job is as simple as putting up the money and tracking it back down.

There are times when posting bond is a moral question, too. For example, Mills says, he recently refused to bail out a crack addict with 10-month old twins, and whom he had bailed out three times since March.

   “I told him that night,” says Mills, “‘You can throw my phone number away and I’m going to recommend that your wife leave you.’”

   Mills admits, though, that refusing to bail out people isn’t the norm.

   “There are some people out there that would do anything for the money. As in any other business, you’re going to have people who say, ‘You got the money? Then, yeah.’”—Nell Boeschenstein

 

 

Sharing the wealth
At last, the City treats public housing like a neighborhood

On August 1, City Council voted to declare Charlottesville’s eight public housing sites a “target neighborhood,” making the Charlottesville Housing and Redevelopment Authority that manages them eligible for federal grant money.

   As a target neighborhood, next year the City’s Housing Authority will receive a $200,000 Community Development Block Grant from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. The federal government earmarks CDBG funds for infrastructure improvements such as sidewalks, parks and landscaping for low-income urban neighborhoods.

   The decision marks a shift in Council’s approach to CDBG funding. Over the past 14 years, Council has thrown CDBG money at neighborhoods destined for gentrification. The Rose Hill neighborhood received a total of $600,000 between 2002 and 2004. Ridge Street received the same amount between 1999 and 2001; Belmont got $600,000 between 1996 and 1998. In recent years those neighborhoods have seen double-digit assessment increases, and have become fashionable boroughs for prospective homebuyers. This is the first time the CHRA has been declared a target neighborhood.

   While Council has been busy helping inflate the real estate market, public housing has been all but ignored. The CHRA estimates it could take $20 million to fix up all of Charlottesville’s 376 public housing units; the city’s largest and oldest site, Westhaven, needs as much as $10 million to fix up the 126 apartments on Hardy Drive.

   After so many years of deferred maintenance, $200,000 won’t fix all public housing’s problems, says Kendra Hamilton, a City Councilor and chair of the CHRA board. As a target neighborhood, the CHRA is actually eligible for $600,000, but Hamilton says Council wants to start slow. “Given the Housing Authority’s issues and problems, we didn’t want to dump all that money on them at once,” Hamilton says.

   Perhaps the biggest problem for the Housing Authority has been lack of solid leadership. Five executive directors have come and gone since the mid-1980s; most recently, the CHRA board fired New York attorney Paul Chedda after just nine months on the job.

   One of Chedda’s final frustrations was Council’s refusal to grant the Authority any CDBG funds. “He was asking for the entire pot of money, around a half a million dollars. It just wasn’t going to happen,” Hamilton says.

   Each year the City gets about $600,000 for CDBG funds. Typically, one-third of that sum goes to target neighborhoods. A committee that considers neighborhood requests for specific projects distributes the rest.

   Now that Noah Schwartz, former director of the Monticello Area Community Action Agency, has taken over the CHRA, Hamilton says Council feels more confident about cutting checks to the Authority. Schwartz and the CHRA board will meet in the coming year to decide exactly how to spend the CDBG grant.

   Westhaven resident and public housing activist Harold Foley says the money should be used to renovate the projects’ playgrounds. At Westhaven, for example, one of the two playgrounds has exposed concrete, pipes and metal that could be dangerous; the other playground is padlocked. “Maintenance has really improved in the past six months,” says Foley. “The lighting situation is much better, but I would like to see the playgrounds redone.”

   Also, the CHRA is finally trying to use Charlottesville’s real estate market to help public housing. Last week, the CHRA collected several bids from developers interested in building market-rate and public housing on an Authority-owned Levy Avenue parking lot. The goal, says board member and local apartment magnate Rick Jones, is to have market-rate housing that subsidizes low-income housing. If it works on Levy, the Authority has tentative plans to redevelop Westhaven along a similar model.—John Borgmeyer

 

Fields of dreams
Developers dim City hopes for a new park in North Albemarle

The 33 acres of bucolic hills owned by the Wetsel family, just yards from the sprawl-encrusted landscape of Route 29N, is one of the last vestiges of rural Albemarle in the county’s fast-growing urban ring around Charlottesville. But not for long.

   The Wetsel farm is up for sale. According to the listing agent, Gloria Welch of Real Estate III, a New York developer has expressed interest in the $15-million property. “I would expect that an offer will be made very soon,” says Welch.

