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Branching out

In 2004, Charlottesville’s tree canopy covered 50 percent of the city. In 2018, it covered just 40 percent of the city—meaning the city has lost one-fifth of its total tree cover. Eleven of Charlottesville’s 18 neighborhoods—including North Downtown, Woolen Mills, Belmont, Martha Jefferson, and Fifeville—now have below 40 percent canopy cover, according to the city Tree Commission’s latest annual report.

That has real effects on the people who live in town. “Low canopy neighborhood means that there’s more space that has no shade and therefore more solar radiation coming down, hitting the pavement, pavement heats up, and then you have these heat-island effects,” explains commission vice-chair Jeffrey Aten.

With very few trees nearby to absorb sunlight, low canopy-neighborhoods experience much higher temperatures, making it harder to breathe. Heat can also worsen diabetes, high blood pressure, obesity, stress, and mental health issues. The effects aren’t evenly spread. Thanks to racist redlining practices, historically Black neighborhoods Starr Hill and 10th & Page have below 20 percent tree canopy—making them up to 30 degrees hotter than their higher-canopy counterparts, and bringing higher energy bills in the summer.

“We’re anticipating that if the trends that were from 2004 to 2018 continue into these next few years…we’ll continue to see that drop in canopy,” says Aten. The current canopy is estimated to be around 35 percent.

The commission’s goal is to have at least 50 percent average tree canopy across the city, with each neighborhood having at least 30 percent canopy.

Development is the main factor behind the tree loss, the commission says. As the city continues to build new housing for its growing population, more and more trees—often with large canopies—are cut down, and never replaced. Storms, like January’s massive snowstorm, can bring down tons of trees, too. Then there’s the emerald ash borer, an invasive beetle that feeds on and lays its eggs in the bark of ash trees, ultimately killing the tree. Over the past few years, Charlottesville Parks & Rec has treated 30 of the city’s important ash trees, but will need to remove about 300 over the next five years.

The Tree Commission hopes to see more investment in the canopy. Lack of funding means the city has not met its annual goal of planting 200 trees for five years in a row. Last year, it only planted 23 trees, mainly in parks and public right-of-ways. And over the past five years, it’s planted an average of 108 per year.

The city manager’s proposed FY23 budget includes $75,000 for tree planting and $105,000 for removing ash trees. The commission hopes the final budget will allocate at least $100,000 for planting.

Some community members are taking the problem into their own hands. Last year, the Tree Commission and Charlottesville Area Tree Stewards—in partnership with City of Promise—founded ReLeaf Cville to educate homeowners on the importance of tree canopy, and provide them with free trees. Since the fall, the volunteer group has planted 14 trees in 10th & Page. This month, the city’s utilities department—in partnership with the Arbor Day Foundation—is also providing 200 free trees to customers.

For future developments, the commission hopes the city will increase tree requirements, and require builders to pay fines for removing or damaging public trees. “We want the [city zoning rewrite] to be a much stronger document, and require more new trees, protection of our existing trees, and enforcement if a developer damages a tree,” says commission chair Peggy Van Yahres.

The commission also encourages the city to create a natural resources manager position in the Neighborhood Development Services department.

“They just would be able to give the Planning Commission or staff certain environmental assessments as these projects are developed,” says Van Yahres, “[so] it becomes a part of the decision making—it’s not an afterthought.”

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Molten bronze

For nearly a century, Charlottesville’s Robert E. Lee statue—erected during the Jim Crow era, in the heyday of the Ku Klux Klan—towered above the park at the city’s center, signaling to Black residents that they were not wanted downtown. After years of court battles and a deadly white supremacist rally, the city removed the racist monument last summer and donated it to the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center, which plans to melt down the statue and use the bronze to create a new public artwork, one that is welcoming and inclusive of the entire community.

On Saturday, the Jefferson School kicked off the innovative project, titled Swords Into Plowshares, hosting its first community engagement session at the museum. More than 50 community members attended the event, and dozens more tuned in on Zoom. 

