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There's still time to fix the city schools

It was past 11pm on Thursday, March 3, and after four hours of deliberation the Charlottesville City School Board remained divided over how to balance the 2005-06 budget due the next day to City Council. Six of the board’s seven appointees were present, along with Dr. Scottie Griffin, the division’s superintendent. The sour atmosphere in the Charlottesville High School library was made no better by board members behaving like uncooperative first-graders. Eyes were rolling, snide comments were flying.

   During the first hour of the marathon meeting, which ended at midnight, the board had voted to raise out-of-district tuition next year. But on matters like putting money into a K-8 math program or raising teachers’ salaries, there was discord. Among the few diehards remaining in the audience, the agitation was getting loud. Casey Beeghly took the lectern. As an out-of-district parent, she told the board, she had been proud to send her two kids to city schools. “This year I’m embarrassed,” she said. “I’m amazed that you think this is an attractive school system. Some of you have no idea of the impact of this on the school system.

   “Wake up and smell the sewer!”

   Since July, when Griffin got here and Dede Smith was elected School Board chair, parents had grown more outraged over fast-paced, unexplained changes and declining morale as teachers faced sharp rebukes to their work. With five of the division’s nine schools narrowly failing State standards, the board had tried to find a new superintendent who could improve the division’s standing. But parents protested the changes and disrespect attributed to Griffin, and a much smaller contingent of black leaders fired back. They claimed that the real problem with Griffin, who is African-American, was her race and gender. They said white parents didn’t want black children to improve. Parents and teachers felt insulted. The board said little about it; the superintendent said nothing. There was hardly any substantive discussion of achievement strategies and little said about the schools’ many successes. Mostly the talk about the schools concerned “failure” and “racism.”

   Meanwhile, Griffin, with Smith at her back, took a “we know what’s good for you” stance. She wanted to cut direct student services such as guidance counselors and add four vague administrative posts that she claimed would fix achievement discrepancies. But, she couldn’t say exactly how the new jobs, budgeted at about $80,000 each, would fashion that. Public frustration mounted. At a mid-February board meeting, Melissa Schraeder, an instructional assistant at Greenbrier Elementary, summed it up: “If someone would show me how the budget closes the achievement gap, I would appreciate it.”

   Yes, the school division—or at least the discourse about the school division—has become messy. But is it really a sewer? What if it’s more like a leaky latrine? Can we fix it?

   That hundreds of people would attend dozens of school meetings over the past six months suggests the public really wants to be involved. Moreover, the $57.7 million budget that the School Board eventually approved is a compromise. Naturally, it’s imperfect (teachers’ modest raises remain controversial, for instance), but it’s far from Griffin’s first document. They were called unresponsive at times, yet the leadership apparently took some criticisms to heart.

   Those facts inform the assumption in this article that people want to and can work together to make the public schools worthy of, as one critic put it, “the myth of Charlottesville.” Even if Griffin has all but packed her bags to leave, as has been widely rumored [see sidebar, p.27], most parents and teachers are here to stay. There’s a good conversation awaiting everyone who cares about fixing what’s broken about Charlottesville’s public schools. Away from the rancor of School Board meetings, many have ideas for how to build on what’s working.

 

Start with a plan

As recently as early February, Griffin described her goals for the school system in general terms—“we are expecting that all of our students will achieve on an exemplary level.” But a division that faces the possibility of more State- and federal-level intervention if certain test scores don’t improve needs more deliberate goals than that. A vision of higher-achieving, more critically thoughtful students seems indisputable.

   The real work? Making a plan to get there. Washington takes a hand now that Charlottesville, with its 4,400 students, is among the small minority of Virginia school systems that have failed to make annual progress requirements. Last year Clark Elementary, for instance, had to offer parents the chance to send their children to other city grade schools as a consequence for its low Standards of Learning (SOL) passing rates, off by a few percentage points in most cases.

   If, in what school system personnel call the “unlikely event” that Clark doesn’t have an acceptable passing rate in math and English later this year, Washington will not only continue with the schoolchoice option. It will also require that students have extra services, such as personal tutoring, made available to them at the school division’s expense. And the sanctions will just keep getting tougher.

   Throughout the fall and winter many, including City Councilors, criticized Griffin for speeding to reroute the school division without first justifying it. In January, Councilor Blake Caravati said he wouldn’t support her budget because there was no guiding plan. Earlier this month, Councilor Kendra Hamilton agreed.

   “Blake is right. A strategic plan is the physical articulation of your vision,” she says.

   The School Board’s most recent strategic plan dates to 2000 and Griffin has said she
needs a year to write a new one. Absent something fresh, the superintendent said select recommendations from a division-wide audit conducted in November would guide her first budget. The audit, by Phi Delta Kappa International, came to the polarizing conclusion that Charlottesville’s gap in standardized test scores had to result from teacher inadequacies and a legacy of racism. Clearly, PDK said, the allocation of resources—at about $12,000 per student—isn’t the issue. (PDK made short shrift of socio-economic issues, not really paying attention, for instance, to poverty measures among low-scoring kids.)

   Griffin’s unspecified reference to the PDK audit at budget time didn’t fill in for a strategic plan. In February, Karl Ackerman pleaded with the board: “In all of these discussions, I have not heard the School Board decide to choose or not choose recommendations. It seems it would make [the process] easier to go through them. Why hasn’t the board chosen recommendations?”

   Clearly, in Charlottesville, where open government is treated practically as a birthright, the public wants a transparent vision of what the school system should look like at its best, and a set of steps to get there.

   In February Smith said she expected the division to begin strategic planning in April. The public, she said, is urged to get involved.

 

Start small

After a couple of years of volunteering with the reading program at Burnley-Moran Elementary, Casey Beeghly observes, “school readiness is key to having children succeed.” Some kids enter kindergarten knowing how to read; others can’t tell which side is up on a book. “When you have kids entering school where there’s already a gap present on Day One, you don’t have as great a chance of reducing the achievement gap,” she says.

   Andy Block and Angela Ciolfi agree. He runs Legal Aid’s Just Children, a child-advocacy project that in the past three years has looked at public education, and she is the staff attorney. “If kids are coming to school behind because their families don’t have a lot of education,” Block says, “the way things are now, and until we close the gap…it’s going to get uglier and uglier for children as they get older.” What he means is that once denied a full SOL-certified diploma, a kid has seriously diminished options ahead of him—jobs, enlisting in the military and so on. “If you don’t have a high school diploma you end up contributing less and costing more,” Block says.

   To give underprivileged kids a better chance and get them hooked on school early, Block and Ciolfi want to expand city preschool programs by one year to include 3-year-olds. Indeed, Ciolfi suggests that it is financially irresponsible not to fund early childhood education for the youngest kids, complete with “wraparound” social services to keep families functioning well.

   “There are amazing studies that have been done on how high-quality preschools are the key to success” in school and later life, she says. “Even if you have to put a lot of money in, the output is just… It’s something that we have to do.”

 

Support the teachers

But it all comes down to teachers, and Charlottesville’s—like all public school teachers—should get the respect and support they deserve. City Councilor Hamilton, who is an editor for the journal Black Issues in Higher Education, cites research that shows teachers and principals have the most impact of any other factor on a school system.

   Obviously, salary is a measure of support. The final budget approved by the School Board on March 9 included an increase of 4.5 percent for teachers, putting starting salaries at slightly more than $36,000. As the public pointed out repeatedly, the rising cost of housing here puts new teachers in the horns of a dilemma. Who can afford to rent, let alone buy, on $36,000 a year?

   On top of that, other school divisions are competing hard for the best teachers. In Albemarle, first-year teachers will start at about $37,500, if the current proposed budget is approved.

   If salaries in Charlottesville fall below regional standards, how soon would it be before the best and brightest instructors opt to live and work in surrounding communities instead of Charlottesville? If that happens, the dire analysis of the PDK audit will start to ring true.

   Teachers also need support on a day-to-day basis in the classroom. Specifically, they need to work together and be able to count on the principal’s leadership. Over the past decade being a good principal has come to mean something new. Now “the best principals are instructional leaders,” says Bruce Benson. He’s the county’s executive director for curriculum, instruction and technology. A principal’s job is to help teachers figure out the best way to teach, Benson says.

   In any school system, teachers don’t make it up as they go along. The administration gives them specific guidelines, the way riverbanks direct the flow of a body of water, to use Benson’s analogy. But there should be room for creativity and decision making.

   Benson says Albemarle adheres to the philosophy that everyday choices about how to move students through new lessons “should be made by the classroom teacher.” The administration’s job is to make sure teachers know about what’s called in education courses “best practices.”

   In the winter, Tim Flynn, the principal of Charlottesville’s middle school, appealed to the School Board to reinstate the dean of students position that his school, Buford, lost last year. Why? He wanted to help teachers focus on learning in their classrooms. He was encouraged by the fact that SOL scores for African-American students, while still short of State mandates, were on the rise. In English, for instance, only 22.5 percent of black middle-schoolers earned a passing grade on the State SOL exam in 2002. By 2004, that number was up to 43.2 percent. In math, during the same period, black students went from 14.1 percent passing to 40.7 percent. A full-time disciplinarian had been “the real key at re-establishing trust” in Buford’s teaching staff and getting these results, Flynn said. If someone is charged with working on discipline issues exclusively, it means the principal and assistant principal can get into classrooms more, he added.

   The revised budget was ultimately approved to include Buford’s dean.

   Teachers need to be confident that the administration is on their side. How else can they trust directives from Central Office to teach or test in new ways? The county, for instance, uses “vertical teams” of K-12 teachers in math, English, social studies and science. Led by the central administration, the teams look at student performance—and they rely heavily on teacher feedback.

   Dr. Griffin is no stranger to this theory, either. In an interview the day after the School Board approved the 2005-06 budget, clearly relieved, she said, “It’s important to have teachers engaging in [curriculum-building] endeavors because they’re the ones who actually are in classrooms with students. They will make all the difference in the world. They need to be comfortable with any tools they’re using. They need to have a lot of input into what the curriculum should be. They need to buy into anything and everything that we’re doing so that they can continue to be committed to what they’re doing.”

   If this is her message, apparently it didn’t get through early on. Though the survey doesn’t track trends (making it hard to know if teachers’ views have changed since Griffin has been in charge), January results from a survey of city teachers show that only 33 percent feel they are treated professionally by “Central Office administration.” By contrast, 85 percent who responded to the questionnaire by the Charlottesville Education Association agree that they are treated professionally by “building administration.”

 

Support the parents

Some parents get to every meeting and can recite the superintendent’s resume by heart. For others, a school meeting is nearly impossible. Often poor, single women, their kids don’t do all that well in school. (About half of Charlottesville’s public school students are eligible for free and reduced lunch, a standard measure of poverty.) “It’s unrealistic to expect you’ll have these families mostly headed by single women to be able to squeeze one more meeting into their schedules,” says Karen Waters, executive director of Quality Community Council, an advocacy and networking organization targeted at the city’s poorest neighborhoods. “They’re just sort of dealing.”

   Waters insists that the school division, along with social service providers, must “find a way to engage the folks whose lives they want to impact.”

   That’s the way Harold Foley sees it, too. The Westhaven resident and father coordinates that housing project’s after-school program three days a week. He credits Anne Lintner, the principal at Burnley-Moran, for making sure she reaches families at her school who live in Westhaven. Her steps to meet parents outside of the school building, as an example, mark the kind of change in “customer service” that Foley would like to see all around. He estimates that 70 percent of the parents in his neighborhood “feel assaulted about coming into the school.”

   Not well educated (often by Charlottesville schools), these parents can feel put down. “A lot of parents feel like the staff or principal is talking over their heads sometimes. They don’t see the staff as particularly friendly,” he says.

   “I don’t particularly think it’s racist,” he adds, “but we are in Thomas Jefferson’s town and a lot of African-Americans think if they’re not comfortable, it’s a race thing. But if you’re not comfortable, maybe they don’t know. You have to tell [the teachers and principal.]”

   Foley recommends that teachers and principals learn how to break the ice.

   M. Rick Turner, the head of the local NAACP, hosted a meeting in February on the topic of engaging African-American parents in their children’s education. He offered transportation and childcare on the NAACP’s behalf to parents who want to go to school meetings.

   Once parents get into the building, however, not everyone knows how to press a teacher for answers about their kid. Leah Puryear, who put two children through city schools and who heads UVA’s Upward Bound program, has a script when that happens. It begins with identifying yourself and your child. From there explain why you’ve come in or called and find out what work your child has not completed. Share information that might be news to the teacher and ask for the same in return.

   Puryear believes a child’s success hinges on parents being involved, and in her role directing a federally funded college prep program for low-income and first-generation college students, she sees the results. “It’s very, very important if children know there’s somebody there who cares about them. It makes the school process a lot easier,” she says.

 

Rationalize the curriculum

Do you want to raise Standards of Learning test scores or educate children? Both are necessary but they are not equal. It’s important to specify where the division should aim long-term.

   Whatever the goal, at this stage of the game, it’s likely too late to lament standardized testing, like the Flanagan tests that were essentially dumped into city schools this year.

   Griffin says that assessments are “critical” because “you have to know where your students are performing and you have to use that performance data to focus your instruction.” Other school administrators in her position say essentially the same thing.

   Moreover, there’s no point holding off all testing until students take the SOL exams at the end of a school year. By then, it’s too late for that group of students, from a compliance point of view.

   “It’s akin to a doctor doing diagnostic testing as opposed to an autopsy model,” says Benson, from Albemarle’s school division.

   What’s the point of the tests? To steer a school division clear of Richmond and Washington by generating acceptable pass rates? School Board member Peggy Van Yahres says, “We need to go beyond the SOLS, particularly because many of our children are passing them.”

   For the government the acceptable passing rate is 70 percent, which, as Upward Bound’s Leah Puryear, points out, “is a D.”

   “What is passing for the State should not be passing for you. The D is not getting you to where you ultimately need to be,” she says of the school system.

   Still, if you want to reinforce the value of critical thinking, it probably helps to be sure that all students are covering the same content grade by grade. For all the dispute over Griffin’s initial proposal to organize curriculum from the top down with four highly paid coordinators, the idea that curriculum should be more predictably structured did gain credibility.

   Jim Henderson, the principal at Walker Upper Elementary, the grade school attended by every fifth- and sixth-grader in Charlottesville, urged Griffin and the board to adopt a math curriculum that begins in kindergarten and extends through at least sixth grade. Math is one of the areas where Walker just missed State accreditation. “We’ve been Band-aiding math for too many years,” he said on March 3 at the all-night board meeting. “We have to make sure we have continuity when the kids get to us.”

   Now that the coordinators are axed, Griffin is hearing teachers’ ideas about some curriculum development. She says she has teacher committees organized to examine K-4 curriculum. Teachers are “key personnel” in figuring out what works with Charlottesville students. “They need to be at the table,” Griffin says. “They are at the table and they will continue to be at the table.”

 

Respect the history

As the Charlottesville school system has been stretched out on the examining table over these several months, many have made a similar diagnosis: “When you listen to stories now about Charlottesville, sometimes I think we’re in two different cities,” said Berdell Fleming in February. A graduate of the city’s then-black high school, she was one of four panelists the PTO Council recruited to describe the racial history of Charlottesville’s schools. While the schools were eventually integrated in 1959, it took several court orders to dissuade local segregationists of their “rights.”

   Waters sees the same thing—two Charlottesvilles.

   “But what’s happening now is everyone is paying the consequences for it because of No Child Left Behind and the SOLs. Now it affects everybody so everybody has to be invested in the solution,” she says.

   While liberal, white parents recoil at the word “racist,” it’s naïve to think that race is not a factor. Just 50 years ago people running this school system would rather have denied blacks diplomas than let them sit next to white students.

   “I think race always matters, because this is America,” says City Councilor Kendra Hamilton. “As much as we like to say this is a color-blind society, it is a joke.”

   “We have to have a civic conversation and understand who people are,” says school board member Van Yahres. “Low-income parents have to understand when middle-income parents question the schools, they’re not racist. Middle-class parents need to know low-income parents feel the schools have been failing them.”

