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Arts

ARTS Pick: Winstons

Turning the tables: What you see is what you get with the Winstons, a Brooklyn-based garage blues duo that is indie without pretense and relies on performances to get its point across. The former Charlottesville residents recently celebrated six years of live gigs and “turning down just about nothing” with a debut LP—giving a nod to simpler times by issuing the eponymously titled album exclusively on vinyl via WarHen Records.

Friday 5/31. No cover, 8pm. Champion Brewing Company, 324 Sixth St. SE, 295-2739.

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Arts

View finder: New York Times opinion writer Jamelle Bouie develops his perspective as a photographer 

An all-black town.

An all-black town? It was a stray mention in a book on the 1921 Tulsa race massacre, but Jamelle Bouie was intrigued.

An all-black town. “It got stuck in my craw,” says Bouie.

He found a few local news articles, a mini documentary film, and a couple books on the subject—the dozens of towns founded in Oklahoma by free blacks who’d migrated west after Emancipation—but that was it. For Bouie, a journalist whose work focuses on, among other things, politics and race in America, that wasn’t enough. He needed to know more.

In March of this year, he flew to Oklahoma to see these towns for himself.

Over the course of 72 hours, Bouie visited 12 of the 13 surviving all-black towns and photographed 10 of them. Fourteen of those photos are on view at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center through July 13.

“Simply: The Black Towns” is Bouie’s first-ever photography exhibition, and his own contribution to the awareness of a history that’s largely unknown.

Rosenwald School in Lima, Oklahoma. Photo: Jamelle Bouie.

Bouie himself is pretty well-known as a writer. After fellowships at The Nation magazine and The American Prospect, he was a staff writer at The Daily Beast and later chief political correspondent for Slate. Currently, he’s a political analyst for CBS News (perhaps you’ve seen him on the “Face the Nation” roundtable) and an opinion columnist for The New York Times. As he puts it, he’s written most days of most weeks for nearly 10 years.

Hundreds of thousands of people read his columns, and the Columbia Journalism Review, in a story by David Uberti published earlier this year, called him “one of the defining commentators on politics and race in the Trump era.”

Bouie is very active on Twitter (@jbouie), where his more than 266,000 followers get a regular dose of his thoughtful perspective on political and social issues national, international, and local (he lives in Charlottesville), mixed in with opinions about books, TV, and cereal (he recently opined that Cinnamon Toast Crunch Churros cereal is superior to regular Cinnamon Toast Crunch. They don’t get soggy right away, he says. “Because they have more surface area, they don’t take in milk as quickly”). Occasionally, he shares a photograph.

Bouie is a much more active photographer than his Twitter—or his Instagram profile, “New York Times columnist. Sometimes photographer”—would suggest. When Andrea Douglas, executive director of the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center, came across Bouie’s photography on Instagram, she was struck by his interest in landscape and curious about “the relationship of that visual language” in the larger context of his critical thinking and writing. Douglas sees Bouie’s photography as allowing his audience “a way to move into another sphere of engaging with his mind.”

When Douglas texted Bouie with an exhibition offer, Bouie agreed right away, though he wasn’t sure what photos he’d show. He’d been pursuing photography for years, but he hadn’t yet thought of it as something that could, or would, be seen beyond social media. “I don’t necessarily think of myself as an artist, in that way,” he says. “Even though I share lots of photos and every so often I think, ‘hey, that’s a strong image.’”

Being asked to exhibit his photography was “intimidating…which is a funny thing to say, because my day job is writing opinion pieces for The New York Times,” says Bouie. “A shocking number of people read these things. But for whatever reason, I can deal with that psychologically. Presenting my photographs to people? Much more intimidating.”

He says his writing, which focuses on “American history and the history of racism and class,” has “been described as a little opaque, and not entirely scrutable. And the photography is, in a real way, something that is much more personal.”

Of course it is. Photography shows where the artist has been, what he concerns himself with, what catches his eye, what he’s thinking about. It can say a lot about the person who stopped in his tracks, raised the camera to one eye, squinted through the viewfinder, and clicked the button. That’s not nothing.

A hotel in Boley, Oklahoma, one of the images from Bouie’s exhibit, “Simply: The Black Towns.”

Like most people, Bouie first encountered photography casually, using point-and-shoot and disposable cameras. He started pointing and shooting with more intention after graduating from UVA in 2009 with a degree in government and political and social thought, while working odd jobs at the Miller Center of Public Affairs. One of those odd jobs was taking photos at the center’s events, and Bouie was allowed to take the digital SLR camera and lens home to play with after-hours.

Not long after, Bouie started working as a journalist. He bought his own slick digital camera and used it, again, as most people would: to take snapshots on personal and work trips, “nothing very serious,” he says. And then his now mother-in-law gave him a film SLR camera.

Shooting film on an all-manual camera got Bouie thinking about the art of photography. Bouie says the “finiteness” of having, say, 36 exposures in a single roll of 35-millimeter film, made him contemplate what he wanted to photograph: If he had just 36 exposures, which 36 did he want to capture? And why? Photography was no longer just pointing and shooting.

Bouie was living in Washington, D.C., at the time, and he started the habit of taking his camera everywhere he went. He’d wander around downtown D.C. to practice framing shots, spotting interesting portrait subjects and getting comfortable asking complete strangers if he could take their picture. In 2017, he signed up for darkroom classes at Capitol Hill Arts Workshop to learn how to develop film and make his own prints.

His teacher, Katherine Akey, was immediately struck by his “passion for the medium. He constantly wanted to try new things, new ways of framing, new cameras, new darkroom applications. That kind of enthusiasm allows for a really fast pace of growth and exploration, like compost on a garden,” says Akey.

Soon, Bouie was spending eight hours a week in the darkroom, developing not just film but his eye.

“I still have a hard time saying that I have any subject,” says Bouie, who, at 32, is young, still new to the medium, and therefore in the process of defining his perspective as a photographer. But he has noticed that there are a few things that always catch his attention: geometries (particularly man-made geometries), symmetry, interplay of light and shadow. He shoots almost exclusively with normal lenses, “something that captures what the human eye sees or focuses on,” says Bouie.

He likes “old stuff.” Maybe that’s cliché, he says—lots of people like old stuff—but he totally gets why. Old stuff is undeniably compelling. For Bouie, the draw is two-fold: it’s the architecture itself and “trying to imagine what something would have looked like when it was loved. When people were doing the best they [could] to maintain it.” He likes thinking about how (and why) a building or an object that was once so lovingly created and maintained, has fallen into disrepair.

“This is a little morbid,” he adds, but there’s something fascinating about thinking about that cycle of care and neglect, of moving on, “as an inevitable thing. And there’s some beauty in that inevitability.”

