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Under scrutiny: Will ongoing protests finally lead to better police-community relations?

The nation is up in arms. After the murder of George Floyd, protesters filled the streets of Charlottesville, Richmond, Washington D.C., and cities across the country, demonstrating against police brutality. As the smoke clears in coming weeks, these activists will look to translate the energy of the protests into lasting change.

“I think we’re in a similar position now, nationwide, as Charlottesville was in 2017,” says Sarah Burke, a criminal defense investigator and member of Charlottesville’s initial Police Civilian Review Board. “People are rightfully questioning a lot of police policy and action, and demanding change.”

Charlottesville residents might be familiar with the type of reforms other cities are now demanding. At the behest of protesters, a majority of Richmond City Council members have committed to the creation of that city’s own police civilian review board, which would provide oversight in a variety of different ways, including giving people a forum to lodge complaints about the police mistreatment of residents. After the Unite the Right rally in 2017, Charlottesville City Council made the same commitment, passing a resolution calling for the institution of a strong CRB.

Charlottesville’s council began by putting together an initial board, a mixture of criminal justice experts and black community leaders, tasked with researching best practices and community needs and then drafting bylaws for a permanent body. Last Monday, two and a half years after Unite the Right, the official CRB’s last member was finally appointed. The executive director position has yet to be filled, and the adoption of the board’s bylaws remains contentious.

The evolution of the CRB provides a snapshot of police-community relations in Charlottesville, and also shows what it takes to transform a dramatic, flashpoint event into lasting institutional change.

 

Trust issues

“We did this for the community,” says Gloria Beard, a long-time Charlottesville resident and member of the initial CRB. “We promised the community that they would have somebody they could go to for complaints. Most of them don’t feel good going to the police department.”

In a letter from the initial CRB to the police department this week, which Burke and Beard  signed, the board writes, “Police killings, police beatings, and militarized police presence are nothing new to many of us. This community understands those problems, because it has been in this fight for years, even decades.”

Charlottesville Police Chief RaShall Brackney says she understands where people like Beard are coming from.

“There have been recognized failures for a very long time—including those failures in 2017—to understand what race relationships look like,” Brackney says.

“We’ve been trying to build trust in this community since I arrived,” says Brackney, who took over as chief in the summer of 2018. “What are those areas that we absolutely know build trust and legitimacy in communities? One is transparency.”

Rashall Brackney. Photo: Eze Amos

The chief says the department is posting “unprecedented” amounts of internal data on its website, for all to see, including internal affairs inquiries, charging data, use of force, and “investigative detentions” (stop-and-frisks).

That might not tell the whole story, though. “Data is only as good as what you collect,” Burke says. “Right now, for example, all the stop-and-frisk data that we get is in a PowerPoint presentation, filtered through whatever lens the police department filters it through. It’s not necessarily that it’s wrong, we just don’t know.”

Another recent sticking point is the department’s budget—the police department gets around $18 million per year from a cash-strapped city government. Last week, Charlottesville resident Matthew Gillikin sent an email asking the police department for “the most detailed budget you have,” and was directed to a seven-line summary in the full city budget; when he tweeted that he hadn’t received enough information, the department’s official account responded, “It’s not clear why you would accuse us of being unhelpful.” (C-VILLE has also requested a full budget, but it was not available by press time.)

The department has recently made other unforced, trust-busting errors. Last year, the police hung cameras in the majority-black public housing neighborhood Westhaven, without notifying residents of the surveillance; then they took the cameras down and dodged questions about why they had been put up in the first place. And until December, the department’s fleet included a gray Dodge Challenger (the same make, model, and color as the car used to kill Heather Heyer), complete with Blue Lives Matter decaling.

In the last two weeks, demand for information about the police department’s practices has only increased. “I’m getting hundreds of emails right now, [asking] what are your policies, do your officers have body-worn cameras,” Brackney says. “If you looked on our website, you could see and answer those questions yourselves.”

At the end of last week, the department sent out an email in response to “numerous media and community requests” for information about its policies. The release reveals that officers receive only two hours of state-mandated “cultural diversity/bias-based policing” training every other year.

With regards to transparency, “The efforts [Brackney] has made have certainly been in the right direction,” says Burke. “I just don’t think it’s anywhere near enough.”

 

The hold up

These questions about data dissemination and trust-building could be addressed by a powerful review board. The process of instituting a CRB has been convoluted, however.

The initial CRB, appointed in the summer of 2018, spent a year researching civilian oversight and, last September, submitted a set of bylaws that had “real teeth,” says Burke. Over the next three months, City Council passed around the bylaws, rewrote portions of them, and eventually voted through a weaker set of rules than the CRB had proposed.

The initial board members argue that the new bylaws give too much power to the executive director, a full-time staff member who would be hired by the city manager. The new bylaws also remove the requirement that the police department attend community listening sessions, remove the ability for the CRB to review complaints that are sustained by the police department, and don’t give the board access to raw stop-and-frisk and use of force data.

The new bylaws were adopted 4-1, with then-vice mayor Wes Bellamy opposing.

Since then, three new members have come on council, and the initial review board members, as well as a number of community activists, have called for the new council to vote again on the original bylaws.

“The problem for me is an issue of political will,” says local activist Walt Heinecke, who has forcefully advocated for the adoption of the initial bylaws. Heinecke notes that Michael Payne, Sena Magill, and Lloyd Snook all expressed support for the initial bylaws during their council campaigns, but that Snook no longer supports revisiting the issue.

Other councilors want to let the incoming board members write their own rules, rather than impose the initial board’s deeply researched guidelines. “What we’ve said all along is that the new board members can tell us how they function best,” said Mayor Nikuyah Walker at council’s most recent meeting.

Refusing to revisit the initial bylaws is “a major abrogation of council’s responsibility to establish the strongest possible ordinance and bylaws that will protect black and brown bodies in our community,” Heinecke says.

Brackney, for her part, has been lukewarm on the CRB in the past. In a 2019 interview with C-VILLE, she said, “I’ve never been able to understand or get a clear answer as to why there was the development of a Civilian Review Board here.”

Now, she says, “I don’t know what the next steps are. I’m not as familiar with the individual members [of the new board] to understand collectively what their work might look like as a team. I would be remiss if I tried to get ahead of that without engaging with that board first.”

And so, two years in, the struggle to translate energy and uprising into tangible change is still ongoing. Beard says the city’s efforts at real post-2017 reform are “a work in progress.”