“We’re not looking for the representation of the Black body to replace the object. We’re looking for the representation of Charlottesville and how Charlottesville deals with its own needs towards healing,” said Andrea Douglas, executive director of the Jefferson School. “Something happened to us. Something has been happening to us. So how do we channel all of that energy?” 

Jalane Schmidt, a member of the project’s steering committee, showed attendees a slideshow of various memorials, and discussed the feelings they conjure in the viewer. While some, like the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, may make visitors feel mournful or somber, others, like the Montgomery Civil Rights Memorial, are focused on inspiring guests to think deeply and reflect upon Black history. “What does it mean to incorporate everybody and express our values in our public spaces?” she asked.

Douglas explained that the new artwork does not have to be limited to the melted bronze, and could be made of a variety of other materials. It could also include several objects, and be installed at multiple locations around the city. “We have no boundaries,” she said.

Schmidt pointed to the University of Virginia’s Memorial to Enslaved Laborers as proof that “thinking out loud and thinking together” can yield positive results. The memorial came to fruition through a robust community engagement process, including surveys and public forums for students, staff, faculty, alumni, local residents, and descendants of enslaved laborers. 

Project participants were later asked to divide into small groups, and discuss their aspirations for the artwork, using a provided list of questions. In one group, Paola Christy shared some of the difficulties she’s faced raising a biracial child in Charlottesville, and emphasized the need for more representation and spaces for children of color. Her teenage daughter, Zaharra Colla, added that many places in Charlottesville are unwelcoming. “It’s not always about the place—but the people,” she said.

The group agreed that the project should focus on the city’s Black history, such as the 1964 destruction of Vinegar Hill, which was home to many of the city’s Black-owned businesses. Christy suggested the art installation include an interactive model of Vinegar Hill, which might make it easier for young people to engage with and understand the history, as well as inspire them to pursue entrepreneurship and other important careers.

Colla agreed the artwork should be interactive and educational, as well as bring the community together and foster mutual respect and appreciation. “The future is my generation and what’s being put into our mind,” she added.

Representatives from each small group later shared the ideas they had discussed. Several emphasized the importance of the artwork honoring the city’s Black history and residents rather than attempting to assuage white people’s guilt. “These public places used to be Black neighborhoods,” said one attendee.

Many groups shared that the project should be safe and accessible to all, and engage a variety of age groups, by, say, including doors visitors can walk through. One suggested the artwork have a playful or whimsical feel, completely transforming the hateful energy of the Lee statue. 

When the statue was first awarded to the Jefferson School, a group that lost out on the bidding filed a letter of protest and then a lawsuit against the city. The group, represented by the same lawyers who sued to keep the Confederate statues up, alleged that the statue-awarding process had been conducted improperly. But the Jefferson School is moving forward with its project. 

After hosting engagement sessions throughout the spring and summer, the Jefferson School plans to compile the community’s input into a guiding document this fall. In the winter, it will issue a request for proposals, requiring interested artists to attend public forums and engage with the community. The organizers hope the new public artwork will be completed and offered to the city by 2026.

“Our goal at the end of it is to create something so representative that when we offer it to Charlottesville, they’ll say yes,” said Douglas. 

Douglas encouraged participants to get more community members involved, and complete the survey on the Swords Into Plowshares website. The Jefferson School is also working to raise money for the costly project, and recruit ambassadors to get the word out. 

The next community engagement session will be held in May. 

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Get online

For years, some Albemarle County residents have lacked adequate access to high-speed internet. CenturyLink customers continue to experience broadband and telephone outages, sometimes lasting for days or even weeks. And for many residents, CenturyLink is their only option.

But for some, better internet and phone service is on the way. Thanks to the 2021 Virginia Telecommunications Initiative, the Albemarle Broadband Authority—in partnership with CenturyLink—received a $2.3 million state grant last year to bring fiber broadband to more than 1,000 homes and businesses in the county.

“In this project we are addressing accessibility. We’re taking sub-broadband speeds and bringing them up to fiber speeds,” said Albemarle Broadband Program Manager Jason Inofuentes during a webinar on the initiative last week.

In recent years, expanding broadband access has been a priority for Albemarle. The county’s  Broadband Accessibility and Affordability Office was created in 2021 to move forward with those goals, and the county expects to achieve universal internet access by 2025. State investment like the Virginia Telecommunications Initiative will help.