   Foley says we have to look at the complete school experience. “More janitors are black than teachers are black. Kids see black cafeteria workers and not that many teachers or principals. It makes a difference,” he says. Apparently the division agrees. Michael Heard, the city schools’ director of human resources, has a plan to recruit more black teachers to Charlottesville.

   Hamilton suggests that additionally, the division’s young teachers need diversity training: “Just because you’re well meaning doesn’t mean you have the cultural competence to deal with some of these kids who have real problems.”

   But honoring the history of Charlottesville’s schools means acknowledging the many good things that have happened—and continue to happen—here. Why else would the parents of 223 children from outside the city pay tuition to send their kids here? Maybe it’s the internationally award-winning high school orchestra. Maybe it’s the state-dominating band program. Maybe it’s the academic quiz team. Maybe it’s the good teaching.

   Indeed, as the example of Buford Middle School demonstrates, even if some schools haven’t earned State accreditation yet, the actual performance of students is improving quickly. Teachers and principals are awake and alert to what needs to be done.

 

Accept feedback

Frankly, almost no one comes out of the public school controversy smelling like a rose. During a heated budget forum in February, Hamilton challenged people on every side to examine their motives: “Are you working for the good of the community or do you just want to be right?”

   Communication has to improve, plain and simple. Waters suggests small focus groups to get issues on the table, be they problems with advanced math homework or questions of which SOL-aligned testing program to introduce and how.

   “Everybody is in the room. That’s something we can build on. We have to make a decision as a community that we want to build on it,” Hamilton says.

   We have to move forward from here and buy into the idea of keeping education local, Puryear says, of “not letting the State come in here and run the public schools.”

   We have to suspend finger pointing, because larger issues loom, she says. “I cannot be held accountable for what was said 10 years ago, but in 2007 if certain things don’t happen, we’ll all be accountable.”

 

City schools at a glance

•    6 K-4 elementary schools

•    1 5-6 upper elementary school

•    1 middle school

•    1 high school

•    4,386 students, including 168 preschoolers

•    48.6 percent are African-American

•    42.2 percent are White

•    3.3 percent are Hispanic

•    2.1 percent are Asian

•    21 percent of students are identified for gifted education

•    17 percent qualify for special education

•    50.3 percent are eligible for free and reduced meal programs

•    56 percent of teaching staff hold advanced degrees

 

 

Will she stay or will she go?
Rumors run amok about Griffin

Almost since the day she started as superintendent on July 1, rumors have swirled about Dr. Scottie Griffin’s employment status. The buzz became even more intense last week when the division gave notice of four closed meetings scheduled to occur in the six days leading up to the next School Board meeting, on Thursday, March 31, beginning at 7pm.

   The School Board is authorized to hold closed meetings for three reasons: 1) discussion of personnel matters; 2) discussion of the purchase or disposition of property; and 3) disciplinary hearings.

   On Tuesday, March 29, there will be a disciplinary hearing. That kind of closed session takes place when a student is recommended for expulsion or removal to the alternative school.

   But what of the other three closed meetings, two of which are scheduled for Wednesday, March 30? Rumor abounds that the topic of those might be the employment status of Assistant Superintendent Dr. Laura Purnell, who is said to be the author of a widely circulated February letter critical of Dr. Griffin’s management. Purnell has never confirmed publicly that she wrote the letter.

   If Purnell’s position is to be cut on July 1, as has also been rumored, there was no evidence of that decision at press time. Ed Gillaspie, the division’s director of finance, confirmed that Purnell’s salary is intact in the budget he sent to City Council on March 25. Should Griffin decide to dump Purnell, she would need approval of the board to alter the budget they approved on March 9. On this topic, Griffin will not comment, saying “it’s a real confidential personnel issue.”

   City Councilor Blake Caravati suggests that, logistics aside, Purnell is on the way out. He says that two people close to the situation showed him a letter that was sent to Purnell on March 24 stating that her position would be eliminated in the next fiscal year.

   Still, that rumor doesn’t quell speculation about Griffin, who would earn $153,540 next year and who stayed at her previous job with the New Orleans schools for only five months. “I know generally that they’re a lot about Dr. Griffin,” Caravati says of the spate of closed School Board meetings. “It probably has something to do with tenure. I assume they’re working toward some end.” Caravati implies that Griffin’s termination as Charlottesville superintendent is the “end” in question.—C.H.

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Student council

We are seventh graders that go to Burley Middle School. We wish to talk to you about the pros of nuclear energy and why the proposed nuclear reactors at Lake Anna are an excellent idea [“30 Miles to Meltdown,” The Week, February 22]. Energy is used in our everyday lives, but are some types of energy good for our environment? Fossil fuels are one of the main resources for energy in the United States, but fossil fuels are polluting and destroying the Earth.

   Nuclear energy is a good substitute for fossil fuels, because it doesn’t contribute to acid rain, bad water quality and global warming. One pellet of uranium can create as much electricity as 1,780 pounds of coal, 149 gallons of oil and 157 gallons of regular gas. Just one pellet creates so much energy, but doesn’t have the harmful effects of fossil fuels.

   The proposed nuclear power plants at Lake Anna in Louisa will help reduce our energy needs as those needs grow. People ask, “Well what about the risks from nuclear power plants? Is it really worth the risk?” Yes, there is always a chance that the risks of nuclear power plants will become a reality, but living life without risks is just not possible.

   The main risk of nuclear power plants concerns radiation from the radioactive materials that are used in nuclear fission. There is radiation around us every day, but too much may cause devastating problems such as cancer. However, the radiation would be contained by the power plant. If a problem did happen, the chances that the radiation would breach the several barriers created around the reactor would be unlikely.

   To avoid these problems, people who will work at the nuclear power plants should watch out for problems with the nuclear power plants. Also they should have inspections of the nuclear power plants to make sure everything is in order and nothing is wrong.

   Nuclear energy is a great source of energy that is used worldwide. It is especially used in France. In fact they have so much energy left over from what they use that they sell it to other countries. Nuclear energy is an excellent resource to fulfill our energy needs.

 

Sidney Walker, Erica Burton

Students

Burley Middle School

 

 

People try to put us down

In reference to Elena Day’s letter [“Power struggle,” Mailbag, March 22] North American-Young Generation in Nuclear has taken no stance on emission control equipment for coal power stations. It is not our area of expertise. However, if this country is going to continue to use coal, then I personally believe that we should use it in the cleanest way possible.

   But unfortunately, no matter how many restrictions are placed on the amount of sulfur dioxide and nitrous oxide that is emitted by the burning of fossil fuels, this does absolutely nothing to curb the comparatively staggering amount of carbon dioxide that is emitted by these sources. If anything, “cleaner” coal allows the even bigger problem of greenhouse gas emissions to continue with even broader support. Please do not be distracted from the disease by addressing only a few of the symptoms. The only way to address this issue is to use sources of energy generation that do not emit carbon dioxide. And, please do not cloud the issue of clean nuclear power by talking about mining and transport operations. It takes 1,780 pounds of coal to equal the energy output of just a few grams of uranium! Ms. Day seems all too eager to justify the use of coal while attacking the only proven energy source that has made a serious dent in curbing the greenhouse gas emissions in this country.

   I personally support clean coal technologies and nuclear power, as well as conservation, and the use of renewable energy sources. Furthermore, I live by example by driving a highly efficient car and by employing energy efficiency in my home with a geothermal heat pump, compact fluorescent lighting and by situating my house so that it takes maximum advantage of solar heating.

   As for the young engineers and nuclear professionals in NA-YGN, we will not sit idly by while the best chance this country has for energy independence is discredited by the half-truths and misrepresentations that groups such as the People’s Alliance for Clean Energy and the Blue Ridge Environmental Defense League will spread to promote their anti-nuclear agenda. These groups have been allowed to spread flawed information without accountability for far too long. If anything, these groups should take a lesson from another grass roots organization, Greenpeace, whose founder, Patrick Moore, has publicly admitted that nuclear power is preferable to the alternatives.

 

Michael Stuart

Beaverdam

We have the power

I’d like to respond to Elena Day’s question: “Is it reasonable for groups whose members have vested their careers in the nationwide acceptance and growth of the nuclear industry to direct or dominate the debate on the expansion of nuclear power in Virginia?” I submit that if the younger members of the 46-year-old nuclear power industry seem to be dominating the debate recently, it is because for too long this industry’s engineers, scientists and technicians have been quietly and professionally doing their jobs, while the anti-nuclear side of the issue has been loud and largely unopposed. In today’s energy and environmental situation, these younger professionals can no longer sit quietly while exaggerated claims of nuclear risks and carefully manipulated cause of death statistics fly about.

   Our careers are devoted to the safe operation of our current nuclear facilities, not the nationwide acceptance and growth of the nuclear industry. If we choose to be nuclear professionals by day and dispel long-standing nuclear myths at public meetings in our free time, that is our choice. I would hope that Ms. Day wants informed people in the nuclear debate, and wants people in the nuclear industry that believe in what they are doing. The anti-nuclear side has had it far too easy for far too long. If Ms. Day feels a power shift in the nuclear debate, it means she is finally hearing informed opposing viewpoints where there was mostly silence before. In this regard, a true public nuclear debate has begun only recently. The anti-nuclear side doesn’t need more environmentalists to “dominate” the debate. They just need more supporting facts and fewer unsubstantiated opinions that play on fear.

   Furthermore, Ms. Day’s implication that to debate a technology that safely supplies 20 percent of our nation’s power “represents a waste of valuable national time which could be spent…developing conservation technologies and renewable alternatives” ignores the indisputable contribution the nuclear industry has made in averting greenhouse gas emissions. Conservation and renewables are not going to replace the current baseload generation from nuclear and fossil overnight. In the meantime, we have three choices when facing rising demand: fossil, nuclear and California-style rotating blackouts. Even the founder of Greenpeace sees this. While I have no problem with other professionals pursuing renewable energy sources and solving global energy needs, I’m not leaving a “time-wasting” career in nuclear power to build windmills. I love my job, I love the environment, but I prefer to attend public meetings that are reliably well lit, thank you very much.

 

Delbert Horn

Goochland

 

House call

I appreciate Catherine Potter’s effort to “clarify” my reference to what Piedmont Housing Alliance received in February from Virginia Housing Development Authority [“Taken for granted,” Mailbag, March 22] because it serves to keep an important subject before the public. However, I find her point too fine to cede. I took my key word directly from VHDA’s own announcement, the one headlined: “Piedmont Housing Alliance receives $6.23 million allocation to address critical housing needs.” Were I to receive the opportunity to dispense such an amount in any form to those I deemed worthy, I would think I’d been given quite a gift notwithstanding that the money mightn’t be deposited in my personal account.

   I raised the matter of the City giving PHA $145,000 to highlight how our public officials deploy our very limited public resources. That money went not for grants or loans to would-be homeowners, but to a project that involves building new houses. When the item came before City Council, I argued that building new houses is the least efficient way of addressing affordability and that the same money dispensed as grants and loans would go much further.

   Now, in the March 7 issue of Charlottesville Business, I see remarks attributed to Stuart Armstrong, PHA’s executive director. “It’s very challenging,” Mr. Armstrong is quoted as saying of helping low-income aspirants. “Sometimes we have to build the housing ourselves, which is not the most efficient way.”

 

Antoinette W. Roades

Charlottesville

 

CORRECTIONS

In our March 15 story on the sale of Bundoran Farm, due to a typographical error, we incorrectly dated the sale of the Scott family’s purchase of the land to just before World War I. It was just before World War II.

In last week’s Get Out Now calendar we printed incorrect information for Rosamond Casey’s “Mapping the Dark” class. The class takes place on Tuesdays from 10am to 12:30pm and 6:30pm to 9pm.

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News in review

Tuesday, March 22
For use in case of emergencies

A Planned Parenthood survey shows that if other methods fail, for the women of Charlottesville, emergency contraception is relatively accessible. Collecting data today from local pharmacies as part of national Back Up Your Birth Control Day, PP found that more than 90 percent carry emergency contraception (EC), compared to only 50 percent in Waynesboro. “EC is most effective when taken within the first 24 hours,” says PP’s Becky Reid. “There are a number of steps to get a very time-sensitive medication, and we are just trying to find out what barriers are thrown up that could prevent a woman from accessing EC within a 72-hour time frame.” The local PP clinic, in the disputed Hydraulic Road location, also offered EC at half off its regular $25 price today. The volume of customers today was five times normal.

They never listen to anything he says

In his annual “State of the University” address, UVA president John Casteen said the school plans to eventually replace the dorms on Alderman Road, which he called “utterly incorrigible as buildings,” according to media reports.

 

Wednesday, March 23
All hat, no cattle

On this cold and rainy morning, Republican gubernatorial candidate Jerry Kilgore rode into town (actually, the Doubletree Hotel) on a steed of small-town breeding. He joked about his accent and his penchant for aw-shucksisms, like “That dog don’t hunt.” Former Albemarle County Delegate Paul Harris set the tone, saying, “It is wonderful to have public servants who embrace small town values, and we have such a leader in Jerry Kilgore.” Naturally, Kilgore took aim at his main rival, Tim Kaine, who was campaigning at the other end of town, calling him a slick salesman and show horse.

Ready to ride rough

Former Richmond mayor and Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Tim Kaine received a standing ovation from fellow Democrats when he showed up for a political rally this morning at The Nook on the Downtown Mall. “This is a good recharge,” the itinerant Kaine said to the overflow crowd, after a week of heavy campaigning. Lt. Governor Kaine, the recent beneficiary of a $5 million shot in the arm from national Dems, is also a Christian missionary. His squeaky-voiced rival needs to step off, he said. “You may throw the first punch, but I always throw the last one,” he said of Kilgore.

 

Thursday, March 24
Mall rocked by rape rumors

Rumors spread out across the Downtown Mall when police officers cordoned off the parking lot at Second and Market streets today. City cops were typically tight-lipped, but stories were soon flying that a bar employee had been raped in the early morning hours. A deliveryman at the crime scene told passers-by that the victim was found in a dumpster. Local shopkeepers had heard she was in the hospital. The site was cordoned off with crime tape from 8:30am to 2pm, and a lone evidence technician measured here and there. Abandoned beer bottles were collected and inspected. By afternoon, the merchants who usually park there had reclaimed their spots and the bar fed its lunch crowd to the mournful tunes of Bon Jovi. The police would eventually confirm that they were investigating a robbery and sexual assault and that the perpetrator has been described as a white male.

 

Friday, March 25
Warner widens health-care coverage

Governor Mark Warner today signed a bill that allows private employers to extend group health insurance beyond spouses and dependent children, bringing Virginia in line with the other 49 states. Under the new measure, private businesses can offer group health coverage to siblings, in-laws, or domestic partners, according to The Washington Post. Supporters say the more flexible insurance will make Virginia more competitive; opponents say it’s another step toward legalizing same-sex partnerships.

 

Saturday, March 26
Kids raise the roof

Geraldine Goffney’s not worried about letting kids build her home. “They’ll probably do it better than me. It’s a lot of work,” she says. She should know; she’s already put in 100 volunteer hours herself. Today local high-school students celebrated the groundbreaking for Goffney’s Habitat for Humanity house near Blue Ridge Commons. Goffney and her sons hope to move into what is now just a muddy lot by November, after 27 workdays and 250 hours of sweat equity. Students from 12 local schools raised $60,000 in six months for the house, including staging a production of Fiddler on the Roof. “When you think about how many students are going to learn construction and become sensitized to affordable housing, it’s really incredible,” says Kelly Epless of Habitat.

 

Sunday, March 27
Make sure they hear you now

Today’s Daily Progress carries a notice giving the public 30 days to comment on a proposed 49-foot tower that Alltel wants to construct on top of 10 University Circle. Specifically the company seeks “public comments regarding potential effects from this project on historic properties.” Get connected at corp.environmental. compliance@alltel.com.

 

Monday, March 28
Get bloomin’ already!