   This is bad news for City environmentalists who had hoped Albemarle County would purchase the Wetsel farm and turn it into a park. City Councilor Kevin Lynch has been the most vocal proponent of using the Wetsel farm to replace city parkland that will be lost to the Meadowcreek Parkway.

   Last month, Virginia Senator John Warner earmarked $25 million in federal highway funds to pay for an interchange connecting the Meadowcreek Parkway to the 250 Bypass at McIntire Road. City Council had said they wouldn’t approve the Parkway unless it came with an interchange, a roadblock Warner’s pork finally erased.

   The question of lost parkland had also been a sticking point. The Meadowcreek Parkway will claim about nine acres of McIntire Park, following Meadow Creek along the park’s eastern border. The Parkway will snake north to Rio Road—Albemarle County and the Virginia Department of Transportation have agreed that VDOT will purchase about 50 acres of land on either side of the road. That land will be a “linear park” with trails for hiking and biking.

   “The problem with the land,” says Lynch, “is that we’re getting quantity, but not quality.” The 50 acres is mostly lowlands around Meadow Creek, compared with the open hills the road will take from McIntire Park. “In terms of recreational use, it’s tough to argue that we’re replacing what we’re losing,” says Lynch. He says that because so many county residents use city parks and playing fields, the County should buy the Wetsel farm and build softball diamonds and soccer fields.

   Not gonna happen, says Dennis Rooker, who chairs the Albemarle County Board
of Supervisors. The City, County and VDOT agreed on the current parkland trade-off, and according to the County’s Comprehensive Plan, the County wants to see mixed-use development on the Wetsel property. According to Welch of Real Estate III, that’s exactly what the Yankee developers would like to do, too.

   Lynch says that City Council—which has endured years of internal battles over the Parkway—doesn’t have the will to argue over replacement parkland any further. “As City Councilors, we’ve done about as much as we can,” says Lynch. “There’s enough county residents in the northern area that would benefit from new fields,” says Lynch. “It would be great to see them advocate for more recreation up there, but it would have to come from county voters at this point.”

   John Gallagher, president of the Woodbrook Neighborhood Association, says county residents have asked for more parkland in the past. He doubts, however, that anyone is going to mount a grassroots political campaign to push the Supervisors to change their plans on the Wetsel farm.
“I don’t think it will happen,” says Gallagher, “unless maybe Kevin Lynch wants to spearhead the movement.”—John Borgmeyer

 

What goes around comes around
Exploring Charlottesville’s past at UVA

If you consult the oldest map of Charlottesville, circa 1818, in the archives at The Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library at UVA, you will see that Second Street has not always been called Second Street. In the 19th century, the road that bisects the western side of Main Street, now the Downtown Mall, was actually called Hill Street. (Oddly, no one can explain why Charlottesville went from useful street names to confusing, sounds-the-same numbers, but that is another article entirely!)

The 58,000-square-foot Small Special Collections Library is full of such tidbits of local history. It includes a reserve of some 300,000 rare books, 12 million manuscripts and 4,000 maps, located in the basement of the new Mary and David Harrison Institute for American History, Literature and Culture. The Small Special Collections Library is open to all Virginia residents over the age of 16, but bring a photo I.D. if you want to get in.

Because the City of Charlottesville does not employ an official archivist, UVA’s Special Collections has been the primary preserve for local history since the 1930s, and it’s as much an asset to the University as it is to the City. Associate Director Edward Gaynor says, “Thomas Jefferson lived here, so Charlottesville has always been interesting to scholars.”

Due to the efforts of Special Collections Director Michael Plunkett, who has encouraged local topics amongst the research community, scholars studying urban planning, city development and political history frequently utilize the Charlottesville archive.

Most of the materials in the library are gifts from personal collections. From original planning maps to official City Council documents to videocassettes of election commercials, the collection chronicles Charlottesville from its humble roots in 1761 to today. In addition to official City documents the library also collects unofficial materials such as photographs, maps and personal papers. Gaynor says the library is currently pursuing the personal papers of State Delegate Mitch Van Yahres, Mayor David Brown and former mayors Maurice Cox and Francis Fife.