The rest of the nation seems poised to embark on this journey now, too. This week has galvanized change across the country, and prompted new questions here in Charlottesville. (Already, the police department and city school system have trashed their agreement that place officers in schools.) Will the national uprisings push Charlottesville’s justice reform further forward?

“I pray,” says Beard. “I pray hard. It needs to happen. And soon.”

 

 

This article was updated on 6/11/20 to correct Sarah Burke’s title and clarify the type of data released by the police department. 

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Hey, hey, hey, goodbye: As protests continue, Richmond will remove Robert E. Lee statue

 

The six-story-tall equestrian statue of Robert E. Lee has towered over Richmond’s Monument Avenue since 1890. Soon, it’ll be gone, replaced by empty sky.

“That statue has been there for a long time. But it was wrong then and it’s wrong now. So we’re taking it down,” said Governor Ralph Northam during a June 4 press conference. 

The announcement comes after the death of George Floyd sparked a week of national protests against police brutality. Demonstrators in Richmond have targeted the Lee statue since the protests began, spray painting “Black Lives Matter” and other slogans across the statue’s base. When Richmond police tear-gassed peaceful protesters at the site on Monday night, the statue became an even more charged symbol of oppression.

Richmonders have re-contextualized other Confederate spots in the city as well—the United Daughters of the Confederacy building, just a few blocks from the Lee statue, was lit on fire on May 31, with the word “Abolition” written next to its steps. 

Zyahna Bryant, the Charlottesville student activist who started the petition to remove Charlottesville’s Lee statue in 2016, spoke at Northam’s press conference on Thursday. 

“I want to make space to thank the activists in Charlottesville who have put in decades of work to get us to where we are today,” Bryant said. “Without them, we wouldn’t be here.”

Charlottesville, ground zero for the fight over Confederate monuments, could see its statues of Lee and Stonewall Jackson removed later in the summer. This year, the General Assembly finally passed a rule allowing localities to remove their Confederate monuments. The law will go into effect July 1, and then City Council will have to vote on their removal, hold a public hearing, and offer the statues to any museums that want them—a total of 60 days worth of legislative hoops to jump through—before the monuments can legally come down. At an event in March, local activist Don Gathers said he thought it best not to schedule the removal ahead of time, so as to avoid any potential violence.

Richmond’s Lee statue, by contrast, sits on state property, and can be removed without public comment or review. Northam says the cranes will roll in “as soon as possible” and put the statue in storage.

Amanda Chase, the only Republican who has so far announced a 2021 run for governor, called Northam’s decision a “cowardly capitulation to the looters and domestic terrorists” that’s aimed at “appeasing the left-wing mob.” A statement from a collection of Virginia’s Republican state senators said the statue should remain where it is, but called Chase’s statement “idiotic, inappropriate, and inflammatory,” reports WSLS 10 News. (Republicans have not won a statewide election in Virginia since 2009.)

The Lee statue in Richmond is one of five Confederate statues on Monument Avenue. The other four, which Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney said Wednesday he also wants removed, are on land controlled by the city of Richmond. To take down those monuments, Stoney would have to follow the same process that’s required in Charlottesville.

Elsewhere in the country, many Confederate memorials have been torn down informally. People in Montgomery and Birmingham, Alabama, have toppled statues during demonstrations, and monuments have been spray-painted and otherwise altered in countless other cities. In Alexandria, Virginia, even the United Daughters of the Confederacy got in on the action, removing a statue of a soldier that it owns from one of Alexandria’s central streets. 

“Make no mistake,” Northam said at the press conference, “removing a symbol is important, but it’s only a step.”

“I want to be clear that there will be no healing or reconciliation until we have equity,” Bryant said. “Until we have fully dismantled the systems that oppress black and brown people.”

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Zero crimes, zero cases: Charlottesville’s progressive pandemic response has long-term implications

 

As the pandemic took hold in mid-March, Charlottesville and Albemarle’s criminal justice decision-makers started letting people out of jail. Two months in, it looks like the emergency measures have paid off: The Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail has not reported a single coronavirus case among inmates, and those transferred to house arrest have not posed any notable threat to public safety.

When the pandemic began, jails and prisons were quickly identified as potential coronavirus hotbeds, given the crowded living conditions and low quality of medical care. The area’s commonwealth’s attorneys, judges, and jail administration responded accordingly: They ended pretrial detentions, meaning people awaiting trial no longer had to sit in jail simply because they could not afford bail. And they transferred non-violent prisoners with short remaining sentences to home electronic incarceration (house arrest). That’s resulted in the lowest number of inmates inside the ACRJ in decades.

Local advocates have long hoped to see these decarceration policies put into practice. The pandemic offered a chance to speed that process along. Speaking to C-VILLE in March, Albemarle County’s reform-minded Commonwealth’s Attorney Jim Hingeley framed the pandemic as a sort of experiment: “We are going to be accumulating information about the effects of liberalized policies with respect to sentences and bail decisions,” Hingeley said. “We’re going to see how instituting these different practices works out…My hope is that it’s going to work out well.”

Two months later, early returns show that the liberalized sentencing policies have had just the effect that Hingeley and other advocates envisioned. 

The ACRJ has transferred around 15 percent of its pre-COVID population to house arrest, and the jail has recorded zero cases of COVID among inmates. By contrast, the state prison system has transferred just 217 of its 30,000 prisoners (less than 1 percent) out of the prisons, and the system has seen more than 1,100 cases of the virus in facilities around the state.

Meanwhile, in Charlottesville, allowing ACRJ prisoners to serve their time on house arrest has not endangered the public. In the last 70 or so days, more than 90 people have been released on house arrest, and “no new criminal offenses were committed,” says jail superintendent Martin Kumer. Eight people, out of 90, have been transferred back into the jail, all for technical violations such as drug use or unauthorized travel. 

Last week, the Tom Tom Foundation convened a panel of local criminal justice leaders to discuss reforming the justice system during and after the pandemic. For some, the conclusions from the past two months support arguments they’ve been making for years. 

“The data has already been there,” pointed out panelist Cherry Henley, who runs Lending Hands, an ex-offender aid service. “Most people like myself already recognize that if you can release people into the community, they are not that high risk. At the jail, at the work release department, most of these people go out anyway, every day.” 

Even so, the pandemic has given these reformers new momentum, and keeping that going is important to them. “People forget stuff really quick,” said Harold Folley, a community organizer at the Legal Aid Justice Center. Folley thinks that moving forward, advocates for decarceration must “constantly remind [people] that releasing folks is safe. Those folks that were released didn’t go and do something criminal here in Charlottesville.”