Although it feels as though it’s been raining for weeks, and there is more rain in the forecast for the start of this week, in fact the precipitation to date is at only about 80 percent of normal. As of yesterday, precipitation was only 7.92 inches year-to-date. Normal rain- and snowfall at this point in the year is 10.46 inches, according to Weather Central Inc. Thirsty flowers say, bring it on!

 

Written by Cathy Harding from news sources and staff reports.

 

 

Civil unrest
NAACP chair Julian Bond speaks out for gay rights

Julian Bond seems perfectly comfortable standing on the lonely ground of unpopular opinion.

The 64-year-old UVA professor and chairman of the NAACP is a living legend of the civil rights movement. In 1960 Bond led sit-ins to end segregation in Atlanta. Five years later, the Georgia House of Representatives denied Bond his rightfully elected seat there because of his outspoken criticism of the Vietnam War.

   Bond is still taking heat—but not just from The Man. When he told Ebony magazine last summer that gay rights are “of course” a civil rights issue, some African-American church leaders criticized him for contradicting what they say is Biblical teaching against homosexuality. On April 2, the state gay rights group Equality Virginia will honor Bond with the “Equality Commonwealth Award” for his stand on equal marriage rights.

   “He’s certainly an authority on civil rights issues,” says EV director Dyana Mason. “He’s making the connection between the civil rights movement of the ’60s with the gay rights movement today.”

   Last week, the unflappable Bond talked with C-VILLE about gay rights, civil rights and the price of dissent in America under George W. Bush. What follows is an edited transcript of that interview.—John Borgmeyer

 

C-VILLE: Was it difficult for you to say publicly that gay rights are civil rights?

Julian Bond: First, I should say that this is my position, not the NAACP’s position. The Association opposes the proposed federal constitutional amendments [that would ban gay marriage]. But the NAACP hasn’t taken a vote on supporting gay marriage. If we did, I’m not sure it would go the way I’d want it to go.

Does that disappoint you?

It does. I understand some religious people can find arguments against being gay. If you feel strongly that way, that’s O.K., but don’t try to force that on the rest of society.

   I’ve been married twice. Both times were civil marriages, where religion had nothing to do with it. Just two people who were in love and wanted to get married… that strikes me as sufficient basis for extending the civil protections of marriage to any two people.

   Part of the divide be-tween people on this issue is that many people think it is a choice, that some man or woman at age 10 or 12 and says, “Gee, I think I’ll be gay.” We know that’s wrong. It’s like race. I can’t choose to be white or Chinese or anything else. This is the way I am.

 

Have you taken hits for this idea?

Oh yes, many hits. I’ve had harsh things said against me by the clergy. When the Ebony article appeared, it caused a firestorm.

   I was unanimously re-elected to the chairmanship in February. Every year for six years, I’ve been re-elected and it’s always unanimous. There are people who disagree with my views, and I think they’re saying, “He may be wacky on this, but on the whole he’s O.K.”

 

How does the struggle for gay rights compare to the civil rights movement?

It doesn’t compare, exactly, because back then there was almost no one, even the most unrepentant segregationist, who would say black people didn’t deserve the right to eat at lunch counters. That’s what they meant, but they didn’t say it. Instead, they couched their argument in terms of states’ rights, or in terms of the businessperson’s right to discriminate.

   But now people feel bold enough to say gays and lesbians don’t deserve these rights, that they’re outside the protection of the law and the Constitution. That’s a radical shift.

 

How does the treatment of dissenting views differ between the ’60s and today?

In some ways I think it is more severe today. I’ve never seen a time when criticism of the president was so vigorously rejected as it is today. It’s scary. It’s Orwellian. I never thought this day would come in the United States. It didn’t come in the ’60s, and I’m just outraged that it’s come now.

 

Hell hath no fury
Kendra Hamilton emerges as a peacemaker

Coming into City Council’s meeting on Monday, March 21, we were keeping our fingers crossed hoping for some rhetorical fisticuffs. Alas, we were disappointed.

   That morning The Daily Progress’ John Yellig had quoted Councilor Blake Caravati promising to “raise hell” regarding a proposed letter to Albemarle County and the Virginia Department Of Transportation. The letter would outline the City’s conditions for supporting the much-debated Meadowcreek Parkway, so the letter’s wording is of concern to people on either side of the controversial road project.

   The Parkway would run from the intersection of McIntire Road and the 250 Bypass north through McIntire Park and intersect Rio Road in the county.

   Councilor Kevin Lynch favors a strongly worded letter saying the City’s support of the Parkway is contingent on three factors. He wants the County to provide replacement parkland, and to help fund location studies for two new roads (one in southern Albemarle and one in the eastern part of the county). Lynch also says he won’t support the Parkway unless it can be built with a grade-separated interchange at its intersection with the Bypass.

   Caravati, though, favors a softer letter that wouldn’t pin the City’s support of the Parkway to specific conditions—thus his promise to raise hell if Lynch pushed for tougher language. And when Caravati promises bluster, he rarely fails to deliver.

   Unfortunately for muckraking journalists, Councilor Kendra Hamilton emerged with a compromise that stemmed any hell raising. Hamilton said she feared that constituents would view Council as obstructionist if the body made too many demands.

   Indeed, former Chamber of Commerce president Tim Hulbert suggested as much at the beginning of the meeting. “If you want to kill the roadway, kill the roadway. Do it straight up,” he said.

   So when it came time to debate the letter’s wording, Hamilton stopped the argument in its tracks. “I suggest we hold off on the letter, so we can have a meeting with our counterparts in the county,” she said. “A lot of people’s concerns will be alleviated if we can come together and talk about what we want to do.”

   What a party pooper.

   Also on Monday, Council did approve spending $1.5 million of State money
on an engineering study for the interchange. If Council decides not to build the interchange, the City will have to repay that money.

   Lynch says he’s optimistic that his conditions will be met. The trickiest part will be getting VDOT to pony up dough for the interchange, which some estimate at as much as $25 million. Lynch believes that if the City and County can agree on a plan for a regional network of roads, VDOT will be more likely to fund local projects.

   “It really comes down to political will,” says Lynch. “We’ve been told it will be easier to get money if [the City and County] are on the same page. I think we’re closer to being on the same page.”

   People who would build the Parkway without the interchange—including Caravati, Councilor Rob Schilling and the Chamber of Commerce—“have a defeatist attitude,” says Lynch. “Everybody’s beating their breast that it will take 25 years to fund the interchange. We need to work harder to get the money, not just throw up our hands.”

   Lynch’s conditions are “bad politics,” Caravati says. Recalling Lynch’s longtime opposition to the road, he suspects Lynch still wants to kill the Parkway. “I don’t trust him. My memory is too good,” says Caravati.

   Sweet… a little hellraising after all.—John Borgmeyer

 

State plays nice with polluters
But high-school activists aren’t smiling

Environmental regulation in Virginia is a joke, and Allied Concrete is the punch line. The Rivanna watershed pays the expense.

   Even as the City and County ante up millions to bring the storm water system up to par, separate regulations for industry allow chronic polluters to escape scot-free. The Department of Environmental Quality’s lackadaisical approach to Allied Concrete doesn’t sit well with local school kids, however.

   The storm water system is the knot of drains and pipes that collects rainwater from the streets after a storm. Theoretically, the system only carries water straight from the sky. Practically, storm drains collect every mote of dust and speck of oil on the street. Cumulatively, it adds up to a lot of pollution in local waterways.

   While the federal Clean Water Act requires localities to tighten controls on storm water pollutants, DEQ continues a feel-good enforcement program that emphasizes cooperation over compliance. Companies can violate their storm water management plan and discharge waste into a stream at least three times before real enforcement even begins. The first “apparent violation” provokes “informal compliance.” The second precipitates a warning letter. A third might invoke a notice of violation.

   In the twisted logic of bureaucracy, even a notice of violation “must not state that a facility ‘has violated’ or ‘is in violation’ of a standard or regulation,” according to DEQ’s enforcement manual, even though the thing is called a notice of violation.

   While DEQ pussyfoots, violations continue. Witness Allied Concrete. “They have a long history of problems. It goes back 15 years probably,” says DEQ inspector Bill Maddox. Even the lenient rules state that enforcement should jump to a notice of violation when there are repeated infractions, possible environmental impacts or remedies that will take longer than three months.

   Allied Concrete seems to fit the bill. Since 2003, DEQ has conducted three complaint-driven inspections and found apparent violations each time. “There are multiple incidences of potential unpermitted discharges involving the same outfall,” Maddox states carefully.

   DEQ isn’t a stickler for the rules when it comes to Allied because it believes the company is showing a good-faith effort to move in the right direction. The agency is currently contemplating enforcement. “The company, from what I understand, is working on corrective actions,” says DEQ enforcement officer Steven Hetrick. “And that is what we are primarily looking at.”

   A more skeptical read of Allied’s file suggests the company is consistently recalcitrant. The company’s permit requires it to file an annual report about its discharges, which Allied failed to do this year. It’s also supposed to notify DEQ about any unpermitted material leaking into the stream. Allied has not filed such a notice, but the three last inspections have all uncovered such discharge.

   Allied Concrete President Gus Lorber did not respond to questions, but replied to the DEQ’s March 3 inspection by writing, “The facility has taken many actions to reduce solids loss in storm water discharges,” noting changes made over the last year, according to DEQ.

   Given the DEQ’s loose timeline for compliance, the City could step in. The City’s new water protection ordinance gives it the power to oversee a company’s pollution prevention program. “We have opted to give DEQ the chance to go through the process that exists right now,” City Environmental Administrator Kristel Riddervold says.

   In the face of professional niceties, crap keeps flowing into the Schenk’s Branch of Meadow Creek. While DEQ pursues the “least adversarial” approach, a scrappy crew of kids from the Living Education Center alternative school look out for the creek. After the school adopted the creek in 1998, the kids in the stream ecology class started jumping in the muddy flow along McIntire Road a couple times a year to fish out skateboards, beer cans and cigarettes. The first year they did a survey they found a single macroinvertebrate, a snail that died when they picked it up. Now they occasionally find crawfish and other small fish.

   Running Bird Webb is a student who helps with the stream monitoring. “The first time we went to check up on it, we noticed that there was a whole bunch of concrete,” she says. “And we noticed a pipe from Allied Concrete… and it is pouring concrete sludge into the river. That is killing pretty much anything living in it.” On one trip to the creek they found a crawfish seemingly encrusted in concrete.

   The kids aren’t looking to put Allied out of business. They don’t want the company slapped with unreasonable fines. They aren’t regulators, and they aren’t literate in the technical jargon of dry weather discharges, outfalls and benthic surveys. They just want a clean creek. It’s DEQ’s job to deliver, and that’s no joke.—Lacey Phillabaum

 

Crawford: It was an accident
Accused wife-killer’s case moves on to a grand jury

Charlottesville’s Juvenile and Domestic Relations Court was only about half full mid-afternoon on Friday, March 25, when Anthony Dale Crawford shuffled in for his pretrial hearing and took a seat behind defense council, Liz Murtagh. A Manassas resident, Crawford faces use of a firearm, abduction and first-degree murder charges in conjunction with the death of his estranged wife, Sarah Louise Crawford. After an hour-and-a-half of testimony, Judge Edward DeJ. Berry certified the charges against the 45-year-old Crawford and scheduled a grand jury hearing for mid-April.

   Outlining a timeline from the last time she was seen alive in Northern Virginia on November 18 to the morning her body was discovered here four days later, Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney Jon R. Zug argued that 33-year-old Sarah Crawford was murdered in Northern Virginia. Her estranged husband, Zug reasoned, then “unceremoniously dumped [her], nude and dead” in Room 118 of the Quality Inn off Emmet Street before hightailing it down Interstate 95 to Jacksonville, Florida, from where he was extradited a week later.

   This theory hinged on a box found by the side of the road in Fauquier County, three days before Sarah’s body was discovered. Sarah’s boss, Michael Stern, had given her the package earlier in the week, requesting she send it off. Concerned since Sarah had not shown up for work, Stern picked up the box from the finder and left it on her desk to take care of the following Monday.

   That Monday however, November 22, Stern received news that Sarah was dead. That day, Charlottesville police confiscated evidence from Sarah’s workplace, including the box, on which evidence technicians later found her blood proving, Zug contended, she was murdered before she ever got to Charlottesville.

   

According to testimony from Officer Mike Flaherty, one of the first police officers on the scene, “The first thing I noticed when I opened the door [to the hotel room] was the smell. Someone or something had passed away.”

   He described Room 118 of the Quality Inn as “orderly.” There was a black suitcase on the dresser and assorted piles of folded men’s clothes. The bedcovers were pulled up “as if it had been made, but you could tell there was something” under them, said Flaherty.

   Flaherty pulled back the covers and found Sarah Crawford’s body. She was naked, her head on the pillow, her legs in “a frog-like position,” and her hands folded across her abdomen.

   Upon inspection, Flaherty testified he found a red-stained washcloth beneath Sarah’s right armpit. Underneath it revealed what he believed to be a stab wound. There was no other evidence of struggle or force.

   Later, after Flaherty’s testimony, Zug revealed that the defendant’s DNA had been found in Sarah’s body, suggesting a “sexual act.”

   “When this occurred,” said Zug, “is unsure.”

   At Zug’s insinuation of necrophilia, Crawford—balding, overweight, handcuffed, and sporting black and white striped inmates’ attire—snorted loudly from his bench, smirked and shook his head.

 

Upon hearing Crawford had been taken into custody by police in Jacksonville, Florida, Charlottesville Detective Sergeant Richard Hudson flew down for the extradition. There, Hudson testified, he spoke with Crawford about what had happened.

   According to Hudson, Crawford said he and Sarah were re-conciling and had planned a weekend jaunt. Discussing matters in the park-ing lot of a Charlottesville McDonald’s, Crawford decided he wanted to kill himself. Pistol in hand, he cocked it and pointed it towards himself. Sarah then grabbed the gun. It went off and hit her. Crawford said she told him she loved him and then “expired,” recounted Hudson.

   Hudson said Crawford then claimed not to know what to do, so he left her body in the hotel room “and started driving.”

   According to their testimony, neither Sarah Crawford’s father nor Stern knew anything about reconciliation.

   Moreover, Sarah’s father, John Powers, was familiar with Crawford’s history of domestic violence and didn’t like his son-in-law.

   “It goes way back,” said Powers. “We knew some of his history.”

   Crawford was acquitted on charges of marital rape brought against him by his first wife in 1992. Evidence in that case included a videotape of the woman naked, bound and gagged, which Crawford defended as a “sex game.”

   Sarah Crawford, too, was familiar with her husband’s capacity for roughness. In two affidavits for preliminary protective orders filed before her death, she described beatings at his hands that sent her to the hospital—once for stitches in her head, another for a cast for her hand, among others. In the second affidavit, filed just weeks before her death, Sarah alleged Crawford told her he “understands why husbands kill their wives.”

   The next step in Crawford’s case is the grand jury hearing, which is set for April 18.—Nell Boeschenstein

 

Trojan Goat in the house
Solar home fuels new affordable house

The Trojan Goat has been a show pony for the UVA architecture program, and now maybe a cash cow for the Piedmont Housing Alliance.

   Trojan Goat was the loving appellation UVA architecture students gave their award-winning solar design in 2002. Solar Decathlon jurors wrote then that, “The design of solar homes must be as poetic as it is rational.” UVA’s donation of the house to the Piedmont Housing Alliance will give the new owner a chance to judge it as a rational and intelligent living space.

   UVA architecture students poetically advertise the Goat as a living, breathing space that puts occupants in touch with the natural world, even while inhabiting a constructed one. The Goat is mobile, with hinged fold-up decks, window shades and louvers. A quarter of the “green roof” is a garden space. A mirror on the roof in the shape of a satellite dish concentrates sunshine into a cable that de-livers natural light inside. The device is a first-of-its-kind residential “luminaire,” developed in conjunction with Oak Ridge National Laboratory.