On March 31, Tilman Road, Meriweather Hill, and Snow Hill Lane residents will be able to order the fiber optic service on Q.com, or by calling Quantum Fiber. It will take two to three weeks to set up the service.

“What that launch date represents is that the path for the fiber along the road, in front of your house, through your neighborhood—it’s done,” said Inofuentes. “That is when somebody can string another piece of fiber, connect to this, and service is ready to go.”

Quantum currently offers speeds of up to 200 megabits per second and 940 megabits per second, costing $49 a month and $65 a month, respectively. Up to around 650 feet of fiber is available to residents for free. Those who need additional fiber can pay around $1.55 per foot.

“A lot of homes get covered under that 650 feet,” said Trish Stipanovich, CenturyLink’s Virginia field operations manager. “There are some larger lots that will have that extended [drop]…but you will be given an option on whether you want to proceed [or] not.”

The new fiber optic service first launched on Jones Mill Road and at Old Garth Heights in January. Over the next seven months, service is expected to expand to Gilbert Station Road, Advance Mill, Fray Road, Milton Hills, Box Holly Lane, Taylor’s Gap Road, Campbell Road, Cobham (Keswick), and Stony Point Road.

Before installing the fiber optic cables, Quantum will send a technician to each customer’s house to measure the amount of footage needed for the property. Miss Utility will then locate and mark the public utilities on the land, like electric and gas lines. 

“If you do have private utilities on your land, such as electric fences, private wells, and propane lines, you are responsible for contacting Miss Utility 811 to have those utilities located…so that the 811 that we do for the [public] utilities we locate are done in concert with whatever utilities you may have,” said Stipanovich. “When the droppers come, they will be able to see all of the markings.”

Stipanovich encouraged residents to check if service will be available in their neighborhood. Those who live outside of the service area can let Quantum know they are still interested in ordering fiber optic, and provide their contact information on the project’s website. “We’ll connect with you when we have more information,” she said.

CenturyLink plans to share more updates on the project next month. Questions can be directed to ABBA at (434) 296-5891 or baao@albemarle.org. 

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Pulling weeds

Virginia’s Republican-controlled House has killed a bill that would have allowed marijuana sales to begin ahead of schedule. The Democrat-controlled Senate passed the bill last month, but some advocates criticized elements of the legislation. 

Virginia legalized marijuana in 2021, but the laws surrounding the drug are hazy. While everyone 21 and over can legally possess up to one ounce of marijuana and grow up to four plants at home, it will not be legal to sell it until January 1, 2024. And it is against the law to bring marijuana home from other states where it is legally sold.

To speed up the legalization timeline, the state Senate passed a bill that would allow licensed medical dispensaries, as well as 10 industrial hemp processors, to begin selling recreational weed on September 15—but would prohibit other retailers from selling the drug until 2024. Democrats argued that the early sales would help curb the black market and fund loans for future social-equity retailers. However, the Republican-controlled House of Delegates voted down the controversial bill in a subcommittee this week, claiming it needed more time to study the issue and get the law right. 

Some advocacy groups had rallied against the Senate bill, accusing lawmakers of giving corporations an unfair advantage and hurting efforts toward social equity.

“This is legislating a monopoly that will keep out small businesses and keep enforcement high for marginalized communities,” says Chelsea Higgs Wise, executive director of Marijuana Justice. 

The Senate bill would have required large medical marijuana companies to “incubate” at least five qualified social equity applicants for six months, but such programs have been unsuccessful in other states, argues Higgs Wise. For example, none of the marijuana companies licensed by Illinois’ social equity program have opened since the state legalized the drug in 2019.

Limited early sales could also fuel—not weaken—the black market, argues Higgs Wise. In the five years since California has legalized recreational weed, the majority of sales still occur underground.

“[Data shows] that the informal market will actually increase when we create a limited, inaccessible market…And will only provide law enforcement with more validation to target Black and brown communities,” she explains.