He prefers to shoot in black and white, in part because he finds color film distracting, but also because, in his opinion, black and white film helps him better emphasize all those aspects that catch his eye: shape, shadow, story.

Bethel Missionary Baptist Church, Tatums, Oklahoma. Photo: Jamelle Bouie

Bouie’s growing desire to create an intentional body of photographic works collided, “fortuitously,” he says, with his curiosity about the black towns and Douglas’ suggestion for an exhibition.

It was also a chance to combine, in a very concrete way, his journalistic interests with his photographic ones.

At first glance, these photographs might look and feel familiar: black and white images of buildings in various states of disrepair. But the viewer almost certainly has not seen these places, and has not heard the story Bouie’s photographs tell.

After the Civil War, tens of thousands of free blacks migrated to Kansas, which was known for being an anti-slavery state during the war, and “relatively friendlier to free blacks,” says Bouie. And when the Oklahoma Territory opened up in the 1890s (the federal government confiscated some 2 million acres of land from Native American tribes there in 1866), a new wave of black settlers moved there, too, fleeing the oppression and racial terror of the post-Reconstruction South. 

The movement was led by two of the black men who had spearheaded the migration to Kansas—William Eagleton, a newspaperman, and Edward P. McCabe, a politician and businessman. Bouie purposefully said their names during his May 11 artist talk for the opening of “Simply: The Black Towns” at the JSAAHC, and read from one of the advertisements in Eagleton’s paper: “Give yourself a new start. Give yourselves and children new chances in a new land, where you will not be molested. Where you will be able to think and vote as you please.”

Bouie also read one of McCabe’s—“Here in Oklahoma, the negro can rest from mob law. He can be secure from every ill of Southern policies”—and a comment from an ordinary person, made in the 1890s: “We as a people believed that Africa is the place. But to get from under bondage, we are thinking Oklahoma, as this is our nearest place to safety.”

Black Southerners were willing to set out for a new land to attain some measure of freedom. What’s interesting, said Bouie during his artist talk, is “that this is the story of Western settlement of the United States in general.”

By 1900, black farmers owned and farmed many thousands of acres of land in the Midwest, and settlers founded more than 30 towns in Oklahoma alone, most of them scattered around the eastern part of the territory. They built homes, churches, schools, hotels, businesses, all with the hope that if they proved themselves hard workers who had attained an amount of political and economic freedom, white people would take notice and extend full rights to black people.

“Think about the people who made the decision to leave the South” and move west, says Douglas. Tens of thousands of people. “The quality and the quantity of that aspiration, it cannot be missed.”

The towns themselves were (and still are) very tidy and orderly, intentionally laid out on grids and full of “beautiful, stately buildings that were showcasing the ability of the people who came here to prosper and survive, and to make something out of what was really nothing,” says Bouie.

The prosperity wouldn’t last. In 1907, Oklahoma became a state, Jim Crow became law of the land, and the racism these people tried to escape in the South caught up to them. Poor weather conditions in the late 1900s meant crop failures for the farmers, and, because of Jim Crow, black farmers couldn’t get the government assistance they needed to weather the economic and literal storm. When the Great Depression hit in the late 1920s and ’30s, black business owners faced extraordinary hardship for similar reasons, and it was “game over for most of these places,” explains Bouie, as many people left the all-black towns for bigger cities like Tulsa and Oklahoma City, once again in search of a better life.

By the 1950s, just 20 of the black towns remained; today, 13. Boley is the largest of them, with an estimated 1,183 residents, and the others have a few hundred residents apiece, mostly older folks, says Bouie, who spoke with a few people in each town he visited: fire chiefs, pastors, people standing near him on the sidewalk.

Boley’s Country Store. Photo: Jamelle Bouie

Bouie sees his photographs of these towns as his contribution, however large or small, to public awareness of them, the people, their history. He sees it as nothing more.

“My conception of myself and what I’m doing [with these photos] is not nearly grand enough to think that I’m preserving this in any sense,” says Bouie, who is also working on an essay about his Oklahoma trip for the Times. He wants people to look at the photograph of Pearlie’s gravestone in Lima, Oklahoma, and see that she died rather young, that she was the wife of Edwards, and maybe think about who Pearlie was and what her life would have been like.

He wants people to look at the photo of Lima’s Rosenwald School, and understand that in the middle of Oklahoma, people once built, with their own hands, a beautiful school in which to educate their children, in a town that they themselves created with the hope of building a better, more prosperous life for themselves and their children. He wants people to think about what it means that the structures he’s photographed are still standing, and that people still live in these towns.

Bouie says that in this way, his photography is not necessarily unlike his writing: he approached this exhibition much as he approaches his New York Times opinion pieces, as works of “considered perspective.” In “Simply: The Black Towns,” he says he is “clearly an observer” offering his own perspective on these towns, a perspective that he says the viewer “should not necessarily take as the perspective on these places.”

Jamelle Bouie. Photo by Eze Amos

Photography teacher Akey still follows (via Instagram) Bouie’s lens, its view encompassing more than the black towns of Oklahoma, and including the built landscapes of Charlottesville, Richmond, Asheville, Seattle, and elsewhere. Akey says of Bouie’s overall body of work: “I think his gaze—and that of his camera—is often very loving and lingering while not giving in to the dark mysticism of Southern landscapes wholesale. I think Southern artists’ relationships to our heritage, land, and mythology is ripe for this kind of change, a change that is evident in Jamelle’s work.”

In hanging the exhibition, Douglas and Bouie chose to present the photographs unframed. Together, the pictures “tell a really meaningful and poignant story,” says Douglas, one that should not be glazed over by frame glass, or anything else. The photos present “a discourse about African American space, a discourse about the past, and what remains,” she adds. “You want that feel to be unobstructed.”

In tracking down this history, these places, says Douglas, Bouie “causes us to understand what it means to reclaim an African American story, the importance and the implication of that work in this moment,” in creating for everyone “a more complete narrative.” And, she adds, this is just the beginning for him as a photographer.

Bouie chose to tell a simplified version of the history on the exhibition tag that introduces the show, and has labeled each photograph with a concise marker of what we’re looking at: “A now-defunct general store for Boley,” or “A resident of Tatums rides his bike down one of the pathways leading to the highway.”

He gives bits and pieces of the history, perhaps so that the viewer can practice seeing what was, and what is. And maybe in that process, they too will get something stuck in their craw.

The exhibition is a different way of presenting the themes Bouie explores in his writing, Douglas says, “this sort of interesting, nuanced, American narrative. And [he is] trying to bring ideas to the [forefront], and a perspective that is not mainstream. And so these places are not mainstream places. They’re off the beaten path. And in some ways, their survival is heroic.”