   Since the 85,000-pound beast was trucked back from the Solar Decathlon on Washington’s National Mall in 2002, it has taken up residence on a lot in Crozet. PHA will bring it back to life by selling the house and using the proceeds to fund a new cooperative project with UVA students. They have already started working on three “ecoMOD” houses loosely based on the Trojan Goat idea. Construction on the first ecological, modular home will begin this summer.

   The highly experimental Goat cost $300,000 in grants, materials and student time, and the ecoMOD houses will move the prototype into the real world, incorporating a few of the ideas at a fraction of the cost. UVA assistant professor of architecture John Quale says the first house will be around 1,200 square feet and include a rainwater collection system and a solar water heater. PHA would like to keep the mortgages for the ecoMODs around $100,000.

   Quale and his students opted not to compete in the upcoming Solar Decathlon because they wanted to work in the Charlottesville community. Quale is ecstatic to see the Trojan Goat project come full circle and be recycled to fuel affordable housing. “We have a partnership with PHA to place these homes in communities where we want to see families be able to live and not be pushed out to outer sprawl or neighboring counties,” he says. Constructed off-site, the ecoMODs will eventually be sited in Fifeville, the neighborhood behind the train station, where “real estate prices and development are encroaching on a traditionally African-American community,” Quale says.

   The Piedmont Housing Alliance has also embraced the house as part of a broader vision. “The Solar House donation symbolizes our mutual values in harvesting new technologies that produce sustainable building models for the future,” says Stu Armstrong, executive director of Piedmont Housing Alliance.

   “That is a very exciting partnership, working with the students to help them learn design and creative infill opportunities in an urban stetting using spillover benefits of the solar house project,” he adds.

   PHA intends to sell the Trojan Goat this spring and is currently deciding on listing it with a real estate agent or auctioning it online. Once planted in a new lot, the Goat can be set up to be entirely off the grid, or unconnected to outside utilities. Armstrong will say only that he hopes the house fetches a lot. Any buyer will have to be prepared to pay the cost of moving the house from Crozet, approximately $25,000. The parties intend to organize an open house soon.—Lacey Phillabaum

Categories
News

Bicycle built for you

Dear Ace: Whatever happened to those yellow bikes that were set up around town for anyone and everyone to use when in need of a little free transportation?—Schwinn Dixie

Ah, Schwinn, Ace remembers fondly that age of innocence when the sweet, idealistic liberals of Charlottesville still believed that the concept of community bikes might help solve the city’s persistent traffic problem. However, as Charlottesville’s most earnest citizens soon learned, “sharing” is not easy. Moreover, this town is hardly a transportation utopia: Ace conjures the image of SUVs sharing the road with communal bikes and cracks a smirk.

   Charlottesville’s Yellow Bike Project, inspired by similar initiatives in the world’s (other) most liberal cities from Amsterdam to San Francisco, started back in 2001. The brainchild of community activists Steven Bach and Bruce Dembling, the project survived on private donations for about a year before calling it quits, says Todd Ely, a local bike expert and owner of 10th Street bike shop Basic Cycles.

   Ely worked with the project as a private contractor, fixing up donated bikes and getting them ready for the street. There they were left, free for the sharing. According to Ely, over the course of the year, the Yellow Bike Project put out 150 bikes total in three installments. Within a few weeks of each release, the bikes disappeared.

   The idea of thieves popping wheelies was something of a blow to Ely. “I remember bikes more than I remember people,” he says. “I see a certain bike and I remember it.”

   That’s how Ely estimates that of the approximately 150 original community bikes, “a third broke, a third were taken for private use, and a third were deliberately vandalized and destroyed.” In short, the people spoke: privatize, privatize, privatize! So when reality set in, the Yellow Bike Project admitted defeat and folded.

   Then in 2003, local bike activist Alexis Zeigler got a yen for the defunct Yellow Bike Project, which was refuncted, reimagined and renamed simply as “Community Bikes.” (Yellow was so five minutes ago, anyway.)

   Zeigler directs the project from the Community Bike warehouse at the end of 9th Street NW. There, his crew takes bike donations, and volunteers can fix up the cycles and take them home free of charge. Zeigler estimates that over the past couple years, 400 to 500 bikes have passed through the shop and are now taking their riders through town.

   “We just take donations, fix ‘em up and let ’em go,” says Zeigler.

   To which Ace responds, “Phew! No more of this ‘sharing’ nonsense. Yeesh!”

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Uncategorized

News in review

Tuesday, March 15
Tinsley fiddles with First Amendment

DMB fiddler Boyd Tinsley can add “trustee” to his list of creds as today the Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression announces he will join its Board of Trustees. The Center, which hands out annual Muzzle Awards for egregious acts of censorship across the nation, is also now putting together the free expression chalkboard that will adjoin the new, improved Downtown Amphitheater, a pet project of DMB manager Coran Capshaw currently underway.

Help wanted

According to the results of a Manpower survey released today, local employers expect to be filling a lot of new jobs in the second quarter. Fifty-seven percent of Charlottesville-area companies interviewed plan to hire more workers between April and June, up nearly 50 percent from the first quarter. Fields that look good include construction, retail and real estate.

 

Wednesday, March 16
County Dems pick sacrificial lamb

At a meeting of the Albemarle County Democratic Committee, 10-year School Board veteran Steve Koleszar announced his plan to challenge Republican Rob Bell for the 58th seat in the House of Delegates. Koleszar admits that Bell, a crafty politician with Eagle Scout charm, will be tough to beat. “I take comfort in the story of David and Goliath,” says Koleszar, who paints Bell as a no-tax ideologue who would rather underfund schools and transportation than raise taxes. “How Bell votes is not the same as his persona,” Koleszar says.

 

Introducing Tim Kaine: tax savior

Making it real today, Lt. Governor Tim Kaine officially kicked off his campaign to succeed fellow Democrat, Governor Mark Warner. Though the onetime civil rights lawyer and Jesuit missionary has solid blue credentials, across the state today he chose instead to focus on “fiscal responsibility.” “I cut homeowner’s taxes as mayor, and I’ll fight to cut homeowner’s taxes as your next governor,” Kaine told a crowd in Roanoke, according to The Washington Post. “And we’ll do it in a fiscally conservative way.” Local Dems will have a chance to meet and question the candidate next Wednesday when he visits The Nook. Also that morning, Kaine’s chief rival, Republican Jerry Kilgore will drop by the Doubletree Hotel.

 

 

Thursday, March 17
UVA getting serious about rape?

Today UVA announced a revised policy regarding sexual assaults in the wake of student outcry. Last fall, student activists protested what they claimed was UVA’s indifference to sexual assault victims, suggesting the University punishes liars, cheaters and thieves more severely than rapists. In response, UVA’s new sexual assault policy says students should be suspended or expelled if they’re found guilty of sexual assault. A committee of administrators, faculty and students will decide sexual assault cases. The new policy aims to speed up justice. The rules also guarantee a student’s right to speak publicly about the assault and trial after the process concludes.

 

Friday, March 18
No escape now for would-be
jailbreakers

Forever starts today for Michael A. Carpenter, 28, a convict who yesterday had 30 years added to his life sentence for his role in last August’s failed jailbreak at the Charlottesville-Albemarle Regional Jail. In that bloody incident, during which one elderly guard was beaten unconscious and hog-tied, Carpenter, Timothy Wayne Jason Lee Mawyer and Antinne Anderson were foiled in their attempts to escape from custody by the efforts of other inmates to assist the guards who were attacked. Anderson was sentenced yesterday to 13 additional years in the incident. Mawyer got 10 years on top of his existing sentence.

 

Saturday, March 19
1,500 Americans dead in Iraq

Today about 50 people gathered at the Rotunda to join a “Global Day of Action” marking the second anniversary of the Iraq War and organized by the ANSWER (Act Now to Stop War and End Racism) Coalition. “I think the war is totally unfounded. We’re in for a long haul,” said David Rodriguez, wearing a fuzzy Uncle Sam top hat and carrying a picket sign that read “END THE WAR.” The group earned supportive honks from passing traffic, as well as intermittent applause and heckling from pedestrian ‘Hoos. The point, which organizer Sarah Landsman stressed with a bullhorn, was to let people know that “George Bush does not speak for us.”

 

Sunday, March 20
Ryan returns to NCAA form

After failing to make the NCAA tournament for the first time in 20 years last season, Coach Debbie Ryan’s efforts to get UVA’s women’s basketball team back in The Dance paid off tonight with the Cavs’ 79-57 win over Old Dominion University. But the road to the Sweet Sixteen will get rougher in the second round on Monday night when Virginia (21-10) has to beat the Golden Gophers (25-7) in their home state of Minnesota.

 

Monday, March 21
Research the speed of light at the speed of light

Mark Warner, Virginia’s millionaire techie governor is expected at UVA this afternoon to announce the creation of VORTEX, a broadband optical fiber network that will connect Virginia’s universities to new worldwide research networks. “These tools are essential if our schools are to compete for major science and engineering projects,” Warner’s flaks have him saying in a news release. Following the news conference, Warner is scheduled to drop in on Larry Sabato’s government class.

 

Written by Cathy Harding from news sources and staff reports.

 

Low down on the high life
Pot busts are a low priority for police

Lieutenant Don Campbell, head of the drug task force, calculates from grams to pounds as quickly as a dealer. (Working undercover will do that.) By his count, Jefferson Area Drug Enforcement (JADE) seized 2,600 hundred grams of cocaine in the last year. JADE released its year-end report recently, and deep within it lies the surprising news that only 1,600 grams of marijuana were seized in the last year (about 2.2 pounds Campbell says). The year prior JADE seized nearly 15 times as much weed—32 pounds.

   Those falling numbers square with the information in a new report by NORML, the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, which shows that Charlottesville is a relatively safe place to toke, compared to the rest of the country.

   JADE’s report tallies seizures and arrests for the last year, and NORML’s report takes a national look at arrests for marijuana from 1995 to 2002. While the methods of counting are different, the conclusions align. The forces of sobriety and those of lawlessness rarely agree on much, but here is a blissful bit of accord: Law enforcement should focus on more destructive drugs than marijuana.

   Lt. Campbell says the task force focused on mid- and upper-level dealers of crack especially, and “eradicated” five drug-dealing groups last year. “Our focus is on dealing with groups of people who organize and conspire together to violate the drug laws and who are committing violence on the streets,” he says.

   The focus on violent groups naturally leads to prioritizing cocaine over marijuana, Campbell says. “Usually, crack cocaine, violence comes with it. That is just the nature of the beast.”

   JADE has been tasked with drug interdiction for the last 10 years, combining 14 detectives from Charlottesville, Albemarle, UVA and Virginia State Police. It also works with the Drug Enforcement Agency and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms on the big stuff. Overall the force conducted 225 investigations, leading to 211 arrests in 2004. “I couldn’t tell you the conviction rate, but it’s pretty high. We don’t lose many,” Campbell says.

   NORML’s report confirms the surprising news that small-time stoners are not at high risk of being busted locally. It tallies marijuana possession and sales arrests nationally by city, county and state. The report says about 239 people of every 100,000 are arrested for a marijuana crime on average. Virginia was right at that rate in 1995, but had fallen to 195 per 100,000 by 2002. Marijuana arrests are consistently less than 5 percent of total arrests but more than half of all drug arrests in the Commonwealth.

   Albemarle and Charlottesville are either a safe haven for pot smokers or relatively lacking in the species by comparison. Albemarle County had only 143 arrests
per 100,000 residents in 2002, and Charlottesville had a shockingly low 10.77 arrests per 100,000.

   Then again, NORML’s report shows five arrests in the city and 117 in the county in 2002, and Lt. Campbell insists that those numbers are screwy. On the topic of stupid stoners, Campbell has a few other good stories. Once, he bagged a grower by following a trail of leaves from a grow operation to the suspect’s house. Another time, he says, “They were planting in the woods, floating it down in canoes and bringing it into these sheds to dry. There were probably pounds on the ground from where they had been dragging it.”

   To summarize, then, for those who are a little baked, “If we do develop information that people are dealing marijuana, we will follow up on it,” according to Campbell, but “we are not trying to find people who are smoking or using.”

   And with that, one can hear Charlottesville issue a collective exhalation … of relief.—Lacey Phillabaum

 

Power up!
Gray TV set to dominate local airwaves, adding Fox to its CBS/ABC affiliates

Gray Television Inc., the Atlanta-based owner of Charlottesville’s new CBS and ABC affiliates, WCAV and WVAW, won the “geographic lottery” in political advertising last year, according to executives, finding its franchise of 31 network-affiliated stations happily situated in key battleground states. Flush with record-setting earnings of $41 million in 2004, the company was a big spender, too. Much of the $36.3 million it plunked down to build out its stations went toward developing digital broadcasting capacity, but a big chunk was used tolaunch operations in Charlottesville—about $7 million to construct broadcast facilities and $1 million for a license.

   But it will take a much smaller investment to increase the company’s local presence by half. In a $475,000 deal inked on February 10, Gray has agreed to buy WADA, Tiger Eye Broadcasting’s PAX affiliate in Charlottesville. Gray, which focuses on small and mid-sized markets, largely in college towns and state capitals, plans to adopt the call sign WAHU for the station. It will broadcast a mixture of FOX and PAX programming on channel 27 over the air and on channel 18 or 19 on cable, according to WCAV/WVAW station manager Roger Burchett.

   “Whatever people have said they want to watch based on the ratings, that’s what we’ll give them,” Burchett, who will also manage WAHU, says of the split between FOX and PAX shows.

   Burchett says he expects the deal to close—and WAHU to begin broadcasting—in late April or May. Gray Television has recently rolled out UPN signals on its digital spectrum in several markets, but has no plans to do so here. “If they add another station to us, we’re going to collapse,” Burchett says.

   WCAV and WVAW began broadcasting last August. CBS 19’s local news operation went on the air in November and ABC 16 went live with its local news show in February. Burchett expects to have a WAHU news program about 30 days after the station launches.

   The WCAV and WVAW news broadcasts borrow footage and stories from each other liberally, not to mention a weatherman, and the WAHU program will also share content, Burchett says.

   “We’ll try to write the stories so that they’re, No. 1, the most informative that we can be to the people who watch us,” Burchett says. “Second, told in a way that the demographics of the people who watch the particular station—CBS, ABC and FOX—enjoy watching them. Our first obligation is to get it right, to get it on time. But we can still do that and tell them in a way that allows each station to remain its own and hold on to its own identity.”

   Both WVAW and the future WAHU are low-power stations with a limited over-the-air broadcast range. But contemporary distribution systems make that matter a bit of a technicality. “We’re hooked into the cable system, so if you’ve got cable it’s the same thing as full power,” says Gray Television president Robert Prather.

   Prather downplays the cost advantages in running several stations from a single facility. “We have separate news teams, separate sales teams, things like that,” he says. “But there are some advantages to having two in one station, really from kind of the backroom operations standpoint.”

   Burchett is also cautious about the competitive power Gray’s Charlottesville cost structure gives it in pricing advertising slots over an enormous amount of airtime.

   “The first thing you’ve got to have is a product that people want to watch. You can have 10 stations but you can’t leverage them if they’re not what the people want to watch,” he says. “We want to put a news product on the air that people say, ‘I like it because it’s accurate, it’s well-presented, it’s timely and I enjoy watching it. I trust these people.’ We’re brand new, so to get all those goals lined up, all working at the same time, it takes time.”—Harry Terris

 

Waiting for the Guv
Labor activists put their charter hopes in Mark Warner

Wait and see—that’s the current status of the charter legislation that would change higher education in Virginia.

   Legislation to give Virginia colleges more autonomy from the State sailed through the General Assembly this year, but the bill is no longer known as “charter.”

   In keeping with the State government’s stellar track record of making things more complicated than they already
are, the charter legislation is now known as “Restructured Higher Education Financial and Administrative Operations.”

   Don’t know what that means? Apparently many legislators don’t either.