   Last year, Special Collections acquired the personal papers of former mayor turned state candidate David Toscano. From Toscano, the Small Special Collections Library received more than a dozen volumes of material including personal correspondence on the major issues during his tenure as mayor. Toscano says, “I hope the gift will provide insight into why certain things happened the way that they did, for people who are considering decisions in the future.” (Does Mayor David Brown consult the Toscano Oracle before every Council meeting? Only the librarian knows for sure!)

   In Gaynor’s opinion, one of the most exciting aspects of the local archive is The Holsinger Studio Collection. Rufus W. Holsinger was Charlottesville’s premier photographer from 1880 to 1920. Following his death, Holsinger’s son, Ralph W. Holsinger, Jr., donated some 10,000 negatives that chronicled all aspects of life in Charlottesville. To Gaynor, The Holsinger Collection is unique because “in the era of Jim Crow laws, Holsinger photographed everyone in Charlottesville, including African-Americans.” Holsinger chronicled many of Charlottesville’s most important historical moments—his images include photographs of the Monticello Guard marching off to fight in World War I, as well as three snapshots of the infamous Rotunda fire. The majority of the negatives are now available online at the Small Special Collections Library website, www.lib.virginia.edu/small/collections/ holsinger.—Anne Metz

Categories
News

Junk food nation

In recent months the major food companies have been trying hard to convince Americans that they feel the pain of our expanding waistlines, especially when it comes to kids. Kraft announced it would no longer market Oreos to younger children, McDonald’s promoted itself as a salad producer and Coca-Cola said it won’t advertise to kids under 12. But behind the scenes it’s hardball as usual, with the junk food giants pushing the Bush Administration to defend their interests. The recent conflict over what America eats, and the way the government promotes food, is a disturbing example of how in Bush’s America corporate interests trump public health, public opinion and plain old common sense.

   The latest salvo in the war on added sugar and fat came July 14-15, when the Federal Trade Commission held hearings on childhood obesity and food marketing. Despite the fanfare, industry had no cause for concern; FTC chair Deborah Majoras had declared beforehand that the commission will do absolutely nothing to stop the rising flood of junk food advertising to children. In June the Department of Agriculture denied a request from the group Commercial Alert to enforce existing rules forbidding mealtime sales in school cafeterias of “foods of minimal nutritional value”—i.e., junk foods and soda pop. The department admitted that it didn’t know whether schools are complying with the rules, but, frankly, it doesn’t give a damn. “At this time, we do not intend to undertake the activities or measures recommended in your petition,” wrote Stanley Garnett, head of the USDA’s Child Nutrition Division.

   Conflict about junk food has intensified since late 2001, when a Surgeon General’s report called obesity an “epidemic.” Since that time, the White House has repeatedly weighed in on the side of Big Food. It worked hard to weaken the World Health Organization’s global anti-obesity strategy and went so far as to question the scientific basis for “the linking of fruit and vegetable consumption to decreased risk of obesity and diabetes.” Former Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson—then our nation’s top public-health officer—even told members of the Grocery Manufacturers Association to “’go on the offensive’ against critics blaming the food industry for obesity,” according to a November 12, 2002, GMA news release.

   Last year, during the reauthorization of the children’s nutrition programs, Republican Senator Peter Fitzgerald of Illinois attempted to insulate the government’s nutrition guidelines from the intense industry pressure that has warped the process to date. He proposed a modest amendment to move the guidelines from the USDA to the comparatively more independent Institute of Medicine. The food industry, alarmed about the switch, secured a number of meetings at the White House to get it to exert pressure on Fitzgerald. One irony of this fight was that the key industry lobbying came from the American Dietetic Association, described by one Congressional staffer as a “front for the food groups.” Fitzgerald held firm but didn’t succeed in enacting his amendment before he left Congress last year.

   By that time the industry’s lobbying effort had borne fruit, or perhaps more accurately, unhealthy alternatives to fruit. The new federal guidelines no longer contain a recommendation for sugar intake, although they do tell people to eat foods with few added sugars. The redesigned icon for the guidelines, created by a company that does extensive work for the junk food industry, shows no food, only a person climbing stairs.