The story Bouie tells with “Simply: The Black Towns,” with his careful attention to those landscapes, is a “testament to the hope people brought to this, and the story of how these places declined, which is an economic story,” he says. “But also, it’s a story about racism, which says something about the difficulty of trying to build a stable life for oneself in a racist society when you ultimately cannot really escape that.”

That is a story, he says, that’s “extremely American.”

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News

In brief: PrezFest, Monticello High news, and more

Presidential address

Following a brief introduction by UVA President Jim Ryan—where Ryan mentioned he’d gotten food poisoning from the White House the first time he met Bill Clinton—the former leader of the free world then took the lectern in Old Cabell Hall to close out the Miller Center of Public Affairs’ first-ever PrezFest, aka Presidential Ideas Festival.

A few lines caught our attention during Clinton’s lengthy address on the role of the presidency. Whether they’re shots at Donald Trump, or generally just good advice for any commander in chief, we’ll never know.

  • Says Clinton, “I think the best presidents have sought to define ‘We the people’ in a way that broadens both the idea and the reality of who counts in this country.”
  • On those who have already served: “So far, they’ve had enough humility to know that no one is right all the time and power must be exercised with some care.”
  • On reputations: “Look, we can all act pious…everybody that’s ever been in politics who wanted to make change has had to feed the beast.”
  • On President Thomas Jefferson: “When he thought of slavery, he trembled to think that God is just, but he didn’t tremble enough to go sign the paper freeing all the slaves.”
  • On the fear that if President Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves, they’d take everyone’s jobs: “Sound familiar?”
  • On immigration: “There shouldn’t be a Republican or Democratic way to process people at the border.”
  • On being investigated: “I used to have fun with the people that were investigating me. I’d rag ’em and make fun of ’em and try to keep everybody in a pretty good mood.”
  • On significance: “[The recently photographed black hole] is so big, and it’s magnetic pull is so great, that if our entire solar system went by close enough, it would be sucked in and disintegrated immediately into a pile of dirt that could fit in a thimble. Now think of that. If that’s true, it’s not so important to be on Mount Rushmore, is it? But it does not make the life of any public servant less significant. It makes the trappings, the image, the b.s. less significant.”
  • On division: “We should not be despairing if we’re worried about America dividing. …There have never been permanent gains or permanent losses in human affairs, and we’ve got a lot of hay in the barn. We just need to saddle up.”
  • Bonus quote, on August 12, 2017, when then-Virginia Governor Terry McAuliffe told white supremacists and neo-Nazis to get out of the state and not come back, while Trump called them very fine people: “The governor of Virginia, on that day, was my president.”

Quote of the week

“I wouldn’t be surprised if the next guy’s like: ‘You know, I still have a slave. He’s been in our family for years. Sorry.’”—Comedian Wanda Sykes, on Governor Ralph Northam’s apparent inability to remember if he was in the blackface photo in his medical school yearbook.


In brief

National champs

The UVA men’s lacrosse team took down defending champs Yale May 27 to secure its first NCAA championship since 2011. The No. 3-seed Cavs outscored the No. 5-seed Bulldogs 13-9 in Philadelphia, and will bring home Virginia lacrosse’s sixth national championship.

DMB death

When Jasen Smith went to find his wife’s misplaced souvenir T-shirt at a Dave Matthews Band concert in St. Louis, she says he never returned. She then found him unconscious, with blood dripping from his ear, after suffering a skull fracture from blunt force trauma to the back of his head. He died the next day, according to the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The mysterious death is still under investigation.

Dramatic

Madeline Michel

Monticello High drama teacher Madeline Michel will receive a special Tony for excellence in theater education at the awards show June 9 in New York. The award includes a $10,000 gift for the school’s theater program.

Inappropriate

Former Monticello High coach George “Trae” Payne III will serve 30 days of a five-year sentence for sending a 17-year-old female student three inappropriate photos on Snapchat in 2018. Payne entered an Alford plea and said the teen did not deserve to be in the middle of his depression, the Progress reports.

The Cooch is back

Former AG Ken Cuccinelli Zuma Press

Former Virginia attorney general Ken Cuccinelli, best known locally for demanding documents from UVA climate researcher Michael Mann in 2010, has been tapped by President Trump to head U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. The Washington Post reports Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell opposes the nomination of the conservative firebrand.

Emmy winners

UVA student journalists Yahya Abou-Ghazala and Robby Keough won the school’s first Student Emmy Award for video they created as third years covering the March for Our LIves student walkout March 14, 2018, a month after 17 students were mowed down in Parkland, Florida.

*Shrugs*

After Governor Ralph Northam’s blackface scandal, Eastern Virginia Medical School launched an independent investigation to determine whether he appeared as the man in blackface, Ku Klux Klan robes, or not at all, in the now-infamous photo on his 1984 yearbook page. Its conclusion: They don’t know. Also on the list of things investigators couldn’t determine is how the picture was ever printed in the first place.


Killer’s cancer

The man serving four life sentences for abducting and murdering UVA student Hannah Graham and Virginia Tech student Morgan Harrington now has stage four colon cancer.

Monticello High grad Jesse Matthew was transferred from Red Onion State Prison, a supermax facility in Wise County, to Waverly’s Sussex I State Prison last week to receive treatment.

“This is justice and perhaps karma,” said Harrington’s mother, Gil Harrington, to a reporter from Richmond’s CBS 6.

Albemarle Commonwealth’s Attorney Robert Tracci says under the terms of Matthew’s 2016 plea agreement, he is not eligible for release or parole.

In a rare, post-diagnosis interview with the same Richmond channel, a reporter asked the convicted killer whether he was sorry for the 2009 and 2014 murders.

Said Matthew, “I don’t think I can answer that question right now truthfully.”

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News

Judge-ment day: Downer tells all about sitting on the bench

Judge Bob Downer knows something about what it’s like to appear before a judge as a defendant. He’s been there. And it’s a story he’s told in court.

As a UVA graduate in 1970, Downer and some frat brothers, clearly under the influence of that era’s Ken Kesey and the Merry Pranksters, decided to swipe a “University of Virginia, second right,” sign off U.S. 29 and replace it with a cardboard one that said “Land of Oz,” adorned with a peace symbol.

He and his buddies didn’t get caught as they lay on the bank beside the highway to enjoy the reaction of passing drivers. It was putting the huge sign on the lintel over the door in the room of a fraternity brother that busted them, and he credits former Albemarle prosecutor Downing Smith’s handling of the case “with creative discretion” as a “life lesson” in his own career as a jurist.

“Downing Smith really didn’t want to see us convicted of something [like larceny] that would really affect us the rest of our lives, because he realized it was a prank, not a theft,” says Downer. The prosecutor found a code section for removing a legally posted highway sign, and charged the perpetrators $50.