   “I voted against it,” says Charlottesville Delegate Mitch Van Yahres, “because it went through without much understanding of what we were doing. [The charter bill] was very complicated and it went through very fast.”

   In the wake of declining State funds for higher education, three major schools—UVA, Virginia Tech and William and Mary—asked the General Assembly last year for more autonomy from State oversight. One of the most important aspects of charter is that it would give the schools more authority to raise tuition without State permission.

   Not surprisingly, smaller colleges balked, fearing that the State would get even stingier with the three biggest schools out of the political loop. A revised version of the charter bill created three different levels of autonomy. Schools with more fundraising ability could choose more fiscal freedom, while smaller schools could keep closer ties to the State. Once charter became available to all schools, the bill sailed through the assembly.

   But the resistance didn’t disappear.

   “Is this going to let the State off the hook as far as their responsibility to higher education?” says Van Yahres. “We’ve been cheap to start off, now we can be cheaper, and tuition will be the way out. What about making [higher education] affordable?”

   Meanwhile, labor activists object to charter because it would create two tiers of employees—one group hired before charter with certain State-mandated benefits, and another hired after charter, with a different set of benefits.

   “You just can’t have employees working side by side with different benefits,” says Jan Cornell, president of the Staff Union at UVA. “Unions have fought this for 50 years.”

   Now charter—along with about 900 other bills—will go before Governor Mark Warner for him to sign, amend or veto by April 6. Cornell is hoping Warner will add an amendment addressing the two-tier issue.

   Virginia chapters of the AFL-CIO and the Communication Workers of America have met with the Guv, asking for an amendment that would give him oversight of the schools’ employment policies, so that workers have someplace to take their grievances. A spokesman for Warner says he hasn’t made any decisions.

   “We don’t believe we’re asking for something outrageous, but governors never give you any indication of what they’re thinking,” says Jim Leaman, Treasurer for the Virginia AFL-CIO. “They do all the easy stuff first and save the big stuff for the end. We’ll just wait and see.”—John Borgmeyer

 

 

The road to hell is paved with city dollars
Why does Virginia make cities pay for suburban sprawl?

The U.S. Department of Agriculture estimates that Virginia loses about 233 acres of farmland to development every day. Losing pristine land forever is bad enough—what’s worse is that we’re helping to pay for it.

   Each year Charlottesville pays about $13.5 million in gasoline and sales taxes earmarked for transportation funding, but we only get back $6.7 million for maintenance, new projects and transit funding.

   The County gets an even worse deal. It pays about $26.6 million in taxes earmarked for transportation, while Albemarle gets back a measly $7 million, more or less, for new roads.

   That means the federal and State governments pilfer about $26 million from Charlottesville and Albemarle. Some of that money pays for maintenance on the interstate highway system. The rest goes to the State to pay for large projects in the sprawling suburbs of Northern Virginia and Virginia Beach, according to City Councilor Kevin Lynch, who compiled the data.

   This series, “War on Cities” has examined in the previous two issues of C-VILLE the way Virginia’s urban communities are being stressed by State budget cuts for public safety, social services and education. As the costs for these items continues to skyrocket in cities like Charlottesville, the State’s negligence shifts the burden to local taxpayers.

   The filching of our transportation money is another example of how the State fails to protect its urban environments. Some of the problem can be traced back to former Governor Jim Gilmore, says Lynch. Gilmore used federal revenue bonds to pay for major road projects in NoVa in the late 1990s. While the projects may have been good for Gilmore’s political career, the bonds must be repaid with Virginia’s federal transportation money.

   That money would come in handy right now, as traffic congestion becomes a growing problem for people who live and work in Charlottesville.

   “We are long overdue for a few key medium-sized projects,” says Lynch. “If the City and County could keep the excess transportation taxes that we pay in a single year, it would be more than enough to build the Meadowcreek Parkway interchange. Another year and we could build the Eastern Connector. A third year would make some major improvements to 29.”

   The State takes transportation money from cities and gives it to the suburbs. Not only does it fuel the demise of Virginia’s countryside, it means there’s less money for smaller city roads and transportation such as buses, rail, bike trails and pedestrian walkways. Moreover, the State’s transportation funding imbalance leads also to a harsh political reality: Urban concerns are pushed further into the background.

   In the General Assembly, representatives from the suburbs vastly outnumber those from cities. John Moeser, who studies urban policy at Virginia Commonwealth University and who recently contributed his expertise to Governor Mark Warner’s Urban Policy Task Force, says that as suburban wealth and power grows, the special problems faced by cities like Charlottesville receive less attention from state leaders.

   “You have these suburban communities who view cities with some suspicion,” says Moeser. “People think of solving urban problems as a ‘Robin Hood’ scheme… robbing from the rich to give to the poor. There’s not the political will, so anything urban doesn’t get much traction.”

 

Cities are a great treasure, says Moeser. “The built environment reflects our history,” he says. “The old buildings, the cobblestone streets, the steeples…. I like what the writer Lewis Mumford said. He said: ‘In cities, time becomes visible.’”

   In suburbs, says Moeser, “all the connections to the past have been obliterated.” Cities, he says, are a way to “root” people.

   “Cities are the repository of our culture, our art and our museums,” Moeser continues. “You have people of different classes using the same space, and you don’t find that in suburbs. Cities have always brought people together from different backgrounds. They are where immigrants became Americans.”

   Nevertheless, recent events have made clear that what wins elections are the suburban values of intolerance and exclusion. Still, Virginia’s cities aren’t just waiting for an inevitable decline. In 2000, 15 cities formed the Virginia First Cities coalition to advocate for urban interests in the General Assembly.

   “The older cities have a lot of common interests,” says VFC chairman Neal Barber. “They are typically the focal point for a lot of activities. They have historically experienced fiscal and economic distress, and they have high concentrations of poverty because they’re the location for social services, transportation and affordable housing.”

   Barber says the Commonwealth needs to be more supportive of cities. The group has successfully advocated for more money for law enforcement and tax breaks for redeveloping blighted property in Virginia’s aging cities, and they continue to lobby for more funding for mass transit and at-risk students.

   In some cities, an urban revival is under way. “Older, pre-World War II neighborhoods are beginning to attract folks back into the cities,” says Barber. “People want to be within walking distance of downtown, to churches. Cities are attracting young people because that’s where the entertainment is. They have attracted empty nesters, folks who are interested in not dealing with the hassles of gridlock on a daily basis.”

   Indeed, evidence of the revival can be seen in the southern half of Charlottesville’s downtown, where converted warehouse apartments fetch monthly rents of $1,200. “Charlottesville,” says Barber, “has done extremely well.”

   In the future, Barber says, the health of Virginia cities depends on the General Assembly’s willingness to grant cities new powers to spur redevelopment in urban centers. In a state confined by the 150-year-old Dillon Rule (which states that local governments can’t do anything without the explicit permission of the General Assembly) such changes may not be easy to make.

   The bad news for cities, however, is that today it remains cheaper for developers to build on virgin land and demand new roads that reach further into the countryside. Don’t look for progressive land-use policies to come out of Richmond—last year, real estate and construction interests donated nearly $4.8 million to Virginia politicians, more than any other industry or political group.—John Borgmeyer

Categories
News

Sign Language

Dear Ace: plenty of billboards offer up worthy reading material as I toot around town. However, the one on High Street, near the Riverside, that says something like “Does Martha know too much?” is the one that really leaves me puzzled. Is the advertiser taking a jab at the hard-working hospital named for Mrs. TJ? What exactly does this advertisement mean?—Adman Smarts

Well, Adman, Ace sure hopes you’re not paying more attention to those billboards than you are to the road! (Ace always advises driver safety and keeps both hands on the wheel and two eyes on the road when he’s touring in the Acemobile.) Admonishments aside, the sign (which, incidentally, was taken down recently when its contract ran out), advertised the local company Health Data Services. It featured a demure looking Martha Jefferson and asked drivers, “Does Martha know too much about your practice?” Unfamiliar with this company, this small bit of billboard propaganda left Ace, like you Adman, scratching his head.

   But never fear, the telephone is near, and a quick call to billboard mastermind and Health Data Services president Dan Brody, cleared up all confusion. Yes, says Brody, the sign does indeed refer to Martha Jefferson Hospital, located on the corner of E. High Street and Locust Avenue, just up the road from the billboard’s former location. But put your hackles down, Brody says: It was all meant in good fun, thanks to the joys of a competitive marketplace.

   See, both Martha Jefferson and Health Data Services offer doctors medical practice management services such as patient billing and insurance claims software. With its billboard, Brody says, Health Data Services was merely reminding doctors who work at the hospital in addition to their own offices that they don’t need to use Martha Jefferson’s billing services for their private practices. Health Data Services’ “privacy benefit” was all that the billboard intended to highlight.

   “The medical services that [Martha Jefferson] provides, I have nothing but great things to say them,” says Brody. “Heck, I’m going to be a patient there one day,” and he sure doesn’t want to get on their bad side.

   While to the layman, the billboard might as well have been written in Greek, the doctors it targeted didn’t need no Rosetta Stone to translate it. Brody says he got a positive response from clients who thought it was worth a giggle and he even snagged one convert.

   “It wasn’t intended as hard-hitting,” he says. “We didn’t expect we would be barraged with phone calls.”

Categories
The Editor's Desk

Mailbag

Core issues

I’d like to comment on Will Martin’s letter about Surry, and also about North Anna [“Virginia’s other nukes,” Mailbag, March 8]. His understanding is that nuclear plants were supposed to operate for about 30 years and then be decommissioned. The official number was 40 years, and at around 30 years the operator could apply for a license renewal for up to 20 additional years. We now have sufficient operating experience that with proper supervision, maintenance and upgrading, a nuclear plant can run safely and reliably for 60 years. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission recently granted a 30-year license extension to North Anna and Surry.

   A few nuclear plants have already been shut down and decommissioned. Some were low power and/or unique types that became uneconomic to keep in operation and upgrade to modern standards. Massachusetts’ Yankee Rowe, a small reactor, is one example. Millstone 1, actually in Connecticut near New London and not on Long Island, is an example of a utility unwilling to pay the cost of an upgrade. However, Millstone 2 and 3 are running and are now in the license renewal process. Some plants, like Rancho Seco in California, were shut down for political reasons, although the two reasons given at the time were economics and that the power was not needed. I bet that some Californians, who are now paying a high price for electricity after sitting out roaming blackouts, are regretting that decision.

   The decommissioning cost is already included in the current rates for nuclear power. The same is true for the disposal of used nuclear fuel. Utilities do not operate plants until they fail, because the plants are subject to continuous supervision by the NRC. Decommissioning means total removal of the entire structure and components. Radioactive material is shipped to a licensed disposal site. The land is returned to general use. As an example, the University of Virginia research reactor has already been decommissioned and the building is now occupied by other University personnel. More information on license renewal and decommissioning is available through the NRC website, www.nrc.gov.

   Finally, North Anna was originally intended to have four units, and in fact construction had already started on the final two units when Three Mile Island happened. The general uncertainty at that time led to canceling those plants. But the site is still capable of handling two new units, if and when they are needed.

 

Roger A. Rydin

Charlottesville

What cost nukes?

In the event of increased dependence on power generated by nuclear technology, there exists an undeniable increased risk of a nuclear accident occurring in Virginia. To address this concern, pro-nuclear advocate Sama Bilbao y Leon would reassure us that “All in all, nuclear power plants provide a total of $10 billion in insurance coverage to compensate the public in the unlikely event of a nuclear accident” [“Nuclear fission,” Mailbag, March 15].

   If a Chernobyl-like event were to occur in Central Virginia, who would bear the brunt of the disaster? The suggestion that the nuclear industry can buy its way out of such a severe situation with a vast sum of cash to “compensate the public” (even if made available immediately) is absurd. In addition, the suggestion that a dollar compensatory figure can be applied to a situation where Virginia residents may have to relocate, losing much of what they own in the process, is rather arrogant and insulting. I do not believe that it is scare mongering to point out that it is the residents of Virginia who alone will bear such risks. And I have no doubt that ordinary Virginians will be paying a cost both in dollars and increased public heath risks for the “privilege” of doing so.

   The pro-nuclear advocates would have us believe that nuclear power is relatively inexpensive. In this regard, previous letter-writer Will Martin makes the excellent point that in order to count the real cost of nuclear power one has to consider the entire nuclear power generation life cycle. I would argue that the real cost of transporting/permanently disposing of extremely hazardous nuclear waste cannot be known accurately. For example, the cost of cleanup of a single serious transportation or storage accident would dwarf any “savings” made up to that point in the process. The lingering waste disposal problem has yet to be addressed in any acceptable way by the nuclear industry.

   At a time in this country when—astonishingly—the Bush Administration continues to experience minimal opposition to any of a range of outrageous policies, it is my belief that the neoconservatives are taking the opportunity to foist upon us an energy policy, featuring nuclear power, which is totally undemocratic in nature. When it comes down to a question of trust in the integrity and responsibility of authorities such as the current U.S. government—or indeed, Dominion Virginia Power—we, the people of Virginia, would surely do well to remain at our most cynical.

 

Rob Pates

Charlottesville

 

 

Power struggle

In the C-VILLE debate over nuclear power, the pro-nuclear argument seems to have been made principally by members of North American-Young Generation in Nuclear. According to the NA-YGN website, this organization consists of young professionals employed in the nuclear industry: “individuals age 35 and under working throughout the fields of nuclear science and technology.” While Vice President Lisa Shell likes to characterize the group as a “pro-nuclear grassroots organization” [“Talking ‘bout my Generation,” Mailbag, March 8], I would like to pose the following question: Is it reasonable for groups whose members have vested their careers in the nationwide acceptance and growth of the nuclear industry to direct or dominate the debate on the expansion of nuclear power in Virginia? I believe not.

   With regard to the issue of environmental pollution, Michael Stuart, another NA-YGN member and Dominion employee, berated environmentalists over their lack of outrage regarding emissions of “hundreds of millions of metric tons of sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxide, and carbon dioxide” [“Waste not, want not,” Mailbag, March 8]. Is he aware that in the recently ended General Assembly session the power companies handily defeated H.B. 2742, the Virginia Clean Smokestacks Act, which would have required the dirtiest Virginia coal-fired power plants to install modern equipment to reduce nitrogen oxide, sulfur dioxide and mercury pollution? Technology is currently available to eliminate up to 90 percent of these pollutants. Is Mr. Stuart outraged over Dominion’s participation in the defeat of this bill? Did he lobby Assembly members for passage of the bill?

   While nuclear plants do not emit greenhouse gases during operation, there is plenty of pollution associated with mining, milling, manufacture of nuclear fuel rods. Unlike Mr. Stuart, we remain unconvinced that promotion of nuclear power, with its attendant radiation and public health risks, achieves clean energy goals in any permanent way.

   To focus on nuclear power represents a waste of valuable national time which could be spent using our national brainpower and scientific resources to work out ways of solving global energy needs by developing conservation technologies and renewable alternatives. A challenge, indeed. However, if the members of NA-YGN were able for one moment to think beyond their own career aspirations—would they disagree with the suggestion that that this country is equal to that task?

 

Elena Day

Charlottesville

 

 

Testing, testing, 1,2,3

Recently, the C-VILLE ran a phoned-in rant critical of the Albemarle County Public Schools [The Rant, March 1]. The author of the rant found fault with the School Board for increasing time in language arts and math for standard and remedial students at the cost of time spent by all students in electives—specifically in band. Several parents and students from Henley Middle School echoed this complaint at the March 7 School Board meeting. Most speakers portrayed the division’s decision to increase instructional time in language arts and math as an unnecessary gambit to raise already adequate SOL test scores.

   However, the issue at hand is not the raising of test scores for test scores’ sake. Rather, the schedule change will help core teachers close the achievement gap for at-risk students, who at my school, Henley, are statistically more likely to be African-American and/or poor than not. For these students, failing test scores on the SOL or any other standardized measure represent more significant problems: illiteracy and disengagement with school. At-risk students don’t fail the SOL just because of content; they fail because they can’t read the tests or aren’t motivated enough to try to pass.