It’s also important to remember that the house arrest system is far from perfect. “We’ve been dealing with a lot of inmates being released, and they’re on HEI, and they don’t have identification,” says Whitmore Merrick, who works for the city’s Home to Hope offender aid program. “So they’re not able to be employed. They’re stuck in the house with nothing to do. That’s been a major struggle.”

Martize Tolbert, an ex-offender who now works for the Fountain Fund, a re-entry support program, said that this moment feels like an opportunity to make change. “Let’s talk about things that we can radically do now,” Tolbert said. “Programs over prisons. Now is the time to [be] thought-provoking, to try to figure out institutions that we can use here in Charlottesville.”

Charlottesville Commonwealth’s Attorney Joe Platania, who supports these alternatives to incarceration, outlined the challenges ahead. Not everyone in the system is on board. “You have victims, you might have detectives or police officers that have worked on the investigation, you have judges that are going to have to buy in…maybe probation officers that are involved in a violation hearing,” Platania said. “They feel a responsibility that might be at odds with some of what Jim [Hingeley] and I are trying to do. There’s a lot of different interests that you have to factor in as a prosecutor.”

“It’s a shame that it took this crisis to motivate the community to get behind decarceration,” Hingeley said, “but it’s happened now, and when the crisis has passed, we’re going to work to continue doing this.” 

Stay tuned for the next edition of the Tom Tom Foundation’s Com Com Live! series, which will feature some of the leaders mentioned in the article and will be free and open to the public. Date to be announced.

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‘A total disaster’: Families report AWOL admin, insufficient precautions as COVID runs rampant in Buckingham state prisons

 

“When we found out he had it, we was pretty sure he was going to die,” says a sibling of a man incarcerated in Buckingham Correctional Center.

Buckingham is home to the fourth-worst coronavirus outbreak of any correctional facility in Virginia—112 inmates have tested positive. Dillwyn Correctional Center, a lower-security facility across the street, has the state’s worst outbreak, with 122 active cases and 321 total positives. Families of inmates say that the prison administration has failed to adequately communicate with family members, failed to set up safe quarantine zones inside the facilities, and dragged their heels to release prisoners who should be eligible.

“Everything that’s going on at Dillwyn is a total disaster,” says Monet Anderson, whose son, Antonio Funn, is being held in Dillwyn and has contracted coronavirus. Anderson says Funn, 30, has lost his senses of taste and smell.

In Virginia, more than 1100 people have contracted the disease while incarcerated in the state prison system. Six people have died while incarcerated; one of those deaths occurred at Dillwyn and two at Buckingham.

Families of the incarcerated say administrators have been AWOL. “The [Dillwyn] warden has been gone, they don’t even see her,” Anderson says. “She doesn’t want to catch the virus.”

C-VILLE called Dillwyn Correctional Center Warden Dana Ratliffe-Walker on Wednesday afternoon, and found that her voicemail inbox was full. Staff at both Dillwyn and Buckingham referred inquiries about the situation to Department of Corrections spokesperson Lisa Kinney, who declined to respond to the suggestion that the warden had been absent.

A state resident, who asked to remain anonymous out of fear for the safety of a brother, says the brother, who is 64, tested positive for the virus in Buckingham. He was briefly quarantined inside the prison, then hospitalized, then returned to quarantine, but the family wasn’t aware that he had even tested positive until he was in the hospital. Later, when they called the hospital, they say the nurses reported he wasn’t there.

“Has he died?” the sibling wondered. The only way they were able to find out was by checking if the inmate’s prison-issued email was in service. When they saw it was active, they knew he was back in the prison, but the sibling thought he was too sick to write back.

“I just wish we could know what shape he’s in,” the sibling says. Normally, the family drives three hours each way to visit him a few times per month. “He lives for us to come visit him.” But the virus has made those trips impossible, and uncommunicative administration amplifies the problem.

“Our offenders are adults,” Kinney responded in an email. “Just as your doctor wouldn’t call your family members if you tested positive for a condition, we cannot share offenders’ confidential medical information.”

Families think the precautions being taken inside the prison are inadequate.

“They said they set up a bunch of beds in the gym, whatever the gym is,” says the anonymous source. “The nurses are checking him twice a day, taking his temperature. If they’re giving him medication, I have no idea.”

At Dillwyn, Anderson says her son’s living area is an “open pod. There’s no way to get away from anyone.”

Two weeks ago, four inmates were transferred out of Dillwyn and sent to a higher security facility. The DOC claims the move was in response to a hunger strike by the inmates, a claim the ACLU is investigating.

Anderson says the four men who were transferred had been in Funn’s pod, and that the DOC hasn’t been telling the full story. “[The inmates] blocked the doors to their pod, so [the prison] could not bring in any more infected inmates,” Anderson says. “Every time their 14-day quarantine period was coming to an end, they would try to bring in other inmates. And they were tired of it…They were trying to get well.”

Asked about the situation, Kinney responded that the DOC doesn’t release reasons for transferring prisoners, adding that “during the pandemic the DOC is restricting the transfer of inmates between DOC facilities unless it is necessary to transport an inmate for security reasons.”

Around the country, some prison systems have dealt with the virus by decreasing the number of people housed in their facilities, but the Virginia state prison system has been slow to act. The General Assembly approved an inmate release program on April 22, allowing those with less than a year of their sentence remaining and a record of good behavior to be transferred out. That program applies to just 2,000 of the roughly 30,000 inmates in the state system. As of May 24, just 208 inmates had actually been allowed to leave the correctional facilities, according to state data.

Funn, whose sentence ends in July, meets the state’s criteria for early release. Anderson says a home plan was approved weeks ago, but nothing happened. Then, last week, “after numerous calls and emails,” the family heard Funn had been approved for release last week—but he still hasn’t moved.

Kinney declined to comment on Funn’s case but wrote that “offenders are being reviewed for release as quickly as is responsibly possible.”

“We’re just trying to figure out, why is this moving so slow.” Anderson says. “You have guys sitting, who have home plans in place, and they’re not moving, they’re sitting.”

“Because he’s an inmate, it’s almost like we don’t count,” says the sibling whose brother is sick.

“No one listens to them in there,” says Anderson. “My job, as the mother, is to get out there and get this voice. I tell him it’s not just for you, it’s for everyone.”