Nearly 50 years later, on May 13, Downer, 70, received the Charlottesville-Albemarle Public Defender Office’s Gideon Award for his role in “ensuring equal justice.” Testimony from fellow judges and lawyers who’ve worked with him confirmed how respected Downer is in the legal community.

Charlottesville Circuit Court Judge Rick Moore considers him “an old friend and mentor.” Former public defender and current Albemarle commonwealth’s attorney candidate Jim Hingeley noted Downer’s “quality of humility” about the stories he tells about himself in court, as well as his “instinct for fairness.”

And attorney Matt Quatrara, who will succeed Downer on the general district court bench, recounted trying his first criminal case in front of Downer, who said one word: “Welcome.”

With an eye on retirement May 31, Downer—Bobby to his old friends—sits down with a reporter in his office, which has a needlepoint pillow that says, “Give a man an inch and he thinks he’s a ruler,” and talks about his 18 years as Charlottesville General District Court judge.

Since he took the bench in 2001, “It’s absolutely not the same,” he says. Downer remembers national tragedy 9/11 as the “busiest day I ever had,” with 350 cases on the docket in the morning, and 400 that afternoon. When his wife called to tell him a plane had struck the Pentagon, near where their son worked, Downer could only say, “I hope he’s safe,” and get back to work.

“Dockets have dramatically decreased,” he says, attributing that in part to the local evidence-based decision-making team, which includes representatives from police, probation, prosecution, and “everyone involved in the criminal justice system.”

The group has mapped what happens to a person from when a police officer is called to an incident, to the charging and booking, to serving a sentence. “We looked at all of those pieces and how we might improve them using evidence-based practices.”

He learned: Don’t mix high-risk people with low-risk people. Don’t overprogram people. And don’t interfere with family life and work. The program has been effective in reducing recidivism, he says. “We’ve reduced the jail population by one-third.”

Downer also stresses his pride in the therapeutic court docket, which works with cases involving the mentally ill. Those who complete the requirements of the program could have their sentences dismissed or suspended, and he’s got four people graduating May 28.

“I don’t judge people,” says Downer. “I just help people work through their problems.”

He’s heard many of the area’s high-profile cases, like UVA student George Huguely’s for the death of Yeardley Love, or the ones stemming from August 12. All of those he describes as “sad.” Says Downer, “The big thing for me is having compassion.”

However, some of the cases have been fun. He recalls the 17 UVA students who occupied then-president John Casteen’s office in 2006 in support of a living wage. When they appeared before him charged with trespassing, UVA Police Chief Mike Gibson testified he warned the students they had five minutes to leave or they’d be arrested. Downer took a recess to watch video of the arrests and timed the warning period at four minutes and 30 seconds.

“When you say they have five minutes to leave, you’ve got to give them five minutes to leave,” he said, and dismissed the charges.

“We’ve had a lot of protests,” says Downer, and if warranted, he will find protesters guilty. “Your civil disobedience would be meaningless if there weren’t consequences,” he observes.

Statistics say a general district court judge hears between 20,000 to 25,000 cases a year, although Downer points out that many of those are pleas. He’s had “a lot of close friends” who’ve appeared before him, and, ahem, this reporter—twice—and he says they don’t hold it against him.

“If you treat people with respect and they feel you’ve heard them and responded,” he says, “people are very forgiving.”

Downer admits his ambivalence about retiring. “I’ve loved doing this.” We suspect he’ll be back.

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News

The fine print: Daily Progress subscription prices skyrocket

Print is dead. Print is dying. Newspapers are “toast.” We’ve all heard some iteration of this, and it makes print journalists think about jumping ship.

But as more media becomes concentrated online, and local and national newspaper prices soar to make up for a loss in advertising revenue, at least one media expert is encouraging readers to opt for ink.

“Newspapers have become what one scholar in England called ‘keystone media,’ because they’re the ones dictating the news agenda for the community,” says UVA Department of Media Studies Assistant Professor Christopher Ali. “If you’re interested in local news, you gotta keep picking up the newspaper.”

That’s becoming harder across the country—and here in Charlottesville—because of surging price tags. While C-VILLE Weekly is a free publication, and Charlottesville Tomorrow provides free local news online, the cost of a Daily Progress print subscription has almost doubled from this time last year, according to at least one subscriber’s bill. It showed rates jumping from approximately $265 for the print and online product in 2018 to $478 per year, starting in July.

Publisher Peter Yates did not respond to multiple requests for comment, but in a letter to subscribers he wrote, “To continue to produce high quality journalism, in print and online, we must adjust our rates to reflect the cost of doing business while continuing to offer the lowest rate possible.”

The Progress is owned by Berkshire Hathaway, a $210 billion company owned by business magnate and billionaire Warren Buffett—who was the one who recently said that newspapers are “toast” and “going to disappear.”

The Daily Progress obviously isn’t alone. A NiemanLab report published in late January found that the cost of newspapers has more than doubled from a decade ago, and also notes that if publishers didn’t establish the more-than-substantial price hikes, “they’d employ even fewer journalists and be in even worse shape today.”

An annual seven-day print subscription to The New York Times will now set you back more than $1,000 in most of the country, and The Boston Globe comes in at $750. Folks who want to read a physical copy of The Washington Post every day are doling out approximately $650 a year, according to NiemanLab.

The organization also cited a recently-published paper in Journalism Studies, a peer-reviewed academic journal, which studied 25 large American newspapers between 2008 and 2016, and found that seven-day print subscriptions now cost an average of $510 a year, and subscribers are paying an additional $293 on average to have their papers delivered.

“What I’m seeing is the need for a lot of experimentation around pricing options,” says Ali. “There’s no cookie-cutter solution.”

Should papers lower the prices to retain readers? Says Ali, “I don’t think they can.”

In his work, he’s observed news organizations testing paywall options, exploring web hosting in smaller communities, and hosting events for which they sell tickets to generate new revenue.

He calls it a “double-edged sword,” because while newspapers are exploring other funding as a means to survive, they’re also scaling back on their local coverage.

“I think people would be willing to pay a little bit more if the coverage was robust, but it’s not,” says Ali. “A lot of [the money] is going to keeping the lights on, but I’d love to see newspapers double down on the unique aspects they can offer,” which, in his opinion, means “being local.”

For example, no one’s picking up the Progress to read the front-page Associated Press story about what’s going on in Moscow, he says. “We read The Daily Progress because we want to know what’s going on in Charlottesville.”

Categories
Opinion

This Week, 5/22

It’s a few weeks to primary day (June 11), and here in heavily-Democratic Charlottesville, the question of who will represent us next year will largely be determined now, not in November.