   Growing industry influence is also apparent at the President’s Council on Physical Fitness. What companies has the government invited to be partners with the council’s Challenge program? Coca-Cola, Burger King, General Mills, Pepsico and other blue chip members of the “obesity lobby.” In January the council’s chair, former NFL star Lynn Swann, took money to appear at a public relations event for the National Automatic Merchandising Asso-ciation, a vending machine trade group activists have been battling on in-school sales of junk food.

 

Not a lot of subtlety is required to understand what’s driving Ad-ministration policy. It’s large infusions of cash. In 2004 “Rangers,” who bundled at least $200,000 each to the Bush/ Cheney campaign, included Barclay Resler, vice president for government and public affairs at Coca-Cola; Robert Leebern Jr., president of federal affairs at Troutman Sanders PAG, lobbyist for Coca-Cola; Richard Hohlt of Hohlt & Co., lobbyist for Altria, which owns about 85 percent of Kraft foods; and José “Pepe” Fanjul, president, vice chairman and COO of Florida Crystals Corp., one of the nation’s major sugar producers. Hundred-thousand-dollar men include Kirk Blalock and Marc Lampkin, both Coke lobbyists, and Joe Weller, chairman and CEO of Nestle USA. Altria also gave $250,000 to Bush’s inauguration this year, and Coke and Pepsi gave $100,000 each. These gifts are in addition to substantial sums given during the 2000 campaign.

   For their money, the industry has been able to buy into a strategy on obesity and food marketing that mirrors the approach taken by Big Tobacco. That’s hardly a surprise, given that some of the same companies and personnel are involved: Junk food giants Kraft and Nabisco are both majority-owned by tobacco producer Philip Morris, now renamed Altria.

   Similarity No. 1 is the denial that the problem (obesity) is caused by the product (junk food). Instead, lack of exercise is fingered as the culprit, which is why McDonald’s, Pepsi, Coke and others have been handing out pedometers, funding fitness centers and prodding kids to move around. When the childhood obesity issue first burst on the scene, HHS and the Centers for Disease Control funded a bizarre ad campaign called Verb, whose ostensible purpose was to get kids moving.

   This strategy has been evident in the halls of Congress as well. During child nutrition reauthorization hearings, the man some have called the Senator from Coca-Cola, Georgia’s Zell Miller, parroted industry talking points when he claimed that children are “obese not because of what they eat at lunchrooms in schools but because, frankly, they sit around on their duffs watching Eminem on MTV and playing video games.” And that, of course, is the fault not of food marketers but of parents. Miller’s office shut down a Senate Agriculture Committee staff discussion of a ban on soda pop in high schools by refreshing their memories that Coke is based in Georgia.

   A related ploy is to deny the nutritional status of individual food groups, claiming that there are no “good” or “bad” foods, and that all that matters is balance. So, for example, when the Administration attacked the WHO’s global anti-obesity initiative, it criticized what it called the “unsubstantiated focus on ‘good’ and ‘bad’ foods.” Of course, if fruits and vegetables aren’t healthy, then Coke and chips aren’t unhealthy. While such a strategy is so preposterous as to be laughable, it is already having real effects. Less than a month after Cadbury Schweppes, the candy and soda company, gave a multimillion-dollar grant to the American Diabetes Association, the association’s chief medical and scientific officer claimed that sugar has nothing to do with diabetes, or with weight. Industry has also bankrolled front groups like the Center for Consumer Freedom, an increasingly influential Washington outfit that demonizes public-health advocates as the “food police” and promotes the industry point of view.

   Meanwhile, public opinion is solidly behind more restrictions on junk food marketing aimed at children, especially in schools. A February Wall Street Journal poll found that 83 percent of American adults believe “public schools need to do a better job of limiting children’s access
to unhealthy foods like snack foods,
sugary soft drinks and fast food.” Two bills recently introduced in Congress, Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy’s Prevention of Childhood Obesity Act and Iowa Senator Tom Harkin’s Healthy Lifestyles and Prevention (HeLP) America Act, both place significant restrictions on the ability of junk food producers to market in schools.

   Interestingly, this is a crossover issue between red and blue states. Concern about obesity and excessive junk food marketing to kids is shared by people across the political spectrum, and some conservatives, such as Texas Agriculture Commissioner Susan Combs and the Eagle Forum’s Phyllis Schlafly, as well as California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, have argued for restricting junk food marketing to children. This may be one of the reasons New York Senator Hillary Clinton has once again become vocal on the topic of marketing to children, although Senator Clinton has called not for government intervention but merely for industry self-regulation, requesting that the companies “be more responsible about the effect they are having”—exactly the policy the industry wants.