 

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‘We got a lot of history in there’: The 10th and Grady church tells the story of a city

 

A crane looms over a huge glass rectangle. The shiny office block, just completed, sits behind Preston Avenue’s old Monticello Dairy factory, where renovation work has been underway since 2018. When the new Dairy Central corner is fully operational next year, the complex will boast state-of-the-art office space, swanky apartments, and a “Brooklyn-based coffee roasting company.”

Just across the street, slate shingles have cracked and fallen from the steep roof of an old church. The thick glass window panes have yellowed; some windows are boarded up. Green and white paint has flaked off the wooden siding, and ivy has completely enveloped one wall of the church’s small side building. Next to a mud-caked basement window is a cornerstone inscribed with the words “Trinity Church 1939.”

It’s easy to miss amid all the construction, but the ramshackle little building, at the edge of one of the city’s last remaining historically black neighborhoods, has a story far richer than the exterior might suggest.

Our sleek future lurks across the street. But if you want to understand Charlottesville’s last century—and get a clearer glimpse into the fate of the rapidly developing city—start with the story of the 10th and Grady church.

 

Running from ‘renewal’

One-hundred-and-one years ago, Charlottesville’s Trinity Episcopal congregation first worshiped together. Soon after forming, the group found a home in a small church on the corner of Preston Avenue and High Street, at the base of Vinegar Hill, the black neighborhood where many of their congregants lived. They wouldn’t be there long.

“When I was a youngster, people lived on Preston Avenue down by where Lane High School is now,” recalls George Ferguson, in the oral history collection Urban Renewal and the End of Black Culture in Charlottesville. Ferguson was a prominent undertaker who served as the head of the local NAACP chapter in the 1950s.

“There were some stores down there,” he says. “There were some barbershops. There were some residences…Those were taken over by eminent domain—the city—when they built that Lane High School back down there in the ’30s.”

Throughout the 20th century, the City of Charlottesville has invoked eminent domain to seize and destroy the land and homes of black people, in the name of a loosely defined public good. The construction of whites-only Lane High School in the late ’30s was the city’s first major urban renewal project. (The stately building, with its spacious green lawn, now houses Albemarle County’s administrative offices.)

Trinity Episcopal’s original church was among the buildings destroyed to make way for the segregated school. After 20 years, the congregation had no home.

Undaunted, the group moved down the street a few blocks, purchasing the land where the 10th and Grady church now sits. Today, that land is right in the heart of the city, pressed up against one of Charlottesville’s busiest roads. In 1939, it was a vacant lot.

This is where the church building comes in—literally. The church itself was built 20 miles away in Palmyra, in Fluvanna County, in 1910. The Episcopal congregation in Fluvanna disbanded in the late ’30s, and gifted its church to the Episcopalians in Charlottesville, who dismantled the building, moved the parts into town, and rebuilt it completely by the spring of 1939.

Poetically, the last service in the old High Street building, before it was destroyed, was held on Good Friday. The first service in the new Trinity Church on 10th and Grady was held on Easter—Resurrection Sunday.

 

Resisting massive resistance

“The old Trinity Episcopal church there on 10th and Grady was a benchmark church in Charlottesville,” says Richard Johnson, who has lived in Charlottesville on and off for his whole life.

“Most of our members were very outgoing people,” Johnson says. “Doctors, lawyers, Indian chiefs, the whole nine yards.”

Richard Johnson and his mother Lelia Brown have been members of the Trinity Episcopal church since the days when the congregation met in the 10th and Grady building. Photo: Eze Amos

Trinity’s leaders became the city’s leaders. In 1935, Reverend Cornelius Dawson helped found Barrett Early Learning Center, which still exists today. Henry Mitchell, the vicar in the ’50s, served as the second black member of Charlottesville’s School Board. And Ferguson, the NAACP leader, was an active member of the congregation.

These leaders were poised to confront the next crisis that would transform life in Charlottesville—school desegregation. Although Lane High had been built atop the wreckage of Trinity Church, the City of Charlottesville wouldn’t let the congregants’ children attend the segregated high school—even after Brown v. Board mandated integration.

In 1958, Charlottesville became one of a handful of localities around Virginia to engage in “massive resistance.” The city closed its schools rather than allow black students to learn in all-white classrooms.

During the shutdown, the congregation organized classes in the 10th and Grady church.

When the schools were closed, Johnson recalls, “The white kids…formed something called Rock Hill Academy at the old school. So Trinity said, ‘Well now we got a lot of these kids here that need to get educated.’”

“We had classes at the church until the governor and the state could get their act together to make sure the integration finally happened,” Johnson says.

Over the years, the congregation grew too large for the 10th and Grady building. In the mid-’70s, Trinity Episcopal sold its church to the owners of the dairy factory across the street, and moved to a new building a little further down Preston, where it still meets today.

For Johnson, though, the memories of the 10th and Grady building run deep.

“My parents were married in that church,” he says. “I am a third generation Episcopalian—my grandparents were members of that church…I was christened there. I was confirmed there.”

“I know a little bit about that building,” he says. “I’m very proud of my church.”

 

Sing along

“I don’t know where you come from, amen,” proclaims Pastor William Nowell. “But I declare, amen, we are to know where we’re going.” He’s in full flight, dressed in a sharp white suit, shaking and shouting and preaching to a packed house of finely dressed congregants. Blues guitars and a tambourine and dozens of voices provide the gospel score for the old man’s sermon.

The performance is recorded in the 2011 documentary Preacher, which focuses on Nowell and his New Covenant Pentecostal church. When the Trinity Episcopal congregation moved down the street in the ’70s, Nowell’s people moved in. They sang their songs from those red-felted pews until 2018.

William Nowell preaches in his congregation’s new home on Free Union Road. Photo courtesy New Covenant Pentecostal Church

Nowell’s church engaged with the surrounding community through music. “We did a lot of marching, singing, up and down the street,” the pastor now recalls. “We used to play for the Ten Miler [runners] every year. We would be on the sidewalk as they would go through.”

“It was a very special place,” Nowell says of the church. “We accomplished a lot of things while we was there. We had a daycare. We had an outreach ministry. We fed the homeless.”

As Charlottesville’s homeless population grew through the aughts, Nowell’s congregation made providing food a focus of its work. Preacher shows the preacher leaving Harris Teeter with a car full of food to be distributed by the church.

In the film, Nowell does other work, too —he choreographs a wedding for two young congregants, and performs a lively service at the local jail. Many of the church’s members lived in the nearby 10th and Page neighborhood. “That kind of impact on the community really did something for me,” he says.

After more than four decades, though, the congregation moved on. Making rent had become difficult. “Small congregation, we had a lot of people on fixed incomes,” Nowell says. And in the creaky old building, “Our heating bill was whoo.”