Among the Democrats, the choices in both the state delegate and City Council races offer strikingly similar dynamics: establishment candidates versus more progressive upstarts.

On the one hand, there’s delegate candidate Sally Hudson, 30, and council candidate Michael Payne, 26, who both describe themselves as community organizers (Hudson, an economist, founded FairVote Virginia and Payne, an affordable housing advocate, co-founded Indivisible Charlottesville). On the other, there’s delegate candidate Kathy Galvin, 63, who’s lived here for 35 years and initially voted against removing the statue of Robert E. Lee, and council candidate Lloyd Snook, 66, who’s focused his campaign around restoring order to a council he says is dysfunctional. 

An informal and unscientific survey of friends and acquaintances revealed knowledge of the various candidates’ platforms, especially for City Council, to be vague at best. But who gets elected locally has huge impact on how the city and county are shaped. City Council, for instance, appoints members to the Planning Commission, which makes decisions like whether to recommend allowing the Hinton United Methodist Church to build 15 badly-needed apartments, a third of which would be set aside for people with disabilities, on unused space on its Belmont lot (city staff recommended against the church’s rezoning request; a hearing will be held June 11).

Whether you think Charlottesville needs to rewrite its outdated zoning code to create more affordable options, like duplexes and triplexes, in the city (Michael Payne), or focus on building affordable housing in the county and busing those people in to work (Lloyd Snook), who gets elected matters.

So start with our candidate guide (there are five Democrats vying for three spots on City Council, and two facing off for the Board of Supervisors), check out their platforms online, and think about your strategy. You’ve got three weeks.   

Updated 5/23 at 1:15pm to reflect the fact that while city staff recommended against the proposed Hinton Avenue rezoning, the Planning Commission itself has not yet weighed in. 

Categories
News

Local races: Your primary guide

Primary day is June 11, and there’s more on the ballot than the 57th District race between Kathy Galvin and Sally Hudson.  If you live in the city, the three people who win the Democratic nomination will likely be the ones to fill the three empty seats on City Council in November because of the city’s overwhelming Dem majority—although Nikuyah Walker upended that tradition with a win as an independent in 2017.

Albemarle has two Dems facing off in the Rio District, where Norman Dill did not want a second term on the Board of Supervisors, as well as in the sheriff’s race. And there’s a lot going on in the 17th Senate District, most of which is in Spotsylvania with a sliver of eastern Albemarle. Two Dems are looking to challenge incumbent state Senator Bryce Reeves, as is a member of his own party.


City Council

Sena Magill

Age: 46

Hometown: Charlottesville

Education: Tandem; PVCC;
then UVA, B.A. in psychology

Day job: Mom and owner of Hatpindolly Vintage; previously at PACEM and Region Ten

Political experience: Volunteer for Leslie Cockburn; member Charlottesville Democratic
Party Committee of 100;
current Carver precinct co-chair

Biggest issue: Climate change and affordable housing. We
have a lot of work to do to reduce our carbon footprint.
We have to work on our public
transit, city walk- and bikeability, density, and the efficiency of units, tying affordable housing and climate change together.

Special power: Problem solving, empathy, and understanding. And I can make a beautiful and tasty cake.

Lloyd Snook

Age: 66

Hometown: Born in Cranford, New Jersey. I moved here when I was 8.

Education: Venable; Walker; Lane High School; Stanford University, A.B. in economics; University of Michigan Law School, J.D.

Day job: Attorney, Snook
& Haughey, P.C.

Political experience: Chair of the Charlottesville Democratic Party, 2001-2004; on the
State Central Committee and the 5th District Democratic Committee, 2005-2013

Biggest issue: Getting city government working effectively again so that we can begin to address substantive issues like affordable housing.

Special power: Speed reading, and I stay up later at night than most normal people.

 

Michael Payne

Age: 26

Hometown: Charlottesville

Education: Hollymead and Baker Butler; Albemarle High School; William & Mary, B.A.
in government

Day job: Affordable housing advocate

Political experience: Common Good fellow; Tom Perriello’s 2010 congressional campaign; researcher, Tim Kaine’s 2012 Senate campaign; co-founded Indivisible Charlottesville; volunteer for multiple House
of Delegates campaigns in 2017; organizer with the Charlottesville Low-Income Housing Coalition

Biggest issue: Creating truly affordable housing, and preventing Charlottesville from becoming a small-town version of San Francisco.

Special power: Bringing people together through community organizing.

 

Bob Fenwick       

Age: 73

Hometown: St. Louis, Missouri

Education: Georgetown University, B.S. in physics

Day job: Small business owner, general construction contractor

Political experience: One term on City Council 2013-2017; numerous city and community environmental, historical, planning, and budget committees

Biggest issue: Addressing the need for City Council to set representative, common-sense city policies that have achievable goals for all citizens.

Special power: Photographic memory…except for names.

       

 

Brian Pinkston

Age: 47

Hometown: Albany, Georgia

Education: Georgia Tech, B.S. in mechanical engineering; UVA, Ph.D. in philosophy

Day job: Project manager, facilities management, UVA

Political experience: Region Ten board member; active with Charlottesville Democratic Party; volunteered on Kellen Squire’s campaign in the 58th

Biggest focus: To build strong personal relationships among council members so that it can function well.

Special power: I guess this is a power I want to have? To be able to see in the dark.

Albemarle


Albemarle County

Board of Supervisors: Rivanna District

Bea LaPisto Kirtley

Age: 69

Hometown: Keswick

Education: B.A. in American studies; M.S. in school management and administration

Day job: Retired and a volunteer for local nonprofits—Piedmont CASA, Hospice of the Piedmont, and 100+ Women Who Care

Political experience: Mayor, council member, and planning commissioner in Bradbury, California; board of directors, South Coast Air Quality Management District; Metropolitan Transit Authority; California Contract Cities Association; San Gabriel Valley Council of Governments

Biggest issues: Transportation, education, affordable housing, and climate resilience.

Special power: Energy and focus.

 

Jerrod Smith

Age: 29

Hometown: Barboursville

Education: Albemarle High School; Bucknell University; UVA Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy, MPA

Day job: Grants analyst, PRA Health Sciences

Political experience: Rivanna District Democratic co-chair; member of the Places 29 North Community Advisory Committee

Biggest issue: Those that stem from income inequality throughout the region.

Special power: Facilitating collaboration.

 

Sheriff

Chan Bryant

Age: 49

Hometown: Charlottesville, member of the Scottsville community for the past 11 years

Education: Piedmont Virginia Community College, associate’s in police science; James Madison University, bachelor’s in business administration

Day job: Chief deputy for the Albemarle County Sheriff’s Office for the last four years

Political experience: None, but after knocking on hundreds of doors this spring, I’m learning a lot about it.