David Treccariche, owner of downtown CBD dispensary Skooma, is relieved that large corporations will not get a head start on selling legal weed this year.

“I’m glad we didn’t start off by allowing these private equity, out-of-state players to get involved. Virginia farmers, local businesses, and hopefully those who have been incarcerated against this should get first rights, not private corporations,” he says. “Of course we want [sales] tomorrow, but we’ve got to be realistic.”

However, some marijuana activists supported the bill because it provided a way for consumers to purchase legal and safe marijuana earlier than 2024.

“We’re pleased that there is bipartisan support for expediting retail access,” says JM Pedini, executive director of Virginia NORML. “As passed in the Senate, [the bill] largely addressed our concerns.”

Republicans do not plan to discuss the legalization timeline again until next year. Activists remain concerned about the continued criminalization of marijuana. 

Higgs Wise says anyone in prison for marijuana should automatically be resentenced, which was not part of the Senate bill. “If you are in prison for marijuana only, then you get an automatic hearing in your locality where you were sentenced. But [the bill didn’t guarantee] an automatic release or resentence, which we think is part of injustice…We have to actually get people out and get people home.”

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Moving forward

For decades, local governments were prohibited from allowing their employees to unionize in Virginia. Since the General Assembly lifted this ban last year, Charlottesville’s firefighters, bus drivers, and teachers have urged City Council to pass an ordinance allowing collective bargaining for city employees. Though the councilors adopted a resolution last summer allowing former city manager Chip Boyles to draft an ordinance, Boyles’ resignation brought the process to a halt last fall. Frustrated with a lack of action, the Amalgamated Transit Union—representing Charlottesville Area Transit employees—proposed an ordinance to council in October.

Last week, council unanimously rejected the ATU ordinance, citing the city’s lack of research and preparation on the topic. Instead, councilors voted to allocate $625,000 to hire a consultant to draft a collective bargaining agreement in collaboration with city leadership.

Unlike other states, Virginia has yet to set up a statewide labor relations entity, which could provide guidance to municipalities as they draft collective bargaining ordinances, stressed Interim City Manager Michael Rogers. So far, only the City of Alexandria and Loudoun County have passed such ordinances.

“We are faced with the challenge of stepping forward without the pathway being clearly defined,” said Rogers. “We need some time here to put the infrastructure in place, so we can step out on our best foot and move forward with a collective bargaining infrastructure that will be beneficial to the employees, their representation, and to the city.”

Mayor Lloyd Snook reminded CAT employees that their ordinance would not get thrown “in the trash can,” and would be used as a framework. 

“I’m not in a position to say if this ordinance that’s been proposed to us is a good ordinance or bad ordinance—but it is something that folks who do know this sort of stuff would look at and say, ‘let’s consider that along with some other ideas,’” said Snook. 

The city plans to hire a consultant within 45 days. The consultant will aim to bring “a workable framework” to council in 90 days, said Rogers. 

Council will formally approve the allocation at its next meeting. In the coming weeks, Rogers will also propose his FY23 budget, which will include funding for additional collective bargaining staff.

In addition, councilors discussed bus drivers’ request to hold meetings inside CAT facilities during non-working hours. CAT Director Garland Williams told the drivers they needed permission from the city to do that, explained ATU representative John Ertl during public comment. 

Rogers suggested the city wait to respond to that request until it has “established this collective bargaining structure.” However, “we could make some accommodation for employees to meet off site—not at the worksite—to discuss among themselves what they need,” he said.

Meanwhile, local teachers are ramping up their collective bargaining efforts. Charlottesville organizers have talked with the majority of licensed professional staff in the district about unionizing, and plan to launch a union authorization card campaign this month. They hope to have enough support to get the city school board to pass a collective bargaining resolution before summer break, according to Charlottesville Education Association President Jessica Taylor.

In Albemarle County, teachers and staff have already started signing authorization cards, and have overall shown “a lot of great support so far at pretty much every site” for the union fight, says Albemarle Education Association President Vernon Liechti.

“We want to make sure that people who are on the frontlines are able to help our elected bodies make these jobs better,” adds Liechti. 