   A vigorous government response would clearly garner the sympathy of the majority of Americans. The growing chasm between what the public wants and the Administration’s protection of the profits of Big Food is a powerful example of the decline of democracy in this country. Let them eat chips!

 

Gary Ruskin is executive director of the nonprofit organization Commercial Alert, and Juliet Schor is a professor of sociology at Boston College. This article is reprinted with permission from the August 29 issue of The Nation.

Categories
News

Pleased to meat you

Dear Ace: As I was strolling to Fridays After 5, I noticed a sign in the window of the former Virginia Diode company on W. Main (the building with the cool blue tile work façade). The sign was written in Arabic. What does it mean and who occupies the space?—Stan Skrit

Stan: Arabic, eh? Well, Ace has always had a gift for learning new languages—Klingon, Esperanto, Pig Latin—but unfortunately, he hasn’t gotten around to learning Arabic quite yet. But, Ace did see Lawrence of Arabia six times, so a translation was not totally out of the question.

   Standing in front of the blue-tiled building on W. Main Street, Ace realized that not only was Arabic an entirely different language, it was an entirely different alphabet! For a translation, he would need to consult an expert.

   After failing to reach the owners of the shop, Ace contacted Betsy Mesard, an Arabic-speaking Ph.D. student in the Religious Studies department at UVA. (Most of Ace’s acquaintances, it goes without saying, are terribly well-educated people.) According to Mesard, the sign on the building announces, “Halal Meat, Afghan Brand Market.”

   Halal meat? Afghan Market? What kind of establishment sells meat and winter blankets? Has Musictoday decided to bite the bullet and open up a company store? O.K., probably not.

   “Halal meat is the Muslim counterpart to Kosher. The Afghan market,” Mesard speculated, “will provide foods that comply with dietary requirements of the practicing Muslim community here in town.”

   Ace didn’t know this before, but Muslims regard eating as an act of worship, like prayer or meditation. Because of the sacred nature of the dining experience, food preparations must adhere to the teachings of the Qur’an. Halal meat is hand-butchered according to Qur’anic rules, the most important being that the name of God be pronounced over the animal at the time of the slaughter. Forbidden by the Prophet Mohammed to harm animals, Halal butchers are also required to use extremely sharp knives to ensure that animals are killed instantly with minimal suffering.

   According to industry projections, the $75 billion American ethnic food market is expected to grow by 50 percent in the next decade. While ethnic consumers make up 37 percent of that market, the increase seems to be in response to America’s more adventurous palate.

   Even though the market on W. Main has not opened yet, Ace is counting the days until he can stock up on halal meat and his other Afghani favorite—chili pepper-flavored gummy worms.

Categories
News

HonkyTonk Man

Dwight Yoakam had the look: long and lean with the big cowboy hat and the facial demeanor that suggested lonely and liking it. He had the voice: that extra little twang that suggests an education away from the schoolhouse.

 If you have yet to see Wedding Crashers, Vince Vaughn and Owen Wilson play a pair of irreverent marriage counselors, and the opening scene is a funny mediation session between the lead characters and a couple in the midst of an ugly divorce and their lawyers. You have to pay attention, because the scene is dominated by Vaughn and Wilson, but Dwight Yoakam plays the future ex-husband who is about to lose his frequent flyer miles.

In the mid-1980s, Time magazine called Dwight Yoakam a renaissance man. A renaissance man possesses many talents, and in Dwight’s case that is hard to deny. But I would say that Yoakam is a musician who takes professional risks out of necessity. When he busted on the scene in 1984 with his EP A Town South of Bakersfield, he was already so rooted in the Bakersfield sound that he could have been Buck Owens incarnate. He had the look: long and lean with the big cowboy hat and the facial demeanor that suggested lonely and liking it. He had the voice: that extra little twang that suggests an education away from the schoolhouse. And he had the third element of the triple crown: that guitar player—Pete Anderson—who can turn a tune into a hit.