Biggest issue: Manpower shortage. We will be adding an extra circuit court judge and a Juvenile & Domestic Relations Court judge beginning July 1. Additional staffing was requested in the FY19/20 budget, but not all requested positions were approved. If elected, I will make needed staffing a top priority.

Special power: Time traveler— I would want to travel back in time to be able to tell my dad how much I love him since I did not get the chance to tell him before his sudden passing two years ago.

 

Patrick Estes

Age: 38

Hometown: Richmond

Education: University of Virginia

Day job: Regional director,
RMC Events

Political experience: First-time candidate

Biggest issue: To push the envelope of what it means to be elected in Albemarle beyond just core responsibilities, aiming to lead this office through community engagement, green-energy initiatives, growing partnerships with state and local officials, and more.

Special power: Incredible agility. From my time on the football field, to running security at the Super Bowl and events throughout Virginia, and raising three kids, I know what it means to be flexible and adaptable in every situation.


17th Senate District

Democratic primary

Amy Laufer

Age: 47

Hometown: Mt. Calvary, Wisconsin

Education: University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, B.S. in geology; Columbia Teachers College, M.Ed. in secondary science education

Day job: Math and science teacher until my second child was born with medical issues

Political experience: Commission for Children and Families as an advocate for children with special needs; Charlottesville School Board for seven years, serving as both vice chair and chair; founder of Virginia’s List, a PAC with the goal of electing women to Virginia state office

Biggest issue: As a former teacher and school board member, I am extremely passionate about education, including universal preschool, increased vocational and technical training, and [including] broadband [as]  part of access to education.

Special power: Getting three kids out the door and to school on time!

 

Ben Hixon

Age: 36

Hometown: Monroe, Louisiana

Education: NYU; Hunter College; University of Washington

Day job: Computer scientist/engineer and community activist

Political experience: 2017 Democratic nominee for the 30th district of the House of Delegates; chair of the Culpeper County Democratic Party

Biggest issue: Strengthening education, including increasing teacher pay and affordability
of higher education and investing in trade schools and vocational training.

Special power: As an engineer, I seek to understand problems, develop solutions, and implement fixes that are practical and efficient. I don’t shy away from complexity, I focus on it.

Republican primary

Bryce Reeves

Age: 52

Hometown: Spotsylvania

Education: Texas A&M University; George Mason University

Day job: Owner and operator of Bryce Reeves State Farm Agency; former Army Ranger and police detective

Political experience: Senator, Virginia’s 17th Senate District; Spotsylvania County Republican Committee chair

Biggest issues: Protecting those with pre-existing conditions, and providing a variety of affordable health care options; protecting our most vulnerable: foster children and the unborn; supporting and ensuring the well-being of our veterans and law enforcement officers.

Special power: Would be to heal the sick.

 

Rich Breeden

Age: 50

Hometown: Waynesboro

Education: American Military University, BA and MA; Henley-Putnam University,
Ph.D. candidate, 

Day job: Small business owner

Political experience: Not a politician, and have never run for public office until now

Biggest issue: Changing the way Richmond does business and bringing people from all walks of life together to solve the challenges facing the district. Defend the Constitution; protect the unborn; fight for redistricting reform, term limits, and campaign finance reforms; work with others to improve our education system; and address the challenges associated with emerging technologies and automation that will affect our job market.

Special power: My unique background working with emerging technologies gives
me an understanding of how automation is impacting today’s manufacturing, services, and transportation jobs, and how
these same technologies will threaten individual liberties.

 

For a detailed look at the 57th District Democratic primary, see our feature story.

Categories
News

A12 plan: Judge rules state police must release it

More than a year and a half after a freelance reporter requested the Virginia State Police and the Office of Public Safety turn over its Unite the Right public safety plans, a judge ruled today that it’s time for the state to cough them up—although with some confusion about redaction and release.

Natalie Jacobsen worked with Jackson Landers, both of whom have written for C-VILLE, on the documentary Charlottesville: Our Streets about the August 12, 2017, Unite the Right rally during which dozens were injured and Heather Heyer was killed. Police were widely criticized for standing by while white supremacists and counterprotesters clashed in the streets.

Jacobsen filed a request for the safety plans under the Freedom of Information Act in 2017, and when the state refused to produce any documents, she sued, aided by the nonprofit Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, which represents journalists around the world.

In Charlottesville Circuit Court last April, Judge Richard Moore ordered that the state turn over a redacted version of the safety plans. That same day, he issued a stay to the order so the commonwealth could appeal it.

In November, the Supreme Court of Virginia ruled against the state because its appeal was filed several days before Moore had issued a final order.

During the May 22 hearing, Deputy Attorney General Victoria Pearson maintained the state should not have to release the safety plans because FOIA exempts tactical plans and because some information was already released in the reports from the governor’s task force and Charlottesville’s Heaphy report.

Virginia State Police did not turn over its plans to either investigative group, said Pearson, although Heaphy did receive some information about state plans that she suggested wasn’t accurate.

“I don’t know what harm comes from not releasing the report,” said Pearson. “It would be our position the entire report is exempt. You can’t put the genie back in the bottle once it’s out.”

Moore said the crux of the case was to balance public safety—and public access. He agreed to lift the stay and ordered the release of redacted reports.

Then he brought up an issue of how the plan would be redacted, either by blacking out the material the state police consider exempt, or by deleting the information and providing Jacobsen only what was not redacted.

Typically when reporters receive material that’s been partially redacted, information is blacked out. That was the case when Attorney General William Barr released the Mueller report.

Moore said he agreed Jacobsen should have a redacted copy, but asked that she not release it.

“I strongly object.” said her attorney, Caitlin Vogus.

“Okay then, I won’t give it to her,” said Moore. “I don’t want it released prematurely. I don’t want her saying they blacked out 20 pages.”

“Ms. Jacobsen is not interested in anything she cannot release publicly,” replied Vogus.

Moore ordered the plans released—without restriction—within 30 days.

Jacobsen said she wants to see a document with blacked-out information so she can tell how much has been removed.

“It’s a right for the public to see this information, because this was a public event,” she said after the hearing. “The Unite the Right rally actually resulted in the death of a civilian and two officers and that is pertinent and the public has a right to view it.“

She called it a “dangerous precedent” for police to think they don’t have to release information because it’s already been released by a leak or another firm, especially when the state says there may be discrepancies in the Heaphy report.

“We need to see what those discrepancies are,” said Jacobsen.

The decision, she said, “is a big win for freedom of information. It’s a right for the public to see it and I hope they will comply with the 30-day ruling and that we see it.”