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Helping hand

After being released from prison, Hines Washington started a moving business—Hines’s Family Movers. As his business grew, Washington needed office space, but he couldn’t afford it. And, as a recently incarcerated individual, he found it difficult to secure a loan. 

Washington turned to the Fountain Fund, a local nonprofit dedicated to giving low-interest consumer, vehicle, and business loans to formerly incarcerated individuals in Charlottesville and surrounding counties. 

“When I came to the Fountain Fund, their arms were open,” says Washington. “They didn’t question what I did, how long I was locked up, or anything. When people come home from being incarcerated, all we want is an opportunity.”

Over the past year, Washington has also used loans from the fund to buy a new moving truck, as well as buses for his new second business, Hines’s Entertainment and Tours. 

The Fountain Fund reached a milestone this year: It has distributed more than $1 million in loans to 200 formerly incarcerated individuals since 2017. Formerly incarcerated people also sit on the fund’s board, staff, and loan review committee, directly steering its programs and policies. It is currently the only nonprofit in the country that offers formerly incarcerated individuals access to capital.

The organization hopes to depress the area’s recidivism rate. Around the country, two-thirds of incarcerated people are arrested again within three years of their release. And locally, one in three people booked at the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail between 2012 and 2016 returned to custody within those four years. 

“If you go anywhere else [for a loan], there’s 24 to 35 percent interest—that’s really killing people,” explains Martize Tolbert, who was one of the organization’s first loan recipients and now serves as its community engagement director. “Individuals seek out the Fountain Fund because they can’t go to traditional banks, and because of the relationship and mutuality that we have. And our 3 to 5 percent interest helps as well.”

“The money that comes in here gets recycled to somebody else,” he adds. “Our operational costs are run by funders and donors.”

The fund’s model has largely proven to be a success—85 percent of its loans are currently in good standing. Most clients have significantly improved their credit scores and their financial literacy.

“We understand that we’re going to take some losses [due to] people’s behavior and different things, but it’s not even about that with us,” says Tolbert. “We’re lending and selling hope.”

The Fountain Fund is one of a handful of organizations in Charlottesville dedicated to assisting people after they’ve been incarcerated. The Charlottesville Area Community ID Program helps recently released individuals secure photo identification, and the City of Charlottesville runs a program called Home to Hope, which connects people with clothing vouchers, hygiene necessities, and other resources.

In addition to loans, the Fountain Fund runs a peer mentorship program, which partners veteran clients with new ones, as well as an emergency assistance program for all clients. Tolbert also regularly visits local jails to teach wellness and recovery classes to incarcerated individuals. This year, the nonprofit will expand its service area to Richmond, as well as open a satellite office—in partnership with The First 72+, which offers reentry services—in New Orleans. 

“We all know addiction and all these different behaviors are non-linear, so people are going to struggle going up, and they may even fall back off to go back up—but that support is crucial,” says Tolbert. “To have someone believe in you, that has been there through the things that you’ve been through, is everything.”

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Burned out

In January, the highly contagious omicron variant brought coronavirus cases to an all-time high in the Charlottesville area. The Blue Ridge Health District reported over 11,000 new cases and nearly 200 hospitalizations—the largest surge since the pandemic started in February 2020.

Over the past few weeks, cases and hospitalizations have significantly declined. On February 13, the health district reported just six new cases. However, UVA Health employees continue to reel from the surge, which heaped additional stress upon the hospital’s limited staff.

“On my days off in January, every day it seemed like I was getting a text from work, [saying] ‘hey do you want to come and pick up, because we’re running close,’” says a UVA nurse, who wishes to remain anonymous out of fear of retaliation. “It was that way all over the hospital.”

Last month, the hospital admitted over 100 coronavirus patients. Many nurses contracted the virus and had to quarantine at home, worsening the hospital’s staffing crisis.

“We started to see more patients who maybe weren’t in the hospital for COVID necessarily, but we later found out they were COVID positive,” says the nurse. “You have to put them on special isolation precautions, which makes them much more labor intensive to take care of.”

Over the course of the pandemic, intense burnout and exhaustion has led numerous health care workers to call it quits. Some units have lost all of their core staff, and are completely reliant on travel nurses, claims the nurse.