   Indeed, failing test scores helped these students build up reluctance to engage with school; failing test scores helped them view teachers as enemies; failing test scores helped them decide how little they should try in school to avoid putting forth any personal effort a teacher could betray with a red pen and the dark flourish of an F.

   Imagine what passing test scores will do for them. Imagine that a student passing the SOL passes tests in core classes and electives—and thereby passes his or her classes. Imagine that a student experiencing success thanks to the relationships, relevance and rigor built with increased instructional time comes back to us, engages with school, views teachers as role models and engages with learning for life. Imagine that this student enters upper-level classes throughout middle and high school, further enriching the discourse at our highest levels of public, secondary education.

   This schedule change is not about raising test scores; it’s about closing achievement gaps and reconnecting kids with learning. While its mathematical outputs will be higher test scores and shrinking achievement gaps, its human outcome will involve at-risk students contributing to learning in all classes and enjoying learning for life.

 

Chad Sansing

7th Grade English Teacher

Henley Middle School

 

 

Taken for granted

I’d like to clarify statements made by Antoinette W. Roades in a recent letter’s column [“Green acres,” Mailbag, March 15]. She stated that Piedmont Housing Alliance received $6.23 million from the Virginia Housing Development Authority, and seemed to consider it an issue that the City had provided PHA some assistance, given this other funding.

   PHA did not receive funds from VHDA. While that would be a wonderful boon to our area’s low- and moderate-income homebuyers, and would greatly assist a huge number of clients, it is not accurate. What they received was an allocation (which is permission to utilize $6.23 million of VHDA’s funds at rates below VHDA’s standard rates) to assist first-time homebuyers in our high-cost housing market. The funds are lent by VHDA to homebuyers, and any funds not lent to borrowers by VHDA within a specified time limit will go unused. There was no gift or grant to PHA, though they are working hard to get the VHDA funds distributed.

   PHA has been extremely active in raising funds and securing housing units in order to make housing affordable for renters, homebuyers and special-needs clients, and they provide a valuable service while operating on tight margins. There is a lot of administrative work involved in getting this allowance, and the availability of the funds should be (and has been) well publicized so that area homebuyers can take advantage of the reduced interest rate. However, to suggest PHA received a multi-million dollar windfall is misleading. I am sure it was a misunderstanding.

   There are many local citizens working hard and contributing time and money (the alliance between PHA and the members of the Charlottesville Area Association of Realtors in creating the Workforce Housing Fund is a great example) to address the shortage of affordable housing in our area. Thanks for keeping these issues in the public forum.

 

Catherine Potter

Charlottesville

 

 

Flaking out

As a former resident of Charlottesville, I was surprised how expensive it is for the City to maintain the roads at an acceptable level of safety [“The hundred-grand snow job,” The Week, March 8]. But two questions remain: Are the City and the County managing their budgets efficiently? Are the roads cleaned up fast enough in situations where the snow comes down unexpectedly? In other words, is the system working at its most efficient level? Kudos to C-VILLE for a well-researched and well-written article—Charlottesville residents should use this as a first step in holding the City and County accountable.

 

Alejandro Queral

Washington, D.C.

 

Lucky star

This is in regards to the February 8 feature story, “25 tips to improve your love life,” and concerning one of the article’s contributors, Lucky Supremo, the reigning Miss Club 216. I am a religious reader of your newspaper, and the feature story is my favorite segment.

   Two weeks ago, my husband and I traveled to Ontario, Canada, to visit my grandfather on his 90th birthday. We had planned on staying over for the weekend to shop and do some bar hopping; well, we did. And, of all the nightclubs we visited (a total of four), one stood out as the most exciting and the most memorable. This nightclub had female “illusion” entertainers performing and one named Lucky Supremo from Charlottesville, Virginia, USA was announced as the next performer.

   There she was, a towering and magnificent figure dressed in a medieval ballroom gown and wearing shimmering jewelry and accessories to match. As she majestically emerged, the theme song from Madonna’s Evita started to play. Lucky wore a honey-blond-slicked-back hairdo, which clearly confirmed she was playing the role of Evita. She was simply divine. I, like hundreds of others, felt like we were in an auditorium watching a live opera singer singing the “Don’t cry for me, Argentina” anthem on stage; I had no problem in suspending my disbelief that night.

   Once Lucky ended her number, the man handed her a huge bouquet of fresh flowers and she was loudly applauded off the stage. My husband and I intended to go backstage to congratulate Lucky for her performance, but the club bouncers denied any visitations.

   A few days later back in the States, I was going through past C-VILLE issues, and soon came upon one that had the name Lucky Supremo written in the “25 tips” feature story. I quickly showed my husband the article, and we were totally convinced that it was the same Lucky Supremo we had both seen perform as Evita at the huge nightclub in Canada. She was just so entertaining and the Canadian crowd just loved her, and their positive reactions toward Lucky made my husband and I, in a way, very proud.

   It is great to know that RuPaul-like celebrities like Lucky, Miss Club 216, is an ambassador of the arts, representing not just the United States, but also representing our increasingly more diverse city of Charlottesville, overseas.

 

Cassandra Hemings

Charlottesville

 

 

Grape expectations

Oenology is the study of wines. And, strictly speaking, an oenologist is a winemaker, not simply a “wine connoisseur” [“How to: Become a wine snob,” The Week, March 8]. Many European and some American universities (the University of California at Davis comes to mind) offer degrees, including Ph.Ds, in oenology. Of course, someone who has learned the winemaking trade on the job may well be considered an oenologist, and there are many amateur oenologists who make their own wine at home. But, anyone can claim to be a wine connoisseur, just as your article suggests.

David Miller

Stoney Creek

 

Corrections and clarifications

In last week’s Get Out Now section we printed the two different dates for Toots & the Maytals’ show at Starr Hill’s. The show actually occurred on Friday, March 18. Sorry for any confusion this may have caused to reggae fans.

In last week’s installment of the War on Cities series [“A broken social contract”], we claimed that State funding for the Comprehensive Services Act (CSA) has been “drastically” cut. In fact, the State cut $6,000 from CSA’s local administrative budget, the money it gives the City and County to help administer about $12 million in service funds. Governor Mark Warner is likely to restore that money, but the fact remains that State CSA funding does not come close to meeting the growing local need for foster care and youth-oriented social services.

Also, in the same article, we gave the City’s Social Service director an extra “z.” His name, spelled correctly, is Buz Cox.

Categories
News

How Gillen petered out

 In the spring of 1998, Pete Gillen inherited a Virginia basketball team with no stars and no pulse. Regardless, the new coach grinned. He cracked jokes. What else could he do?

   Charlottesville was then a basketball ghost town. The University had just cast out Jeff Jones, who, after coaching the Cavaliers to the Final Eight in 1995, crashed the program to hoops Hell—a losing season punctuated by a home defeat to the Rev. Jerry Falwell’s Liberty University. The town also had seen several players split after off-court troubles, as well as Melvin Whitaker, a top recruit who slashed a UVA student with a box cutter following an on-Grounds pickup game.

   So when the redheaded stranger from up north first strolled into University Hall, he could count few blessings besides his electric wit and his solid coaching resumé, which included a 1997 run to the NCAA regional finals with Providence. Like MacGyver rigging up an explosive from kitchen cleansers, Gillen built a competitive Cavaliers team of six scholarship players and a handful of walk-ons. In the 1998-’99 season, the scrappy mutt of a squad won 14 games and plenty of hearts. “Gillen will have better teams,” I told another fan after that hard-fought season, “but we’ll never like them as much as this one.”

   Only it was worse than that. As expectations soared, the men’s basketball team turned into an annual overhyped and underachieving enigma. Over six seasons, the Hoos won some big games, nearly all of them at University Hall. On the road, they piled up a heap of excruciating defeats: blowout losses, close losses, losses that inspired new cuss words. Throughout the Commonwealth, a generation of televisions bit the dust on game days, and Gillen went from genius to goat.

   This season, the coach who once remarked that Duke basketball was on TV more than “Leave It To Beaver” re-runs found himself trapped in the same bad episode—the one in which his team displays moments of brilliance, then ties itself to the tracks before a freight train of an ACC foe plows through it. The Hoos became a book of basketball mysteries, whose chapters included “Who Guarded the In-Bounds Play?” and “The Purloined Pass.”

   Through it all, Gillen did not give up. He coached his tonsils out in this month’s ACC Tournament, even after Duke had run away with a lead in what he knew was his final game. When he stepped down last Monday, Gillen—who received a $2 million buyout—was a much wealthier man than when he arrived in Charlottesville. But his big bag of quips was empty. The chatty coach’s last words came typed in the press release that announced his departure: “I am proud of the hard work of the players and assistant coaches I’ve worked with at Virginia…The University has always been a first-class operation and I wish them all the best.”

   A testament to the widespread opinion that Gillen was also a first-class operation came in the same press release: UVA’s president, John T. Casteen III, praised Gillen’s “compassion, personal ethics, and community leadership.” Presidents are supposed to say nice things when a coach gets the ax, but that did not mean his words were false. Casteen could have said anything about Gillen and he chose “compassion.” How many college coaches get props for that?

   In many corners of Charlottesville, people did not care about Gillen’s game-management skills, his postseason record, or that some head case of a basketball player might have been pissed off at the coach. They did care that Gillen volunteered for several charitable groups, that he took his team to visit sick kids at the Kluge Children’s Medical Center, and that he spoke to local elementary school students about character. Mac McDonald, WINA Radio’s “Voice of the Cavaliers,” says Gillen “shook every hand and kissed every baby.”

   “How many coaches,” McDonald says, “would go through a double-overtime win in December and then stand outside, in the cold, at a mall and ring the Salvation Army bell for three hours?”

   Some of Gillen’s supporters have wondered whether he was too nice to rein in the runaway egos of the modern college-basketball player. Todd Billet, the soft-spoken, sharp-shooting guard who played for Gillen during the 2002-03 and 2003-04 seasons, describes the coach as “down-to-earth” and “player friendly.” He adds that some of his younger teammates might have responded better to a disciplinarian. “Some of the players that have been in the program, they may not have been 100 percent compatible with his style,” Billet says. “You have to balance the type of player you want with your personality.”

   Billet, for one, clicked with Gillen, whom he credits for sticking up for his players when they missed shots or defensive assignments. “You didn’t feel like you were just being used for your playing time and the pushed out the door,” Billet says. “Coach cared about what your future goals would be.”

   But Gillen did not do enough of the one thing he was hired to do: win. As a coach, Gillen made mistakes that cost him both games and fans. But the program’s recent failures were not his doing alone: His players and his bosses helped, too. And Lady Luck often socked the guy in the jaw just when he needed her most. Here is a fan’s look back at the Gillen era and 15 days that doomed him.

 

March 12, 1999

Gillen loses his wisecracking, fast-talking assistant Bobby Gonzalez, who is named head men’s basketball coach at Manhattan College. The recruiting whiz kid had been instrumental in landing Gillen’s first—and best—class at Virginia, which included Majestic Mapp, Roger Mason Jr., and Travis Watson. Although Gillen later reels in some outstanding players, like Philadelphia’s Sean Singletary, the coach does not land another top-notch class. Gonzales’s exit foreshadows the departure of Gillen’s right-hand man, Tom Herrion, also a skilled recruiter, who later leaves to coach the College of Charleston. In a sport where assistant coaches play crucial roles, did Gillen lose too many sidekicks to maintain his success?

 

March 12, 2000

The NCAA Selection Committee snubs the Hoos, who finished with a 9-7 ACC record. A weak out-of-conference schedule—something that would plague UVA until the 2004-05 season—keeps the Hoos out of the big dance. Days later, the chance for a young, talented team to get some postseason chops evaporates when Georgetown University defeats the Cavs in a soul-draining triple-overtime game at University Hall. Charlottesville basketball fans, fed a morsel for the first time in years, begin to realize how hungry they are for a winner.

 

August 2, 2000

On perhaps the most fateful day of all, Mapp, Virginia’s prized point guard, tears his right ACL weeks before the start of his sophomore year at UVA. The Cavaliers lose a reliable floor leader and the program loses its potential savior. Setbacks delay Mapp’s return for two-and-a-half seasons, complicating Gillen’s recruiting plans. Without a classic point guard to run the show, UVA’s offense often turns chaotic: guards hoist shots from as far away as Ivy, big men get lost in a Siberia of zone defenses, and assists become passé at U-Hall. Mapp is not the same when he suits up again, and Gillen declines to invite the comeback kid back for his last year of eligibility. Some fans see pragmatism in that decision; others howl foul. The sentimental favorite with the sweet name and the even sweeter attitude leaves after the 2003-04 season. He takes the last blush of Gillen’s rose with him.

 

November 15, 2000

Gillen signs four high-school prospects that, he announces, “will be a great credit to our school both on and off the court.” Each flames out in his own way. Emergency point guard Keith Jenifer makes a name for himself by missing jumpers, pouting and punching an Indiana University player in the groin on national television; he transfers after an arrest for misdemeanor assault and battery. Guard Jermaine Harper leaves after numerous ill-advised shots and one DUI arrest. In his eighth semester, hardnosed forward Jason Clark drops out after academic troubles. Over four years, big man Elton Brown loses a lot of weight, but also his confidence, his infectious grin and his ability to hit free-throws. Senior Night ’05 feels lonely.

 

December 30, 2000

Al Groh signs on as Virginia’s new head football coach. While Gillen continues to elicit chuckles for his sharp one-liners, the straight-talking Groh, a UVA alumnus, speaks to fans’ inner drill sergeant. In his second season, he leads the Cavs to a surprising second-place finish in the ACC and re-establishes Scott Stadium as a house of pain for visiting teams (save those from Florida). Virginia’s gridiron success over the next three seasons coincides with the basketball team’s tailspin. In the collective unconscious of the Wahoo Nation, a troubling question surfaces: If Groh could change the fortunes of Virginia football after just two seasons, why can’t Gillen do the same for basketball?

 

March 11, 2001

Selection Sunday is unkind to the Hoos again. Fifth-seeded Virginia draws Gonzaga, a mid-major upset machine that had deserved a much higher seed than 12. Thanks to a late missed foul shot by J.C. Mathis, the Zags defeat the Cavs, who had won 20 games and seemed poised for a deep run. The premature postseason exit marks the official beginning of the Cavaliers NCAA Tournament drought, sponsored by Aquafina.

 

October 26, 2001

Virginia’s director of athletics, Craig Littlepage, extends Gillen’s contract, giving him a 10-year deal worth approximately $900,000 annually. That premature move handcuffs the University to a coach whose team begins to flounder the very same season. In a statement, Gillen says he hopes fans “will not place undue emphasis on [the contract], because there are a lot more important things in the world today, like the war on terrorism and finding cures for serious diseases.” Nonetheless, cranky sports columnists and some non-millionaire Hoos develop an outrageous obsession with the size of Gillen’s paychecks, which they link to rising gas prices, expanding waist lines and every conceivable on-court miscue by the Cavs. The pricey agreement becomes the program’s albatross, and in the eyes of some fans, turns a hard-working, hard-sweating guy from Brooklyn into a Rich Guy Who Is Not Producing.

 

January 31, 2002

Gillen has pumped excitement back into University Hall, which rocks as the No. 8 Hoos take on the No. 3 Maryland Terrapins. Orange-clad students and the usually blasé hand-sitters in the stands reach an ear-splitting crescendo as the Cavs take a nine-point lead with three minutes remaining. Then, taking advantage of Virginia’s missed foul shots, defensive lapses and turnovers, the Terrapins steal an impossible comeback victory and silence a thunderous crowd. Maryland goes on to win its first national championship; Virginia implodes. “That was devastating,” Gillen told The Washington Post last month. “It almost seems like we haven’t recovered since that night.”