 

Categories
News

New wave: Two women, two generations head into the 57th primary stretch

The reliably Democratic 57th District rarely makes for an exciting horse race. Once a delegate, always a delegate, as David Toscano and Mitch Van Yahres before him proved, each easily holding on to the seat representing Charlottesville and the Albemarle urban ring as long as he chose.

Not this year.

Newcomer Sally Hudson upended the tradition of politely waiting until the incumbent decides not to seek reelection, and jumped into the race before House Minority Leader Toscano announced in February he was retiring after this term.

And she brought a $100,000 donation from philanthropist Sonjia Smith into the race with her.

City Councilor Kathy Galvin, after serving two terms on council, decided she’d make a run for Richmond as well.

For the first time in the district, two women want to take the reins on a state level.

Center for Politics pundit Larry Sabato lives in the 57th District, but says he hasn’t followed the race because “Donald Trump and his tweets and bizarre presidency absorb my days.” He does offer this:

“In an era when someone like Donald Trump, with zero governmental and military experience, could get elected president, the old traditions don’t even exist anymore.”

In 2017, Virginia held the first state election after Trump was elected, and saw a surge of women running for office. Democrats took 15 seats in the House of Delegates and Republicans watched their 66-34 majority in the House whittled down to an almost even split. (The GOP narrowly held on to its majority after a Republican’s name was drawn out of a bowl in the tied 94th District race, to make it 51-49.)

This election pits Hudson, 30, an economist who moved here from Boston three years ago, against Galvin, 63, an architect who has lived in Charlottesville 35 years.

Hudson teaches at UVA’s Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy and advises public and nonprofit agencies statewide. Galvin is an adjunct professor at UVA and served on the school board before her election to City Council.

“I think it’s going to be very close,” says former mayor Dave Norris. “You’ve got two strong female candidates.” Galvin is running on her government experience, and Hudson on her policy experience and passion for structural change, he says.

“It comes down to whether voters want to stay with one they know or go with a fresh face,” says Norris. “The question is whether people want to move in a new direction.”

Former councilor Dede Smith served with Galvin, but supports Hudson, whom she sees as part of a new wave of female leaders emerging across the country. As a baby boomer, Smith says it’s time for her generation to move aside and let millennials handle what’s going to be their future. “We’re seeing this incredibly capable group of people stepping forward,” she says.

Former mayor Bitsy Waters is a Galvin supporter. “I’m supporting Kathy because of her number of years of local service and her familiarity with local issues,” she says. “A lot of political jobs are not entry level. They come with a lot of responsibility, and experience has great value.”

Hudson’s announcement “was a political surprise,” says Waters, who thought Toscano would be delegate for another term. She sees Hudson’s run as part of a national trend of “young people stepping forward and thinking it’s their time.”

The $100,000 donation Hudson received is large for the 57th District, and “has the potential to change the dynamic,” says Waters. “I’m a campaign reform person. I don’t like the idea people can buy elections.”

Dede Smith puts the Sonjia Smith contribution in another light. “I know it was shocking. But David Toscano has a war chest of hundreds of thousands of dollars. Sonjia Smith is not a corporation. She doesn’t ask for stuff.”

Sonjia Smith has a history of supporting progressive candidates. Her husband, Michael Bills, started Clean Virginia, a PAC that contributes to candidates who eschew Dominion donations, which both Hudson and Galvin have done.

Observes Norris, “That was a pretty powerful signal people involved in clean energy are tired of the status quo.” Dominion has the capacity to invest in campaigns, he says. “I think [Smith and Bills] were pretty displeased with Delegate Toscano and wanted to shake up Dominion’s political influence.

The flip side, he says, “Does it raise questions about a candidate when she has so much cash from one source?”

No Republicans have announced a run for the seat, so whoever wins the June 11 primary is pretty much headed to Richmond.

On May 16, Toscano came out for Galvin, citing her experience and long local ties to the community. But he added, “I will give my wholehearted support to whoever wins the Democratic primary.”

The outcome depends on who shows up at the polls, and primaries traditionally have lower turnout—although that’s changed some since the 2016 election.

“Longer-term residents tend to vote in the election,” says Norris. “That could favor Kathy.”

Adds Norris, “A lot of people are still upset about what happened in 2017. That could hurt her. There hasn’t been acknowledgment of mistakes made by City Council.”

“Millennials are finally waking up to the fact they need to vote,” says Smith, which she thinks will be a factor in turnout for Hudson.

Galvin-supporter Waters would like to believe name recognition and experience will benefit her candidate, but says, “I’ve felt a lot of what I knew about politics thrown up in the air the past couple of years.”

The newcomer

Sally Hudson, an assistant professor of economics at UVA’s Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy, admits, “I was not plugged into politics three years ago. Then 2016 happened.”

She knocked on doors for Tom Perriello, another beneficiary of Sonjia Smith’s largess, during his 2017 primary run for governor, and then continued to help get Ralph Northam elected. “I kind of fell into this sideways,” she says.

If elected, the first issue she’d tackle would be comprehensive election reform, including automatic registration, ranked choice voting, and independent redistricting. In 2015, every incumbent in the General Assembly kept their seats, she says. “That’s a real threat to democracy.”

Her opponent has called for a $10,000 cap on donations, and said she won’t accept money from Dominion. How does limiting donations square with Hudson’s $100,000 cash bonanza from Smith?

“It’s something I struggled with initially,” concedes Hudson. “I didn’t get into the race because of that. No one knows how they’ll act until someone opens that door.”

She describes Smith as a mentor and as someone who invests in leaders. “I know her,” says Hudson. “There’s no way in a million years she’d come knocking on my door and ask for something.”

Hudson has used her war chest to invest in a heavy field operation. “If what we were doing was buying attack ads, that would be different,” she says. “That donation brought a lot of noise. It was like dropping a rock in a pond.”

She also addresses stepping on Toscano’s seniority when she announced her candidacy for his seat. “It wasn’t any disrespect for David’s service,” she says. “It wasn’t about him. It was about now.”

A common thread she’s seen among many of the progressive candidates is what is the right thing for right now, she says. Her race is about the “moment we’re in now.”

The daughter of a minister, Hudson originally came from Iowa, and lived in Arizona, Nebraska, and Connecticut growing up, then in Palo Alto when she studied at Stanford, and in Boston while at MIT. “Charlottesville is a great hybrid of a lot of places I’ve lived before,” she says, with its small community feel and urban walkability.

She considers moving around a lot growing up an asset when trying to solve problems, bringing a new perspective on how other states have done things.

While Galvin and Hudson will both say they’re on the same side on a number of issues, the biggest difference between them, Hudson says, is “where and how we focus.”

“Kathy has a long history of serving local government,” she says. “I am the candidate more focused on state government. I’m an economist and most of the work I do is advising state agencies.”