Yoakam was born in Kentucky in Pikesville Hospital, the same birthplace as Patty Loveless, but three months earlier. He was raised in Columbus, Ohio, and his mother owned a good record collection including the essentials: Johnny Cash, Hank Williams and Buck Owens. After a brief stint at Ohio State, Dwight moved to Nashville where the scene was awash in the success of Urban Cowboy and a little too polished for his liking. Yoakam hooked up with guitarist Anderson there, and together they moved out to Los Angeles where Yoakam’s rootsy country music fit in nicely with some of the roots music purveyors of the punk rock scene, musicians like Dave Alvin and The Blasters, Los Lobos and X. The punk scenes in L.A. and New York each tended to be inclusive of other styles of music, as long as they were genuine. The New York scene included the Latino influence in Mink Deville and Garland Jeffries, and some reggae as well. L.A.’s roots rock was based on “American Music.”

Four years later, Yoakam’s debut EP was released. That was the time when MCA Records President Tony Brown had begun signing new, traditional-sounding country acts in Nashville, and Music City seemed a bit more interested in its own family tree. Brown typically gets credit for signing Lyle Lovett, Steve Earle, Nanci Griffith and others to MCA, ushering in a period of neo-traditionalism in country music.

In 1986, Reprise Records re-released Yoakam’s EP as Guitars, Cadillacs, etc. etc… with extra tracks. Even the title suggests that Yoakam was no slave to country music’s legacy, and it was well received by not only country audiences, but by rock audiences as well. The CD got a lot of play on college radio. Dwight’s first single was a cover of Johnny Horton’s “Honky Tonk Man” that made it to No. 3 on the country music charts. His next LP release in 1987, Hillbilly Deluxe, had four Top 10 hits, and in 1988 Dwight hit No. 1 with Buck Owens’ “Streets of Bakersfield.” In the music business, a No. 1 song is a very big deal, and it solidified Yoakam’s position as a star. Dwight’s sound was not original, but it was very genuine, and his tunes were so good that his appeal was extensive.

Yoakam’s records steadily garnered fans and in 1993, he released his most popular record to date, the fantastic This Time, with its perfect blend of commercial honky tonk tunes, radio-friendly production and extraordinary musicianship.

The fact is, Yoakam was making his living with someone else’s musical style. Twenty years had passed since Owens was writing hits, and Yoakam was so naturally adept at the music that it may have seemed that you were listening to this great new Bakersfield sound for the first time. But to sustain his career, he had to take chances, though not necessarily big chances (Dwight’s ambient record is still in the can). Still, he needed to take some risks to keep the audience’s attention. As an artist you can lead fans down unexplored paths a little at a time and that is what Yoakam has always been savvy enough to do.

He tried his hand at acting, getting small parts in very fine movies like Red Rock West and putting in a memorable performance in the sleeper hit Sling Blade. He had unquestionable success in the movie business and in 2000, Yoakam wrote, directed and acted in South of Heaven, West of Hell. The movie had a wildly eccentric cast, including Bridget Fonda, Billy Bob Thornton and Paul Reubens, and both critics and audiences were cool toward it. Nevertheless, Yoakam had his writing and directorial debut under his belt. O.K., John Mellencamp has directed a movie and James Carville has written a children’s book. But one thing that you cannot say about Yoakam is that he lacks ambition. Dwight has said about movies, “Films are miracles in no minor way when they come to fruition at all.”

South of Heaven, West of Hell was not the only thing that Dwight had under his belt, because he ended up in a relationship with co-star Fonda. That relationship ended in 2002, very close to the release of Population Me, a record that Dwight says is about “taking care of yourself first.”

Dwight’s professional life took a turn as well when he finished out his contract with Reprise Records with a record of covers, Used Cuts, and suddenly had some decisions to make about how his music was going to get out to the people. Audium Records in Nashville approached Yoakam with the opportunity of starting his own label, and the deal was sealed when Dwight set up Electrodisc-Audium to release his own records and those of anyone else he might care to endorse. Population Me, Yoakam’s 17th record, was the first release on the newly established label. Dwight’s newest release, Blame The Vain, is on the good New West label that also offers discs of Delbert McClinton, John Hiatt and Buddy Miller.

Population Me was followed very closely by his split with Anderson who, besides being his longtime guitarist, also produced his records. The two had been together since their days in Nashville before either had a record; in some ways they could be considered the country music version of Mick and Keith, although Anderson’s public profile was always extremely low. Anderson produced most of Dwight’s records and he gave that music a sound that was always spare, yet incredibly interesting to listen to. He was the Fender-bending icing on Dwight’s honky tonk cupcakes. The duo claim in public that the split was about creative differences, but they ended up in court to have their creative differences sorted out, so you, the listener, can make that call.