 

February 23, 2002

Virginia holds a three-point lead over Georgia Tech with 19.5 seconds left when Gillen tells Jermaine Harper to intentionally foul the Yellow Jackets’ Tony Akins, who nails both free throws. On the ensuing possession, Watson whiffs from the line, one of Virginia’s four missed foul shots in the final minute. Tech makes a last-second three to win, 82-80. The coach defends his decision to foul based on the fact that the Jackets had been raining threes on Virginia, like so many teams had done before. Yet the unorthodox strategy alarms the Wahoo faithful, some of whom perceive that the perpetually animated Gillen coaches out of fear. The loss sinks Virginia’s NCAA hopes and cheapens its upset of Duke five days later.

 

March 13, 2002

A listless Virginia squad continues its postseason futility, losing a first-round NIT contest, 74-67, to South Carolina at University Hall. After the game, the normally eloquent Gillen inexplicably assures the crowd that the team would be “even better next year.” That promise seems dubious, especially after Roger Mason—the most explosive player Gillen ever brought to Charlottesville—decides to enter the NBA draft that summer. His departure leaves a scoring void that sharp-shooting transfer Devin Smith attempts to fill, but a string of injuries over the next three seasons hampers his brave-hearted efforts. The oft-hobbled Smith inspires Gillen’s frequent use of the phrase “he didn’t have his legs”—a mysterious malady that one or more UVA players develop every 1.5 games.

 

March 9, 2003

Following another disappointing run through the ACC, the Cavs upset Maryland, 80-78, on Senior Night at University Hall. After four years spent glued to the bench, center Jason Rogers gets the start, and finishes with 12 points, six rebounds and three blocked shots. Rogers’ stunning performance prompts reporters to ask why Gillen had not played him more. The coach quips, “We were saving him for four years for this moment.” The humor is lost on Gillen’s critics. Frustration with his allotment of playing time will continue to grow among fans and some players.

 

May 30, 2003

Virginia holds a groundbreaking ceremony to celebrate the construction of the John Paul Jones Arena, a basketball palace that will replace the cramped basketball outhouse once known as the “Pregnant Clam.” The $129.8 million project had taken flight after Gillen’s early success at Virginia. It had also played a large role in the administration’s decision to extend the coach’s contract in 2001. But ultimately the costly venture puts unbearable pressure on Gillen and the University to build a winner. Time and again, the Cavs crack under pressure, perhaps because, as a former player says, Virginia’s offense “relied on players making plays.”

 

January 26, 2004

On Gillen’s weekly radio show, a malcontent caller questions the coach’s use of timeouts (namely, his irksome habit of burning them up midway through second halves) and suggests that Gillen had failed to stand up for a player in the previous weekend’s game. Gillen invites the caller to “go root for the Hokies.” The coach later apologizes for the remark, knowing what a sacrilege it was to tell a Montague Hoo to cast his lot with the Capulet turkeys from Blacksburg. Nonetheless, a mortally offended contingent of bellyachers lionizes the coach-baiting caller and refuses to forgive Gillen, what with his multimillion dollar contract. The retort echoes cruelly during the 2005 season when conference-newcomer Virginia Tech squad beats the Hoos in Blacksburg, en route to a fifth-place finish for which the basement-dwelling Cavs would have killed.

 

April 20, 2004

Virginia announces that swingman Derrick Byars—once among the most promising of Gillen’s recruits at Virginia—is leaving the University. Like other key players over the last seven seasons, Byars started strong, only to fade away, prompting questions about player development under Gillen. “He was one of the most talented players I’ve ever played with,” Billet says of Byars. “Being young, he would show you signs of being an all-league player in one game, and in the next he wouldn’t show that—it was kind of a puzzle.” Byars follows a half-dozen other players who had come and gone without exhausting their eligibility with the Hoos. The loss robs Gillen of his most athletic player who, when hot, could score at will. The following season, the Cavs often lack the will to score.

 

January 12, 2005

After dropping its first two ACC contests, Virginia fails to defend its home court in a must-win game against Miami. The 91-80 loss to a beatable team digs the Cavs into an insurmountable psychological hole as the team prepares for back-to-back games at Duke (loss No. 4) and Maryland (loss No. 5). The contest exposes Virginia’s glaring flaws, particularly its hibernating defense, which allows Miami to shoot 58 percent in the second half. Thereafter, University Hall begins to resemble a morgue—a half-empty one.

 

Eric Hoover, a 1997 UVA graduate and a former C-VILLE Weekly staff writer, is a senior editor for the Chronicle of Higher of Higher Education in Washington, D.C.

Categories
The Editor's Desk

Mailbag

Green acres

Inadvertently, I’m sure, City Planner Ron Higgins misspoke when he told C-VILLE [“Holmes on the range,” The Week, March 1] that vacant lots in Charlottesville “have been selling for as much as $60,000.” In my immediate neighborhood alone, I count five vacant lots that have sold in recent years for between $85,000 and $202,500. The largest of those measured .383 acre, the smallest only .079 acre. By comparison, the two City-owned lots on Holmes Avenue total .344 acre.

   I don’t bring this up because I oppose Habitat for Humanity’s efforts. Habitat’s cause is worthy, and under Overton McGehee’s direction the local chapter has shown laudable sensitivity to neighbors and standards. I bring this up because the Holmes Avenue situation is yet another case of Charlottesville officials’ giving away our cash-strapped City’s assets in spite of reasoned opposition and more pressing need.

   In December, City Council gave $145,000 to Piedmont Housing Alliance—a big deal developer like any other except for its insulated position as a nonprofit. Since then, PHA has received $6.23 million more from the Virginia Housing Development Authority. Meanwhile, the highly efficient City program that helps poor residents pay their heating bills has literally gone begging because, its director says, the City’s budget shortfall may result in elimination of the $50,000 grant the program desperately needs to meet its modest obligations.

   I don’t know whether this is how the majority of Charlottesville citizens want their assets managed, but I do know that informed consent requires accurate information.

 

Antoinette W. Roades

Charlottesville

 

Life imitates art

The cosmos are seeming to align, as we’ve read page 9 of the latest C-VILLE and also just checked out Live Arts’ production schedule. It’s too bad that the Woodhayven issue comes to a vote March 7, more than a month before A Raisin in the Sun hits the stage. There is still time to read it or rent the film, though, before the residents make complete asses of themselves. It doesn’t surprise us that the City would resort to giving that Holmes Avenue property away: Imagine paying $180,000 to live next to these neighbors.

   The play, written in 1959, concerns itself with a lower-class family trying to gain acceptance into a middle-class neighborhood. Eerily enough, the last line of Live Arts’ synopsis of the play charges, “How much has changed?”

 

John and Mendy St. Ours

Charlottesville

 

Burger king writes back

I’m writing to clarify several issues concerning my opening of Riverside North [Mailbag, February 22]. First, I’m not going to Forest Lakes because of some “vendetta,” or to run anyone out of business as some have speculated. I’m simply following through with a commitment I made several years ago to The Kessler Group after being approached about bringing Riverside to Forest Lakes. Neither Ryan Martin nor Martin’s Grill has had anything whatsoever to do with decisions I’ve made regarding the Riverside North location.

   Riverside North has been in the works for quite some time. Unfortunately, after initial discussions with Steve Runkle in the summer of 2001, a business decision was made to delay the Forest Lakes Shops and move forward with another project instead. The Kessler Group contacted me again once their focus returned to the Forest Lakes Shops development. Residents of the area might recall a summer 2003 Planning Commission meeting held to address Hollymead Town Center concerns where it was announced that Riverside was one of many businesses coming to the Forest Lakes area. That meeting occurred long before letters of intent or leases were signed by anyone.

   The timing of the Forest Lakes Shops’ construction was up to the developer, not me. A formal lease wasn’t signed until January because the building wasn’t completed and because lease terms were still being negotiated. The commitment, however, was made years before.

   As Ryan Martin recently acknowledged, before choosing his restaurant’s present location, he approached The Kessler Group about leasing the Riverside North space. Ryan was told the space had already been reserved for Riverside. His “inquiries weren’t embraced” by The Kessler Group for that reason.

   Everyone can come to their own conclusions about what inspired the design layout, décor and menu of Martin’s Grill. My letter isn’t intended to persuade people one way or another. It’s intended to provide pertinent information missing from recent media coverage and to explain when and how I made the decision to open a second Riverside location.

   I’ve worked hard during the 25 years I’ve owned Riverside to treat people right and make sure the tradition of serving “Flat Out the Best Burgers in Town” is carried on in an environment where everyone feels welcome. I plan to do the same at Riverside North.

 

Norman “Buster” Taylor

Owner, Riverside Lunch and Riverside North

Earlysville

 

Superintendent: Stop, collaborate and listen

An argument was made from the floor of the March 1 Charlottesville School Board meeting that self-proclaimed community experts should stop trying to influence the Board and the superintendent [“Small change,” The Week, February 22]. Happily, I don’t live in North Korea, where all decisions are made by the ruling political party, or Iran, where all decisions are made by the ruling religious party, without input from the people. I live in America, where the underpinning of a democracy is the active participation and awareness in any and all of the workings of one’s government.

   Depending solely on the “experts” is a dangerous strategy. It is certainly much easier to sit back and hope for the best—that the authorities will get it right and take care of us. Do we depend only on the experts in business in our country, or do we permit the organization and the voices of unions and the press? Do we listen solely to the expert scientists, or do politicians listen to the voice of the community on an issue like cloning? It is the obligation and duty of the community, students, teachers and even City Councilors to be actively involved.

   I also refer you to the Board’s rules and regulations concerning the annual budget. Policy 4.1: “The preparation of the annual school budget is a cooperative activity directed by the Charlottesville City School Board and the superintendent with input from the staff, parents, the community and City Council.” Yes, City Council!

   The truly astounding moment came when Superintendent Scottie Griffin stated emphatically that the current budget, brought to the board by the superintendent, was not her budget. The superintendent had clearly been tasked to take direction from the Board, meet with the principals and lead in creating a collaborative plan. The Board went to great pains to state that it would prefer not to create the details of the budget.

   Given the superintendent’s immediate distancing of herself from the product of the collaboration, I conclude that she is incapable of working in a collaborative fashion in the Charlottesville School System. It appears that the only budget the superintendent can support (and not undermine) is the one that she solely creates. Given that the final product will bear little resemblance to the superintendent’s original budget, we must ask ourselves how the superintendent will possibly work with the principals and teachers to implement and support the city schools plan. Is this the leadership we want for our schools?

 

Arthur Lichtenberger

Charlottesville

 

School system should come together

We are new to Charlottesville, but not to the civil rights movement. In Charleston, South Carolina, in the 1960s we registered black voters, etc.—therefore we are distressed to read, and hear, about our school situation.

   It would seem that the School Board meeting of a few weeks ago needed more Peggy Van Yahreses to speak up when the race-card was played against parents who never were, and are not now, racists. Old-timers would never allow a tongue-lashing by people who have, it would seem, a “let us divide this group” agenda.

   What is to be gained for the community by impugning the ideals of a group of parents who were children during the 1960s? Their agenda is to work for what is best for all our students. The evidence of this is their attendance at this, and many other, meetings.

   Their school experiences, race and gender need not divide us, and working toward fairness for all is the goal. Christine Esposito’s letter [Mailbag, February 22] is a prime example of our (young?) people.

   The fact that Dr. Griffin and School Board Chair Dede Smith were silent during the inflammatory statements expressed by Dr. Rick Turner and the reverends Johnson is upsetting on many, many levels. Our women leaders need to step forward when outrageous statements are made. We need Dr. Griffin and Ms. Smith to set an example for our women leaders-in-training.

   We all labored too hard to offer a level learning field, to have these men with a very strong, and decisive, agenda derail all that has been and will be accomplished.

   In a city that enjoys the great talents of so many, there is a good settlement to these problems: let clear and kind minds reach for the solution.

 

Maureen O’Brien

Charlottesville

 

Mean streets

How can we, the public, and our elected representatives encourage developers to build in designated growth areas instead of in rural areas? [“Accidental growth,” The Week, February 22] We should refuse to finance rural sprawl through new roads. So often, this option is overlooked in discussions about creating livable, walkable communities. There are three rules in real estate: location, location and location. Rural land is valuable only to the extent it is accessible and conveniently located.

   Development in rural areas occurs only because of the assumption that the public will pay to keep commutes to town short through new or wider roads. For example, development interests are pushing the Meadowcreek Parkway to increase the value of their investments outside the city. Perhaps some land is already doomed to sprawl, but what about the ring of land just outside that one, and so on?

   I believe it is irrational and unfair for the majority of citizens to financially support those who choose to live in rural areas by subsidizing their commutes through roads. For one thing, it is self-defeating because scattered and rural development increases the numbers of cars and the numbers of miles driven, leading to increased traffic. We cannot build our way out of congestion. Our tax dollars should finance effective public transportation that’s better than driving, not new roads. Compact, pedestrian-oriented development serves us all by helping the most vulnerable who can’t drive or can’t afford to, by enhancing our health with cleaner air and more exercise, and by preserving our green spaces for recreation, water purification and collection, farming, etc.

 

Joanna Salidis

Charlottesville

 

Nuclear fission

I would like to address a couple of the objections to nuclear power that Mr. Jim Adams raised in his letter to the editor [Mailbag, March 1]. Mr. Adams says, “nuclear power plants are still not cost effective without massive government subsidies.” I say that existing nuclear power plants produce the cheapest electricity in the United States today, with a production cost of about $17.2 per megawatt-hour (MWh), versus $18 for coal or $57.7 for natural gas.

   I also say that the “massive government subsidies” mantra is a myth. Yes, the nuclear industry receives research and development funds from the federal government, but so does every energy technology. The 2006 Department of Energy research and development budget provides $1.2 billion for renewables and conservation, $800 million for clean coal and $510 million for nuclear. These levels reflect the growing awareness that the United States will need a diverse generation portfolio to meet increasing demand, to reduce emissions and to move closer to energy independence. Some technologies also receive production tax credits. The largest such tax credit is currently for wind power at $18 per MWh produced. Currently, no such production tax incentive exists for the nuclear industry.

   Mr. Adams goes on to say, “private insurers still won’t insure [nuclear plants].” I say that the “uninsurable” mantra is also a myth. Nuclear power plants are required to show proof of financial protection in the unlikely event of a nuclear accident. This protection has two levels: First, each nuclear plant carries its own liability insurance up to $300 million; second, the Price-Anderson Act allows commercial nuclear operators to purchase group liability insurance that would be utilized only in the case of a major accident. All in all, nuclear power plants provide a total of $10 billion in insurance coverage to compensate the public in the unlikely event of a nuclear accident.

   As you can see, it took two long paragraphs to provide the facts to refute one single sentence in Mr. Adams’ letter. I could go on responding to Mr. Adams’ assertions on nuclear used fuel (he calls it garbage), or security issues, but that would require a lot more space, so I will stop here for now. To conclude, I’d just like to stress that what I stated above are facts, not “assumptions,” as Mr. Adams calls them. But you don’t have to take my word for it. I also hope you will not just take Mr. Adams’ word for it, either. I encourage all of your readers to question every undocumented assertion they read, do their own research using unbiased sources and then make up their minds.

 

Sama Bilbao y Leon

Richmond

 

CORRECTION

In last week’s Table of Contents we included a mention of a PVCC dance recital review. In fact, that show was not reviewed by C-VILLE. We apologize to local dance fans.

Categories
Uncategorized

News in review

Tuesday, March 8
Tech loves community

Today the Virginia Piedmont Technology Council announced three finalists for its Community Award, which, with five other categories, will be given out on May 3. In the community category, music promoter and real estate developer Coran Capshaw gets the nod for spearheading the Music Resource Center’s relocation. PVCC President Frank Friedman is nominated for his workforce-related efforts to connect the high tech and education communities. And Jim Lansing, the volunteer executive director of CVG/EntreNet, is nominated for bringing together Charlottesville nonprofits and businesses.

 

 

Wednesday, March 9
Hanger on?