At forums, Hudson notes that she’s spent more time in Richmond, and she stresses her econ background and her love of getting into the weeds of government and economic inequity.

Hudson has gotten endorsements from four current members of the House of Delegates who’ve worked with her.

And she believes it’s really important to send a strong progressive from a safe Dem district to push issues that others, in more competitive districts,“don’t have as much latitude to stick their necks out” on.

Hudson’s also gotten endorsements from city councilors who have served with Galvin: Smith, Heather Hill, Kristin Szakos, and Mayor Nikuyah Walker.

“I think it’s telling most of [Galvin’s] endorsers have served quite some time ago,” she says. “I’m incredibly grateful for the support, particularly from female mayors like Nancy O’Brien and Kay Slaughter.”

Hudson thinks it’s time for a generational change in elected office, and she points out that millennials aren’t kids anymore and that designation means an adult under 40.

She describes herself as the Columbine generation, one whose first major media moment was that school shooting when she was 10 years old. Twenty years later, she and her peers are still waiting for change—while school shootings have become a regular part of the American landscape.

“I think our generation has watched the current leadership fail to make progress on the really acute crises that we’ve been facing,” she says. “When people say, be patient and wait your turn, we think, we have been waiting.”

Sally Hudson has stopped waiting.

Photo: Eze Amos

The veteran

When Kathy Galvin first ran for City Council in 2011, the big issue was the construction of the Ragged Mountain Reservoir megadam and the still-unbuilt nine-mile pipeline from South Fork Rivanna. The issue so roiled the community that Galvin called a press conference to decry “the tone of our local political debate.”

Flash forward to the post-August 2017 era. The water controversy seems benign after what Galvin describes as the “watershed moment” of August 2017, but “interestingly enough, the water supply has been a wonderful investment,” she says.

Galvin has been in the thick of the past several contentious years on City Council, starting with the call to remove Confederate statues in 2016. She declined to vote in favor of getting rid of the statue of General Robert E. Lee until after August 12, when she and fellow councilor Mike Signer joined the others and said aye to removing both Lee and Stonewall Jackson.

In early 2018, Galvin lost a bid for mayor when her councilor colleagues voted 4-1 for Nikuyah Walker, with Galvin the sole no vote.

And in April, C-VILLE opinion columnist Molly Conger targeted Galvin with a piece called “Working the system: Galvin has a history of supporting the status quo.” Conger recalled a memo Galvin wrote in 2005, in which Galvin criticized a 2004 outside audit of the school system as “bent on finding evidence of institutional racism” and wrote, “Black parents…expect the schools to look after their needs and tell them what needs to be done.”

Galvin declines an opportunity to respond to the column. “I don’t want to pretend to know anyone’s motivation,” she says. “It doesn’t warrant my response. My record stands on its own.”

The Unite the Right rally and the growing white nationalist movement that’s “a matter of domestic terrorism,” along with the shooting down of post-rally legislation to allow Charlottesville to control its own monuments are part of her reasons for wanting to go to Richmond, “to give local governments authority to deal with their own issues,” she says.

During her 35 years in Charlottesville, Galvin has learned about the gaps between state and local government in Dillon Rule Virginia, where localities only have the authority that’s been granted them by the General Assembly.

“Instead of being a local elected official where you’re having to ask permission,” says Galvin, “I want to be able to be that ready partner in Richmond to unleash the talent that’s here locally so city and county governments can solve their own problems for the people they serve.”

The Massachusetts native graduated from Boston University with a B.A. in geography and economics, and says she didn’t become an architect until after she’d worked managing public housing and met “citizen architects driven by community issues.”

She acknowledges that in terms of positions—clean energy, affordable housing, education, and gun safety—she and Hudson are not very different. “In terms of our understanding of the area and our experience in the area, we’re very different.” Galvin went to grad school here, raised a family, served on the PTO, and as a working mother, saw her paycheck go to pay for childcare.

“I’ve seen firsthand the stark racial and class divides between our neighborhoods, and that’s why our school compositions are so different,” she says. “That led me to work on the school board.”  She thinks it’s that experience in the community and in elected office that sets her apart from Hudson.

When asked about Hudson’s large cash infusion, Galvin says, “Putting a cap on contributions allows more people to have an equal voice.” She adds, “Not addressing the influence of big money on political campaigns is not seeing the elephant in the room.”

Galvin has learned the difference between running for City Council and running for the House of Delegates: “The amount of money I have to raise, given the imbalance we’ve seen, is staggering.”

As of March 31, Galvin had reported raising just under $28,000 compared to Hudson’s $155,000.

At her campaign launch, Councilor Wes Bellamy was on hand, and Galvin said he’d given her a lot of insight on inequity and racism. She also thanked her colleagues on City Council for alerting her to bias in the criminal justice system with the automatic suspension of driver’s licenses for nonpayment of fines, regardless of one’s ability to pay, and mass incarceration.

Galvin has made criminal justice reform one of her campaign issues, and says it’s time to legalize pot. But in 2012, she voted against a resolution that came before council to ask the General Assembly to revisit marijuana laws and consider decriminalization. She defends that vote now, as well as her opposition to the part of the resolution that would have instructed police to make reefer possession arrests a low priority.

“It wasn’t allowed by state law,” she says. “I’m [now] in the position of facing a million-dollar lawsuit because we voted against something that wasn’t allowed by state law,” she says, referring to council’s vote to remove the Confederate statues.

As a legislator, she says she’d be in a better position to legalize, and she also notes that with at least 10 other states working to legalize pot, there are more examples to learn from.  Legal marijuana would be a cash crop for Virginia farmers.

Galvin touts her ability to work with Albemarle County over the years on regional issues, and to get people together in a conversation. “The lessons I’ve learned are a reason to run,” she says.

And she’s enjoyed knocking on doors in the county, and getting to meet “people who don’t come to City Council.”

It’s been pretty rough for anyone sitting on council the past couple of years, where councilors are publicly berated on a regular basis by the citizenry.

She says, “Clearly it has not deterred me from running for the House of Delegates.”

Categories
Arts

ARTS Pick: Two Giovannis

There are few details surrounding the conflict between Italian composer and violinist Giovanni Antonio Pandolfi and murdered castrato Giovanni Marquett, but historians suspect Pandolfi in this 17th-century whodunit. Intrigued by the story, David McCormick of the Early Music Access Project, and Matthew Davies, associate professor of Shakespeare and performance at Mary Baldwin University, combine forces to stage Murder in Messina: An Early Music Murder Mystery in a live performance of rare works, enhanced by a cast of actors.

Thursday, May 23. $5-18, 7:30pm. The Haven, 112 W. Market St.