When Mount Amos Church offered Nowell rent-free use of its building 10 minutes outside of town, the preacher accepted, and the congregation left the 10th and Grady building behind.

Just as they moved out, the Dairy Central developers moved in across the street, but Nowell says the two aren’t related.

“We miss it, though,” Nowell says of the church. “We got a lot of history in there.”

 

Don’t have a cow

“The whole city is gentrifying. Every single neighborhood is gentrifying,” says Jeremy Caplin.

For decades, Caplin has been trying to staunch the bleeding—he owns dozens of houses in the 10th and Page neighborhood, which he rents at low rates to families that have lived there for a long time. But he can only do so much.

Shiny, boxy, modern homes now break up the rows of old bungalows with white front porches. Luxury apartments on West Main Street tower over the southern edge of the neighborhood. And the Dairy Central project chugs along.

The column-fronted Monticello Dairy building on Preston Avenue  housed a functioning dairy factory—and sold much-loved ice cream—from its construction in 1936 to its closure in 1985. Since then, it’s been a martial arts studio, a paintball arena, a music venue, and more.

The Monticello Dairy factory, pictured around the time the 10th and Grady church would have been constructed next door. Photo: Special Collections, University of Virginia Library

In 2017, Stony Point Development Group purchased the derelict factory for $11.9 million. The parcel of land Stony Point acquired includes the lot across the street, where the 10th and Grady church sits.

The Dairy Central project sets gentrification alarms blaring. It’s a posh apartment complex next to a historically low-income black neighborhood. Large tech companies with names like Dexcom and CoStar Group have already signed leases for office space, and so has Starr Hill craft brewery.

Caplin says it could be worse, though. “It was just a lot of surface parking lots that weren’t being used,” he says. “So they haven’t taken away from the neighborhood. They did a nice fix up on the original dairy…It’s murky but I’m cautiously optimistic.”

However, “I’m not sure the people in the neighborhood will go to the restaurants there,” Caplin says. “Whatever apartments they have there aren’t going to be affordable for blue-collar working people from the neighborhood.”

“We have taken a lot of pride in connecting with the community, trying to pay tribute to the history that’s on the property,” says Jodi Mills, the marketing and PR director at Stony Point.

Early attempts at community engagement have had mixed results. The developers have just begun painting a 61-foot-long mural of a cow on the side of their building, in homage to a large metal cow statue that once stood outside the dairy factory. Mills cites the cow mural as an example of the “historical reference” that the developers have prioritized.

“Talking about putting a cow on the wall. Please, give me a break,” said Gloria Beard, a longtime 10th and Page resident and community advocate, in March. “It’s supposed to be a historically black neighborhood. Put somebody that did something constructive in the city.”

The cow mural was approved by a narrow 3-2 City Council vote.

Mural aside, the Dairy Central developers are doing one thing right: They’re keeping the church.

Some residents have voiced their opposition to Dairy Central’s cow mural. Staff photo

The preservation situation

On the edge of town, the precious Woolen Mills Chapel has a bell tower that’s started to lean towards the road because the foundations are in such bad shape. In Fifeville, the home of important black educator Benjamin Tonsler sat with an unfinished porch and overgrown front lawn for years, ignored by owners who lived elsewhere. Both properties are listed on the National Register of Historic Places, but that didn’t stop the decay. Many of the town’s most important historic properties from the late 19th and early 20th centuries have recently fallen through the cracks.

In Charlottesville, the burden of historic preservation most often falls on the owners of the property, which becomes problematic when those owners don’t care about preservation or don’t have the resources required for upkeep (or, in the extraordinary case of the chapel, don’t exist).

“Unless it’s Jeffersonian, Charlottesville’s not that strong on preservation,” Caplin says.

It seems like the 10th and Grady church will have a different fate. Tearing down the old building has “never been a consideration whatsoever,” says Mills.

Pastor Nowell corroborates that claim—he says the Dairy Central developers met with his congregation when they bought the property, and offered to help with upkeep. Caplin says  that some early, casual remarks from the developers left him on “high alert” about the church’s prospects for survival, but he’s happy to see that renovations have now begun.

The church needs serious work. Stony Point is replacing the roof and gutters, fixing foundational issues, removing lead paint, and more. The renovations will remain true to the original design of the structure—and cost more than $600,000, says Mills.

Johnson and Nowell are thankful that the church buildings will be preserved. “I understand they’re going to use them for educational purposes for the neighborhood,” Johnson says.

Destroying the building “would have been hateful,” Caplin says. “It’s a sweet little church.”

Now, renovations are underway, and the interior of the building is empty. Photo: Stephen Barling

In Charlottesville, an old building getting such a comprehensive face lift is unusual. The 10th and Grady church has been saved by a specific and fortunate set of circumstances.

The Dairy Central developers own the church because it happened to be connected to the property they actually wanted to buy—the empty factory next door. If it had been a separate parcel, it wouldn’t have been their problem.

And, while the $600,000 required to repair the church is far more than past congregations could invest, it represents a tiny percentage of the money Stony Point is pumping into the neighborhood.

“Believe me, we’ve had lots of people say to us, ‘that would make the coolest restaurant, that would make the coolest bar,’” Mills says, emphasizing Stony Point’s love of history. “That’s not what we’re looking to do.”

It’s not clear that Stony Point could put a restaurant there even if it wanted to. The property is zoned for residential use only, in an area with specific provisions in Charlottesville’s comprehensive plan. Converting the church into a restaurant would require a formal petition, a series of meetings, review from the planning commission, and an affirmative vote from City Council—hardly a sure thing.

This situation is an outlier: Charlottesville’s historic properties would look very different if every old building was serendipitously acquired by a wealthy developer who faced an extended back-and-forth with the city before the place could be turned into a bar.

So, when Stony Point is done, the church will look much as it does now—but with a fresh coat of (unleaded) paint. As for the tenants, Mills says, “there are absolutely no plans at this time.”

Whatever the church’s future holds, it’s clear that the building’s past has made an indelible impression on the people who have spent time underneath its slender, gabled roof.

This building doesn’t look like much—especially now, with the chipped paint, and the wild ivy, and the construction crew’s port-a-potty out front. But its history reflects the history of the city, to a marvelous degree. The 10th and Grady church has been a place of worship, but also a place of refuge, resistance, and music. Now, the building is a symbol of the gentrification transforming the city, and a test case for a town trying to figure out how to preserve its past. Charlottesville’s black history has been buried far too often, but this monument still stands, an example of all the history we have to preserve.