This afternoon State Senator Emmett Hanger (R-Mount Solon) inched closer to declaring his candidacy in the crowded lieutenant governor’s race with a speech to the Senior Statesmen of Virginia at the Northside Library. Hanger is circulating petitions to collect the 10,000 signatures he needs to get on the June 14 primary ballot. Hanger seems among that rare species of Virginia Republicans who appears to be neither a religious nor anti-tax ideologue. He has recently pushed changes to the State tax code that would help cities and counties reduce property taxes.

 

Thursday, March 10
Need a job? Visit Albemarle

January’s magic number for Albemarle County was 1.3 percent. That was the County’s unemployment figure for the first month of the year, the lowest in the state, according to figures released today by the Virginia Employment Commission. Overall, Virginia was up on the month, with 3.7 percent unemployment, compared to 3.4 percent in December.

 

Friday, March 11
Toscano’s head start

After making his bid official yesterday, today marked the start of David Toscano’s fundraising campaign. The Democrat and former Mayor says he wants to raise $125,000 in his effort to succeed Mitch Van Yahres in the 57th seat of the House of Delegates. “That’s not outside the realm of possibility, although it seems crazy to spend that much money on a job that pays $20,000,” says local businessman Tom McCrystal, a possible Republican contender for the seat.

 

Streetcar project revs engine

Transportation activists and planners have taken another step toward getting Charlottesville psyched for streetcars. Today the Alliance for Community Choice in Transportation (ACCT), along with Okerlund and Associates, introduced promotional material designed to get the buzz started. Drumming up grassroots support won’t be easy. As UVA planning professor William Lucy points out, the streetcar is part of a grand development strategy to increase density between UVA and Downtown, so the people who would most benefit from a streetcar don’t live here yet.

 

Saturday, March 12
More bells and whistles
for Earlysville

“I keep hearing stories about a little shed down the road that got us started,” Fred Huckstep, chief of the Earlysville Fire Department, said to a couple dozen supporters who gathered this morning for a “ground broken” ceremony. It was a ground broken, Huckstep explained, because work is already underway on the 6,400-square-foot fire hall expansion. The firefighters have still to raise about half of the estimated $500,000 cost. Meanwhile, they’re also recruiting to double their volunteer base. Last year, 35 volunteers and four employees responded to 1,200 calls. Albemarle Delegate Rob Bell summarized the grateful spirit of the audience: “I’m just really here to say thank you. If my wife gets in trouble or my boy takes a fall, you are the ones we are going to call.”

 

Pete, call U-Haul

With UVA’s second-round loss to Duke in the ACC Tournament yesterday, coach Pete Gillen ends his seventh year as head ’Hoo with a 14-15 record, his worst since 1998-99. Cav-watchers feel little doubt about his fate, but at least one player was classy about the stinky season yesterday. “I don’t know what the future holds, but I know we would like to have Coach Gillen next season,” freshman star Sean Singletary told The Daily Progress.

 

Sunday, March 13
Gibson busts City cops
on record keeping

Bob Gibson, veteran Daily Progress reporter, today goes public with what journalists all over town have been saying for months: City police are not exactly forthcoming with public information. In a front-page story, Gibson describes a 10-day test of Virginia’s Freedom of Information Act in which media outlets requested public information from a range of officials. In subversion of FOIA, “Charlottesville police declined repeated requests to provide felony incident reports for a given day last week,” Gibson reports. “Charlottesville spokesman Maurice Jones said the city police department does not compile a daily criminal incident report and would not do so upon request.” By contrast, and in compliance with State law, Albemarle County police quickly provided a daily crime log, according to Gibson.

 

Monday, March 14
Students are back,
but not for long

With seven weeks until courses end, UVA students just back (if not exactly fresh) from Spring Break today don’t have much time left to buckle down—if necessary. The more serious-minded among them can chew on a couple of meaty lectures right away with today’s offerings including “Managing Bounded Code Caches in Dynamic Binary Optimizers” and “The Superpower Myth: The Use and Misuse of American Might.”

 

Written by Cathy Harding from news sources and staff reports.

 

 

 

Something to Qroe about?
The pros and cons of Bundoran Farms’ “preservation development”

“This farm was sold with six e-mails,” Fred Scott says following his surprise March 3 announcement about his 2,200-acre farm, purchased for an undisclosed amount by the Qroe (pronounced “crow”) company of New Hampshire.

   The sudden sale of Bundoran Farm adds new subtleties to the dialogue about rural development. Most prominent as the site of the Albemarle County Fair, the farm’s development is the sort that normally sends rural preservation advocates through the roof. But coverage of the sale optimistically highlighted the preservation side of Qroe’s unique “preservation development” technique.

   Scott has just a few memories of a time before Bundoran. The family originally bought 640 acres before World War I. They didn’t move in until after Scott’s father got out of the service, and Scott remembers him building farm gates in their New York basement, “some of which are probably still hanging on this farm.”

   During the 60 years he has spent in Batesville, Scott has used the farm as a canvas and background for his varied interests. “This farm works hard,” nurturing a 500-head herd of Hereford cattle and 175 acres of apple orchards, Scott says. He teaches draft horse workshops with his four Belgian horses, hosts a hunt club and maintains a landing strip for his Beech Baron. In the 1970s, the farm was one of the first to adopt low-impact, no-till farming systems. About half the acreage is forested.

   Now Scott has entrusted his life’s work to Qroe, hoping that the company will continue his family’s legacy of good stewardship.

   “We do it backwards from the point of view of most developers who go in and say, ‘O.K., we are going to put in this many homes and then we will dress it up with some open space if we need to,’” explains Qroe President Robert Baldwin.

   Instead of laying down a subdivision grid, Qroe conducts an analysis of the landscape to find and preserve important environmental features. Houses are integrated into the setting, and farm and forestry operations continue. The company sets aside at least 80 percent of the area as open space and discusses use of the land with the community.

   Buyers of Qroe homes purchase a small building envelope and a larger “greenbelt.” Overlapping restricted covenants ensure that the open space, farm activities and silviculture cannot be disturbed without the unanimous consent of a homeowners’ association.

   Qroe’s rhetoric heavily emphasizes preservation, but there are a few potential kinks in the system. Dispersing houses over a wide area fragments the open space, compared to clustering homes. It can also require many more miles of road.

   Planning regulations have proven to be an obstacle in Qroe’s base of Derry, New Hampshire. A proposal to build 20 homes on a 121-acre parcel required nine waivers of regulations. Qroe wanted to build smaller roads, but the planning commission denied the waivers, despite strong backing from the town’s conservation commission. Qroe intends to resubmit plans.

   In Hanover, New Hampshire, the planning board expressed reservations about a preliminary proposal from Qroe, focusing on the way the dispersed housing reduced open space.

   Locally, the Piedmont Environmental Council would prefer to see Bundoran protected by a conservation easement. “The term ‘preservation development’ is used purely and simply to put lipstick on the pig, and the pig is suburban area development,” says PEC’s Jeff Werner. The PEC and The Nature Conservancy negotiated with Scott and his neighbors to purchase the development rights but never settled on a price.

   “We would argue that the way we do it is the lesser impact overall by a significant degree because there are fewer houses and they are more a part of the environment in which they are set,” Qroe’s Baldwin says. A typical subdivision grid laid over a landscape with roads built to State specifications is easier to get through a local permitting process, but more impactful,
he argues.

   Looking from mountain to mountain over the land where he has spent his life, Fred Scott imagines what would have happened if he had died before inking this deal. His farm would have been sold at auction, he says, and any old developer could have bought it.

   “If there is life after death, I’m not sure I would want to be looking out through the flames at that future of this farm,” he says. “I am sure that Qroe will do something that I can look at for eternity with pleasure.”—Lacey Phillabaum

 

March madness
City and County budget officials show us the money

City Manager Gary O’Connell delivered his 2005-06 budget to City Council last week with a poetic flourish.

   “Spring is here. March madness has begun, the first crocus is pushing through the snow, and it’s budget season,” he said, sounding a bit like an undergraduate slaphappy from an all-night cram session. Indeed, crafting the annual budget means long hours for City staff—especially as expenses mount and backlash over rising property taxes grows louder.

   In Albemarle County, budget director Melvin Breeden says his office goes through a pot of coffee a day during budget season, “and it’s never enough.”

   Money, like coffee, always seems in short supply during budget season. This year Charlottesville and Albemarle are set to spend a combined $361 million in FY 2005-06. County Executive Robert Tucker proposed a $255 million budget that includes a $2.9 million reserve, which the Board of Supervisors can dip into for schools, capital projects or tax-rate reduction.

   O’Connell, meanwhile, presented Council with a $106 million proposed budget. Money is tighter in Charlottesville than in Albemarle, as the City struggles with rising social service costs and political pressure to cut the property tax rate.

   This year the City is proposing to cut the property tax rate to $1.05 per $100 of assessed value from $1.09, which O’Connell calls “the largest reduction in memory.” The cut is a bit of a surprise, because back in December Council voted 4-1 to ask O’Connell for a tax rate cut of 2 cents, or no cut at all.

   “It makes me wonder what’s going on behind the scenes. Who’s making policy in this city?” says Councilor Rob Schilling, who dissented in that vote because he argued then that the tax rate should be cut by more than 2 cents.

   Regardless, the City acknowledges that property assessments have risen so much in the past year most residents will still see their tax bill go up, despite the rate cut.

   So far, Charlottesville’s budget includes no other fees or rate changes. To save money, O’Connell would eliminate the equivalent of 14.25 full-time positions. The budget proposes a 4 percent salary and benefit increase for remaining City employees. Charlottesville would also abandon commercial trash collection by contracting the service out to a private firm. Based on recent bids, O’Connell predicted the City would save $1.2 million.

   “This budget doesn’t meet all the needs of residents and employees,” O’Connell said. “But it begins to meet the financial realities we face.”

 While Albemarle seems flush compared with the City, Budget Director Melvin Breeden emphasizes that the County’s pockets aren’t as fat as the budget suggests. The 27 percent increase in Albemarle’s real estate assessments is spread over two years; also, the City gets 10 cents off the top off the 76-cent tax rate as part of the City-County revenue sharing agreement adopted in lieu of annexation. “I don’t think the emphasis should be on the new things that we are doing because there are not a lot of them,” Breeden says.

   The County also faces a number of expensive mandated expenditures. The budget includes over $800,000 for a required stormwater system, plus money for the first year of remediation at Ivy Landfill.

   At the first hearing on the budget on Wednesday, March 9, more than a dozen people—including principals, teachers, parents and the superintendent—stood up to ask that the County fully fund the School Board’s proposed budget, to the tune of $1.3 million more than the County Executive had proposed. They uniformly emphasized that higher teacher compensation should be the first priority.

   But for every person who advocated for more school funding, there was someone else asking for a tax-rate reduction. William Tomlin submitted a petition with 122 signatures calling for the rate to be reduced to 70 cents per hundred dollars of assessed value from 76 cents.

   Advocates for the ACE program also asked that funding for conservation easements return to the $1 million level from $350,000.

   Both the City and County will be keeping the coffee on for another month, as Councilors and Supervisors examine the budgets and take public comment before adopting final budgets in April.

   You can see the City budget for yourself at www.charlottesville.org, where you can also check out a web forum discussing budget issues. If you prefer to air your gripes in the flesh, City Council will take public comment on the budget on March 21 and April 4, before adopting a final budget on April 12.

   The Board of Supervisors will hold work sessions on the budget on March 14, 16, 21 and 23. A final public hearing on the Board’s proposed budget will be April 6.—John Borgmeyer and Lacey Phillabaum

 

A broken social contract
When it comes to helping cities fix poverty, Virginia cries poor

Give Vice Mayor Kevin Lynch an “A” for effort. He spent months analyzing City budgets over the past seven years, looking for ways to solve Charlottesville’s ongoing money problems. Last week he released a 14-page, single-spaced “white paper” that identified the growing number of families in poverty as a significant driver of City expenses, and the rising property taxes necessary to pay for them.

   “We need to take a big-picture approach to dealing with poverty instead of the current piecemeal approach,” Lynch argues in his report. “Reducing the amount of poverty in the Charlottesville area is not just a moral issue, but is increasingly becoming an economic one as well.”

   The report outlines long-term strategies for reducing the number of poor families in Charlottesville. It won’t be easy, though. As the Commonwealth grows increasingly conservative and cash-strapped, the costs of poverty fall more heavily on city taxpayers. C-VILLE’s War on Cities research suggests that the trend of declining State support for poverty relief will only get worse in the coming years.

 

The costs of poverty

Perhaps the most significant difference between cities and suburbs is the percentage of people living below the poverty line. Poverty is a problem in many of Virginia’s rural areas, of course; but low-income people often gravitate toward cities to take advantage of public transportation and social services.

   In Charlottesville, for example, UVA’s Weldon-Cooper Center estimates that about 26 percent of the population lived below the poverty line in 2004; in Albemarle County that year, only about 7 percent of the people were poor. The federal Department of Health and Human Services defines poverty as a personal income of $9,570 or less; for a family of four, it is $19,350 or less. According to Census figures, there are about 925 poor families in Charlottesville.

   In his budget analysis, Lynch argues that children and families living below the poverty line contribute to the City’s rising costs for incarceration and social services. To make matters worse for Charlottesville, State government has underfunded these items for years, passing on the costs to the City—and to you.

   City budget outlays for incarcerating juveniles and adults rose to $4.5 million from $618,000 in the past seven years, an increase of 626 percent. Much of that increase comes from capital costs for an addition to the Regional Jail and the new Blue Ridge Juvenile Detention Center. As C-VILLE reported last week, the State does not adequately pay for inmates or guard salaries, leaving localities to make up the difference.

   Lynch also reports that in 1997, the City spent about $3.7 million for social services and housing programs. By 2004 that number had grown to nearly $7.6 million—a jump of 105 percent. State and federal law require the City to maintain social services, but they don’t always give us the money to pay for them. For example, Lynch estimates the City’s costs for the mandated Comprehensive Services Act have increased by 329 percent since 1997; the City spent nearly $1.3 million for the CSA last year, even as the State has drastically cut funding for that program in recent years.

   Other major social services are Temporary Aid to Needy Families (TANF) and Family Access to Medical Insurance (FAMIS). The Federal government funds these services, but the City must administer them.

   This is where cities get hurt by State budget cuts: The State is supposed to pay 80 percent of the overhead for local social service departments—money for salaries, supplies, etc.—but since the 1980s the Commonwealth hasn’t kept up with rising costs.

   “We have new mandates and growing workloads,” says Buzz Cox, director of the City’s social services department. “But we don’t get any new money for the extra things we have to do.”

   A 100 percent increase in City costs over seven years is bad enough, but Cox says he’s bracing for more budget shortfalls in the near future.

   In January 2006, a new federal prescription drug plan will take effect that will require local governments to figure out how many people in their community are eligible for new drug benefits. Cox says there’s no money to help the City cover the extra workload.

   Also in the near future, Congress is likely to enforce a new welfare-to-work program that will require local governments to help everyone on their TANF program get a job—in Charlottesville, that’s about 375 people at any one time. Cox’s office will have to assess their employment history and skills, make a plan for them to get a job, help them find a job and make sure they don’t stop looking.

   “We think it could double our caseload,” says Cox. “At this point we see no prospects of new State and federal money. And right now is not a good time for cities to be picking up the slack.”

   Finally, one of Virginia’s most egregious oversights is its disregard for families with disabled children. Children who require ’round-the-clock care can stress families and throw them into poverty, unless the family is able to secure a Medicaid waiver. These waivers pay for in-home care for their disabled children. Barbara Barrett, a disabled-rights activist who sits on the local Region Ten Community Services Board, says these waivers can save families, but there are not nearly enough waivers to go around.

   Some states provide a 300 percent or 400 percent match for federal Medicaid dollars, while cheapskate Virginia provides a mere 85 percent match, one of the lowest in America. As a result, says Barrett, many families must either care for their disabled children themselves or send them to an institution.

   Bennett says the federal government wants to make Medicaid a block grant, which she says could cut Medicaid funding even more.

   “It’s hard to believe they could do something to make it down instead of up, but that’s the way things are going now,” says Barrett.—John Borgmeyer