Yoakam takes production credit for his most recent CD, Blame The Vain, which came out in June. The studio band is the same band that will appear at the Pavilion on August 20 and they are very good. New guitarist Keith Gattis sure sounds like a student of Anderson, especially when it comes to finding those low notes. Drummer Mitch Marine is strong and can likely play with anybody, and reports say that bassist Taras Prodaniuk plays the upright live, which should be great.

When I first picked up Blame The Vain, I had to look twice to make sure I had not gotten a Roxy Music record. The artwork throughout is highly stylized, featuring a gamalicious brunette model who is posed to resemble a mannequin. (Is that Dwight’s Jerry Hall?) And then there is Dwight. Designer duds and pouty poses refer to the CD title, but I might have preferred that Dwight not make a personal appearance on the cover.

Blame The Vain kicks off with the rockin’ title track that sounds like an amped-up Byrds meets Richard Thompson tune with beautiful droning guitar. And my hat goes off to Dwight’s songwriting: He can still sneak a nice bridge into a tune, which seems to have gone missing on the radio these days. A pure country music waltz, “Lucky That Way,” a la Merle follows. “Intentional Heartache” seems like a real stab at a hit single. It is a tune about a wife who is pissed off about the breakup of her marriage, and she drives to North Carolina to toss her ex’s stuff, including his boots and a signed Dale Jr. poster, into his mother’s yard. Dwight nods to Buck Owens on “Does It Show,” right down to the lyrics about “love’s biggest clown.” “Three Good Reasons” is the shuffle that Dwight can write in his sleep, and “Just Passing Time” and “I’ll Pretend” can each separate a drunk at the bar from all of his spare quarters.

Yoakam claims that he had The Beatles on his mind when he was writing this record, and “She’ll Remember” is the first piece of evidence, with its weird John Cale spoken-word lyric over the rhythm of “Tomorrow Never Knows,” and then the sudden shift into an interestingly arranged Yoakam original. But even the drum fill could have come from Ringo. And “When I First Came Here” has a conspicuously Beatles feel.

Lyrically, the record is as focused on the breakup of relationships and the pain that follows as it can be. Except for the title tune, which is a rumination on blame, every tune is a sore lament about a lover not turning out as expected. Does Dwight expect us to think that his personal life is not in these songs?

The final three songs begin: “When I first came here I was empty, lost and weak;” “Watch how she tore me apart;” and “Take her away, but don’t let her see me.” Though one can make the assumption that the end of a relationship found its way into these songs, Yoakam says, “I don’t journal my life. I don’t find it that interesting.”

For all of Blame’s alleged restlessness, the tunes that make the record are still the ones that conjure up Buck Owens in his heyday. Few artists change music from the inside out, and do it in a way that takes millions of fans with them. Bach, The Beatles, James Brown, Bob Marley—they were all making music from the influence of others, and yet they managed to internalize the music to such a degree that they transformed it into something completely new.

Like his L.A. peers Los Lobos, Dwight has tried spinning his musical career in different directions, but he always comes back to Point A, that is, guitars and Cadillacs. Los Lobos, on the other hand, have radically shifted direction numerous times from the traditional La Pistola, to the rock-meets-Tejano of The Neighborhood, to the very Waitsy Colossal Head. While the Lobos may have sacrificed part of their audience to pursue new directions, Dwight has always been on point commercially. And although there may not be tunes as picture perfect as “Little Ways” and “Johnson’s Love” from the early albums, Dwight is still writing good, strong tunes after 20 years.

Dwight has sold 23 million records altogether—go ahead and count them. If that is not a sign of vitality, then what is? Fans have stayed with him for all those years and records. And I have never talked to one person who said that they went to see Dwight and had a so-so time. So get that Keith Urban CD out of the player, and come see a performer with a genuine connection to country music’s tradition. Dwight can be considered The Mailman of country music because he always delivers. It’s going to be a very good time. Dwight Yoakam and his band will be at tshe Charlottesville Pavilion on Saturday, August 20.