No one spent more time in the church than Nowell, who first entered the building in 1975 and kept going back nearly every day for more than 40 years.

He’s in his 80s now, but still preaching, and he still wants to help the little church any way he can.

“I would still like to get involved in something, [like a] community center,” he says. “We learned to know everybody in the neighborhood. Everybody knew us. Lot of them cried when we left.”

“It was just like a family,” the preacher says. “Keep me in touch…It still has a place in my heart.”

 

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News

Primary roundup: Dark horse Democrats, and how to vote in a pandemic

 

Three Marines and a doctor walk into a bar…

Cards on the table: It’s going to be difficult for a Democrat to win the race for Virginia’s (heavily gerrymandered) 5th Congressional District.

In 2018, on the back of historic turnout and a nationwide blue wave, and running against a Republican who didn’t have an incumbency advantage, Democratic congressional candidate Leslie Cockburn still lost to Republican Denver Riggleman by roughly 6.5 percent—20,000 votes. Even Tim Kaine, Virginia’s much-loved and well-established incumbent senator, won only 48 percent of the vote in the district in 2018.

Sabato’s Crystal Ball and the Cook Political Report both rate the district as “Likely Republican.” Charlottesville-Albemarle is the 5th’s largest population center and will vote Democratic by a vast margin, but the district stretches from the North Carolina border all the way to Fauquier County, on the outskirts of the D.C. metro area, and all that rural, red territory outweighs our true-blue college town. The convoluted district was drawn by a Republican legislature in 2012.

Still, four valiant Democrats have decided to throw their hats in the ring. RD Huffstetler Jr. is a Marine who attended Harvard’s Kennedy School, worked for a Massachusetts congressman, and ran for the 5th District nomination unsuccessfully in 2018. John Lesinski is a Marine who has served on the Rappahannock County Board of Supervisors and school board. Claire Russo is a Marine who, after her service, worked as an adviser to the military with a focus on recruiting and training women. Cameron Webb is a doctor and UVA health policy instructor who held a White House fellowship. (He is not a Marine.)

The candidates are all campaigning on a relatively standard Democratic Party platform. All four list some combination of combating climate change, expanding health care, improving education, and expanding rural broadband access as top priorities.

If you’re looking to pick the likeliest winner, the strongest indication at this stage is fundraising, and Huffstetler leads the field. At the FEC filing deadline in mid-April, Huffstetler had raised around $807,000, and Webb was in second place with roughly $510,000, according to the Virginia Public Access Project. Of the four, however, Webb had received the highest sum from small-dollar donations of less than $200.

Webb and Huffstetler have articulated differing visions for how they might go about actually winning the general election, should they win the primary. In a candidate survey administered by Indivisible Charlottesville, Huffstetler writes, “Donald Trump is going to carry VA-05 in November,” and goes on to say that rural, split-ticket Trump-Huffstetler voters are the key to success. Webb, meanwhile, writes that the 5th district contains more than 70,000 black adults who are not registered to vote or did not cast a ballot in 2018, more than enough to make up for Riggleman’s 20,000 vote margin of victory. Webb, who is black, feels he is the man to energize that base.

Either way, it’s going to take a masterful campaign to flip a district that has given Republican congressional candidates 55, 61, 58, and 53 percent of votes since it was drawn into its current form.

 

How do I vote in a pandemic?

The Democratic primary was originally scheduled for June 9, but was postponed to June 23 in response to the coronavirus outbreak.

Obviously, it’s difficult to social distance during an election, and many will prefer to vote by mail this year. (Please, dear readers, vote by mail.) Voters who want an absentee ballot mailed to them must submit their application by 5pm on Tuesday, June 16, a week before the election.

Many states have seriously altered their election procedures to account for the pandemic. In nearby Maryland, an April 28 special election to replace deceased congressman Elijah Cummings was held by mail-in vote only.

Some states already have robust vote-by-mail systems in place. Oregon has been automatically mailing a ballot to all registered voters since 1998—voters just have to fill it out and send it back. That’s far more elegant than Virginia’s system, which requires voters to go online, download a ballot request form, supply a reason for wanting to vote absentee, and resubmit it by mail, email, or fax, before ever seeing a ballot, which they then have to fill out and return.

Voting absentee is “strongly encouraged” on the state’s website, though Virginia leaders did not elect to simplify or expand the state’s mail-in voting process. (Voters staying home because of the pandemic are instructed to select “My disability or illness” on the absentee application form.) On April 13, Governor Ralph Northam passed Executive Order 56, which postponed the primary by two weeks and mandated that election administrators “prescribe procedures in accordance with the CDC,” with no further specifics.

The General Assembly did pass two critical voting-rights expansions this year, when it repealed voter ID laws and made Election Day a state holiday. Those new rules will go into effect in November, but will not apply to these primaries.

 

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Coronavirus News

COVID cases soar in Buckingham state prisons; Charlottesville poised for reopening

Correctional facilities, where inmates live in tight quarters, have proven (entirely predictably) to be hotbeds for coronavirus outbreaks. Some jails and prisons in the area have managed to avoid major transmission within their walls—as of May 8, the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail has reported just four cases, all among “support staff” who do not come in regular contact with inmates. The Fluvanna Correctional Center for Women reports zero cases.

But in Buckingham County, two state prisons have become the sites of major outbreaks. As of May 11, the Dillwyn Correctional Center reports that 205 total offenders have tested positive for COVID, and Buckingham Correctional Center reports 75, according to data from the Virginia Department of Corrections.

These situations show how quickly outbreaks can spread within prisons once the virus is present. Dillwyn saw seven cases turn into more than 200 in the span of one week at the end of April, and Buckingham reported just 13 cases last Wednesday. (Mid-April expansion of testing may have contributed to the increases, notes the DOC, but the Dillwyn outbreak did not pick up steam until early May.)

As C-VILLE reported in March, many facilities have been releasing nonviolent inmates to house arrest and limiting pretrial detention, in an effort to slow the spread of the virus. The Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail has moved 16 percent of its inmates out of the facility. Because it’s a regional jail, the effort to identify and release low-level offenders, and inmates with health risks, has been spearheaded by our local commonwealth’s attorneys, who have pursued such policies more aggressively than state-level administrators.

The two Buckingham facilities with severe outbreaks are state prisons, meaning they are monitored and managed by the Virginia Department of Corrections. The DOC has been moving inmates out of prison at a far slower rate than the ACRJ. As of last Thursday, 130 prisoners had been moved out of state prisons—a tiny fraction of the roughly 38,000 prisoners in the Virginia state system.

The state prison system also oversaw an outbreak at Bon Air Juvenile Detention Center, near Richmond, in which more than 30 teens tested positive for the disease. The Washington Post characterized the Bon Air outbreak as the worst at a youth prison in the nation. On May 9, a 66-year old man died from COVID while incarcerated in the Buckingham facility, became one of five people to die from the disease while in prison in Virginia.

 

Is Charlottesville ready for Phase 1?

Last week, Governor Ralph Northam announced that Virginia would move to Phase 1 of reopening on Friday, May 15. Phase 1 keeps gatherings limited to 10 people, strongly encourages teleworking, and keeps schools and entertainment facilities closed. But the eased restrictions allow non-essential retail, restaurants with outdoor seating, and places of worship to operate at 50 percent capacity, and lets Virginians seek “personal grooming” by appointment.

The state set two case-based criteria for beginning to ease restrictions: declining rates of positive tests over 14 days, and declining hospitalizations over 14 days. On Monday, Northam gave some places in northern Virginia permission to delay moving to Phase 1, as the situation there is more dire than elsewhere in the state.

The Charlottesville area passes the test for declining hospitalizations, according to data from the state: In Charlottesville and Albemarle combined, the Virginia Department of Health shows that only one person has been newly hospitalized with coronavirus in the last two weeks.

Since the pandemic began, the Thomas Jefferson Health District, which includes Charlottesville, Albemarle, Greene, Louisa, and Fluvanna, has seen 62 total hospitalizations, according to the state.

Total reported cases in the area continue to rise at a slow but steady rate. Twenty out of the last 21 days have seen at least one new case confirmed. The area might technically satisfy the governor’s criteria for reopening, but that doesn’t mean the virus is under control.

 

 

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News

Stop and smell the roses: COVID has changed the way we’re relating to nature

 

Just about everything has changed in the last month—and as our habits have shifted, so has our relationship with the local environment.

“People aren’t flying, people aren’t driving,” says Jamie Brunkow, the senior advocacy manager of the James River Association. Those transportation changes have effects for our air and our water. “Typically we think of that as less smog and less air pollution. But a lot of the nitrogen that ends up going into our rivers, going into the [Chesapeake] Bay, comes from the air.”

StreetLight Data, a firm specializing in transportation data, has been tracking the change in vehicle miles traveled all over the country since the COVID crisis began.

From the week of April 19 to April 25, Albemarle County drivers covered around 75 percent fewer miles than during an average week before the crisis. Charlottesville drivers were even more conservative, covering 82 percent fewer miles than in a baseline week. That drop-off is less pronounced but still visible in more rural counties—in Buckingham, for example, drivers only drove 40 percent fewer miles.

Charlottesville’s airport saw 84 flights canceled due to coronavirus in just the second half of March. Air travel has become a central concern for environmental activists—one widely repeated statistic says for every person who takes a round trip flight from New York to London, 30 square feet of ice is lost from the arctic. And short flights, like the Charlottesville airport’s regular connections to nearby hubs in Philadelphia and Charlotte, produce more harmful emissions per mile than longer flights.

Additionally, decreased traffic means the world is quieter and darker, which is good for animals like birds and frogs. “A lot of disruption in species reproduction has been attributed to the disruption of their light receptors or ability to hear calls for mating,” says Chris Miller, the president of the Piedmont Environmental Council. “There’s a lot of evidence that truck noise, car noise, and light pollution interfere with those natural cycles.”

Meanwhile, with social distancing in effect, outdoor spaces that remain accessible are seeing increased visitors. This March, the trail near the John Warner Parkway saw 607 bikers and pedestrians per day, according to the City’s trail counter. That’s roughly four times more than the 130 people who used the trail per day in March of 2019.

Lisa Wittenborn, program director of the Rivanna Conservation Alliance, says that the increased foot traffic is a double-edged sword for the Rivanna. “We’re really excited that people are out and using the resource,” Wittenborn says. “We hope people are being careful not to impact the river. That people are picking up after their dogs, and picking up their trash and not disrupting the banks, and that sort of thing.”

The crisis is having other messy effects. “They’re seeing evidence of the toilet paper shortage in the wastewater treatment plant,” Wittenborn says, “because of the things people are flushing. Those wipes say they’re flushable but they’re not. They can cause clogs and backups and sewage leaks. You don’t think about the little impacts.”

Overall, though, this period is a sort of experiment in a possible, more sustainable future: Zoom meetings aren’t fun, but they do decrease emissions. “There’s something about a hard stop like this that really forces you to reevaluate the frame and how to move forward,” Brunkow says. “It’s going to be really interesting to look back at these unintended consequences to see where things change.”

Maybe those changes will manifest as subtle attitude shifts. “I do think that this whole experience has brought to the forefront the importance of having these wild or semi-wild open spaces that we can all enjoy together,” Wittenborn says. “It’s gotten a lot of people to stop and really pay attention to what’s going on outside their windows. Seeing flowers bloom they’ve never noticed before, watching birds, whatever it is. I think people are much more in tune with the natural world right now. Because we’ve slowed down, and we have a chance to just observe.”

 

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News

A Ramadan like none before: Local Muslims adapt to a holiday under quarantine

 

Coping with coronavirus is hard even when you’re surrounded by all your favorite creature comforts. And observing Ramadan, the month-long Islamic holiday that includes fasting during daylight hours, is an arduous task even when there isn’t a pandemic sweeping the globe. This year, the two have coincided. Ramadan began on April 23, and local observers have had to adapt to a holiday altered by a pandemic.

“What’s different is that at the end of Ramadan we’ll have a celebration called Eid, where a whole bunch of people come together and eat together,” says Charlottesville High School junior Abdellatif Yahya. “But we can’t do that because, you know, the coronavirus thing, six feet apart. It’ll just be us, my family.”

Yahya lives in town with his parents and three younger siblings, but he was born in Cairo. His immediate family came to the U.S. in 2006, and his extended relatives live in their homeland, Sudan. Yahya is one of a number of refugee students in Charlottesville who are juggling not just the holiday and the pandemic but also the college admissions process.

“Some of these students are Muslim, and they also have kind of said, ‘because we’re fasting, it might be hard to keep up with my homework, it might be hard to stay in touch with my teachers,’” says Rebecca Hill, the acting executive director of the Better Future Foundation, which provides counseling to students like Yahya. 