WHO: Dwight Yoakam

WHAT: A country superstar who has consistantly delivered since the early 1980s

WHEN: Saturday, August 20, 7:30pm

WHERE: Charlottesville Pavilion, east end of the Downtown Mall

HOW MUCH: $27-41.50

MORE INFO: 800-594-TIXX;

www.charlottesvillepavilion.com

 

Mr. Yoakam goes to Hollywood

Dwight’s filmography

Red Rock West (1992)

Played a truck driver in this thriller about a hitman hired to kill an unfaithful wife. Directed by John Dahl.

The Little Death (1995)

Played Bobby Lomax in this mildly entertaining, but predictable, thriller. Directed by Jan Verheyen.

Sling Blade (1996)

Played Doyle Hargraves in this drama about a traumatized man starting over in a small town. Directed by Billy Bob Thornton.

Painted Hero (1997)

Played Virgil Kidder in this drama about rodeo riders. Directed by Terry Benedict.

The Newton Boys (1998)

Played Brentwood Glasscock in the 1920s action film about bank robbers. Directed by Richard Linklater.

The Minus Man (1999)

Played Detective Blair in this serial killer drama starring Owen Wilson. Directed by Hampton Fancher.

South of Heaven, West of Hell (2000)

Directed and starred as Valentine Casey in this critically panned Western, which he also wrote.

Panic Room (2002)

Played Raoul in the summer blockbuster thriller starring Jodie Foster. Directed by David Fincher.

Hollywood Homicide (2003)

Played Leroy Wasley in this LAPD crime film about a rap murder starring Harrison Ford and Josh Hartnett. Directed by Ron Shelton.

3-Way (2004)

Played Herbert in the sexy noir-thriller remake of Gil Brewer’s pulp novel Wild to Possess.

The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada (2005)

Played Sheriff Belmont in the south-of-the-border drama
that scored big at the Cannes Film Festival. Directed by
Tommy Lee Jones.

Wedding Crashers (2005)

Played Mr. Kroeger in the bachelors-behaving-badly comedy starring Owen Wilson and Vince Vaughn. Directed by David Dobkin.—Anne Metz

Categories
The Editor's Desk

Mailbag

Conduct yourself accordingly

I was seeing red when I read the letter to the editor attacking efforts to bring VRE passenger rail service to Charlottesville “Choo-choo-choose wisely,” Mailbag, July 12].

Since the writer of the letter admits that she herself moved here to get away from the wretched excesses of Northern Virginia (too many people, too many strip malls, too much traffic, too many town houses), I would like her to tell me how this rail service is connected to all these excesses. And Charlottesville cannot be compared to Gainesville, which had become a bedroom community because it is only 30 miles from the nation’s capitol, and has done so without benefit of commuter rail.

This proposed VRE rail service will really help the community. It will not bring any more onslaught of over development than what is already in progress.

I belong to the Virginia Association of Railway Patrons and the National Association of Railway Patrons, and in a small way helped to restore Amtrak’s Cardinal line when it was taken off during the Reagan Administration. There is no other form of transportation that can move as many goods and people as a train and use less fuel. And at this time, what could be more important with the shortage of oil?

I plan to take the VRE to D.C. often. I have been retired for many years and I don’t make the drive because it is dangerous and there is too much traffic. I’ve tried Amtrak, but the rains are always late and it is impossible to get a reservation. With better rail connections, I will have another way to get there.

We should work on controlling development with better planning for our region, not by denying the freedom to travel to people like me.

I hope the writer will think about this and join us to bring VRE to Charlottesville and help our community.

 

Robert M. Seaman

Charlottesville

 

“Best” behave

In your “Worst of 2005” piece [“Best of C-VILLE 2005,” August 2] it seems that you forgot one “Worst.” Worst Charlottesville citizen habit: making disparaging remarks about UVA and the students while secretly knowing that none of the things on the “Best Of” list would be here without them.

 

Andrew Garrahan

Alexandria

 

Font of wisdom

 

This letter is to the Rivanna Water and Sewer Authority [“So simple, it just might work,” The Week, August 2]. I could have saved the $1.1 million you paid to consultants: STOP THE OUT-OF-CONTROL HOUSING DEVELOPMENT! No development = water conservation problem solved. No charge for the advice.

 

Pattie Boden

Charlottesville