Yahya, though, is an experienced faster. “[The] first time, your stomach feels weird. But the next day your stomach gets used to it. Your body knows that you’re not going to eat anything until this particular hour,” he says. 

Now, with schools closed, he’s staying busy studying for the AP U.S. history test and teaching himself how to code—and observing the holiday with his family.

“Ramadan is when Muslims they say that hell’s gates are closed, and it’s the time to read the Quran and give charity, and do good,” says Yahya.

That charitable spirit has animated the Islamic Society of Central Virginia, Charlottesville’s masjid, or temple. During a normal Ramadan, the community breaks fast together at the mosque a few times a week, with a festive catered meal, says Mohammad Halaibeh, the society’s outreach secretary. With large gatherings outlawed, that’s not possible. 

“We estimate a decent number of community members have been affected by the COVID situation,” Halaibeh says. “What we’re going to do starting this week is buy food in bulk—meat, chicken, oil, dates—and make boxes and distribute these boxes to families in need.”

The ban on gatherings disrupts other important elements of the holiday, too. “One of the hallmarks of Ramadan is the night prayer,” Halaibeh says, when people gather in the mosque after the evening meal.

While other religious traditions, from Passover Seders to Easter Sunday services, have been held online this year, the Islamic Society’s night prayer won’t be streamed. 

“In Islam, you can’t just hold a prayer service over the internet,” Halaibeh says. The idea is that “you can always pray by yourself, so you don’t need internet to do it.” 

“People have been praying in their homes,” says Halaibeh, a radiologist by trade. “Obviously it’s not the same as being in the mosque or the masjid, and seeing other people. It’s like watching a soccer game on TV [versus] being at the stadium.”

Still, the notion that some things can’t, and indeed shouldn’t, be replaced with a Zoom meeting might feel refreshing. “You don’t have to hold prayers in the masjid for them to be valid,” Halaibeh says. “They are valid anywhere you pray them.”

 

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News

Furloughed future: In time of turmoil, Daily Progress staffers lean on new union

 

Local newspapers faced an uncertain future even before coronavirus ground life as we know it to a halt. Now, with events canceled and commerce limping along, advertising revenue has cratered and the industry is in crisis. Over the past month, weeklies and dailies around the country have paused operations or gone dark completely.

The Daily Progress has been around since 1892, but coronavirus presents an unprecedented challenge. To help cut costs, the Progress’ corporate ownership has mandated that everyone take an unpaid two-week furlough in the next two months, and some fear worse is still to come.

But Progress staffers have a new force in their corner that might help them weather the storm: The Blue Ridge NewsGuild, their newsroom’s union. The newsroom announced its intention to organize in October, and contract negotiations with the paper’s corporate owners, Lee Enterprises, concluded last week.

Allison Wrabel, the Progress’ county government reporter and the secretary of the union, says that readers will notice the absence of furloughed staff. “I purposely put my furlough weeks on weeks when there aren’t big [county government] meetings. Those will go uncovered if something happens,” she says.

“That’s the price of furloughing employees during a pandemic,” says Katherine Knott, the Progress’ education reporter and the unit chair of the union. “The only thing you get is less.”

The virus crisis raises the stakes for the Progress’ new collective bargaining team. The unionization effort started in earnest in early 2019, when Progress staffers watched as BuzzFeed cut 15 percent of its staff and local newspapers continued to disappear.

“You don’t want to wait for the layoffs, because you’ve missed your chance,” says Knott. “We were trying to be proactive, because we knew changes were coming.”

The Progress isn’t the only paper taking such steps. Its union is part of NewsGuild, a larger union of journalists and communication workers. Jon Schleuss, the president of NewsGuild, says that 2,900 workers have voted to join the organization since the beginning of 2018, a record-breaking new influx.

Schleuss says that the uncertain future of the industry is the main driver of this new organizing, but adds that unions and journalists are a natural fit for each other: Both unions and journalists seek to “protect the work, and have a voice, and hold your own institution accountable,” he says.

“In some cases, we’ve got chains or managers or companies that just take advantage of people,” Schleuss says.

The Daily Progress, once family-owned, is now controlled by Lee Enterprises, an Iowa-based media conglomerate that publishes 46 different daily papers in 21 states. Consolidation of media is a national trend —25 companies own two-thirds of all daily newspapers in the country, according to the University of North Carolina’s Hussman School of Journalism and Media.

The Blue Ridge NewsGuild’s website notes that Lee fired 42 percent of its employees between 2012 and 2017. The Progress has been understaffed for months—since October, the newsroom has been short a copy editor, a designated UVA reporter, and a sports reporter.

Lee Enterprises’ first contract offer was an eight-page document that said “we’re gonna do whatever we want, move on,” says Knott. After months of negotiation, the final contract is 28 pages, and includes a variety of new guarantees for Progress newsroom staffers.

The union’s biggest win was a salary scale adjustment for its members. The newsroom’s lowest salary is now $34,500, up from $31,900. Those who have worked at the Progress for 20 years will make at least $48,500. Even with these improvements, the salary for 20-year veterans is still around $4,000 lower than the national median earnings for people with a college degree.

“The paper has made big jumps towards paying its employees a decent wage—I won’t say fair, but it’s a little bit more reasonable,” Knott says.

The union was forced to compromise on a number of key points, however. The union asked for 60 days notice for any newsroom layoffs, which Lee negotiated down to 14 days. That’s better than the current policy, though. “No one’s going to be met at the door with a box of their stuff, which is what they’ve done before,” says Knott.

Lee also squeezed in a clause that allows the company to relocate the Progress’ design desk and copyediting positions to a central hub in the Midwest. If the company exercises that option, the Charlottesville office would lose at least four jobs.

These negotiations reveal the fundamental friction that exists between local newspapers and their corporate owners.

“They’re beholden to shareholders,” Wrabel says.

“We’re beholden to the community,” Knott says.

“Our mission is to be the paper of record for this time,” Knott says, not to pad anyone’s bottom line. “You want to get the quotes about how people are living, because people are going to pull out your clips 20 years from now, for the 20-years-from-the-pandemic stories.”

For staffers staring down the barrel of weeks without pay, even the modest new raises can make a real difference. There are other benefits to membership, too—the union has been holding Zoom happy hours over the last few weeks. Still, the leadership isn’t upbeat about local media’s prospects during this pandemic.

“I think we’re fortunate we [unionized] in October,” says Knott. “Now we’re positioned, better than ever, to be there for each other, and harness our collective power. Even if that just means making sure everyone knows how to file for unemployment.”