According to UVA Health spokesman Eric Swensen, about 21 percent of hospital staff—including nearly 25 percent of nurses—turned over last year. To recruit more employees, the hospital has ramped up its partnerships with nursing schools across the country, as well as developed paid training programs for various positions, like pharmacy technicians. From August to January, the hospital has hired 865 new employees.

This month, the health system received over $2 million in federal funding to expand its peer support program, designed to reduce burnout and stress, and promote mental wellness. The program, Wisdom & Wellbeing, trains employees to identify and address stressors in themselves and their co-workers, and connects them with helpful resources, including exercise classes, nutrition services, and professional counseling, explains program co-creator Dr. Richard Westphal.

“If we can recognize when we have a co-worker who has a potential stress-related illness, how do we help them get connected with professional help early?” says Westphal. “We all know that the earlier that someone engages with therapy and professional services when they have the emerging symptoms of a mental disorder, the better the outcomes.”

Though the nurse believes the wellness program is “well-intentioned,” he thinks the hospital should pay employees better. Last fall, the health system announced it planned to spend more than $30 million this fiscal year on long-awaited wage increases. He’d also like to see employees have more decision-making power.

“Make our wages competitive with travelers—that’s what would make us feel appreciated,” he says.

To keep coronavirus cases down—and reduce the heavy burden on health care workers—community members are encouraged to get vaccinated, wear N95 masks, and social distance. Immunocompromised individuals are now eligible to receive a fourth dose of the coronavirus vaccine three months after their third dose. 

“If you know a health care worker, just stay in touch with them and see how they’re doing,” says the nurse.

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Cops (not) out

After protests over police brutality rocked the nation in the summer of 2020, both Charlottesville and Albemarle ended their school resource officer programs. The districts replaced the officers with care and safety assistants, unarmed adults tasked with building relationships with students, monitoring hallways, de-escalating conflicts, addressing mental health concerns, assisting with security issues, and upholding the school’s code of conduct.

Since those changes went into effect, the presence of school resource officers has become yet another flash point in Virginia politicians’ war over the state’s education system. Republicans, who swept to victory in 2021’s elections in part by campaigning on education issues, have since proposed bills that would require every public elementary and secondary school to have one school resource officer on duty. It’s among the many GOP initiatives that aim to undo changes made in the state in the last few years (p. 17).  

Governor Glenn Youngkin has voiced his support for the initiative, and promised $50 million in state funding for SROs over the next two years. A House of Delegates bill requiring resource officers in middle and high schools passed the House education committee 12-10 this week. The state Senate, which Dems control 21-19, remains in the way of Republicans passing whatever laws they want, and defeated its version of the bill in the Senate education committee. Still, community activists who advocated for the removal of resource officers warn against the consequences of continued GOP pressure on this front.  

“Since the advent of school resource officers…we’ve seen how young people get tangled up not just in one spider web of school discipline structures, but in two spiderwebs at the same time when we bring law enforcement into the equation,” says Amy Woolard, policy director for the Legal Aid Justice Center. “A lot of our clients were facing having to fight their suspensions for certain behaviors at the same time they were fighting essentially criminal charges.” 

A 2018 report from The New York Times indicated that in Charlottesville, Black children are five times as likely to be suspended from school as white children. “Students of color are more likely to go to a school with a police officer, more likely to be referred to law enforcement, and more likely to be arrested at school,” concluded a 2016 report from the ACLU. “Nationally, Black students are more than twice as likely as their white classmates to be referred to law enforcement.” 

Parent Lara Harrison of the Hate-Free Schools Coalition of Albemarle County points to the troubled history of SRO programs. Beginning in the 1960s and ’70s, several major cities began putting police into schools in response to Black and Latino student protests against racism. “The U.S. has a history of using policing to squash dissent from BIPOC people and to keep targeted groups in a constant state of fear and intimidation,” she says.

The ACLU’s research also concludes that SROs do not prevent school shootings, which has been cited as justification for their increased presence since the 1990s. Instead, SROs are more likely to inflict violence upon students of color and disabled students. Numerous videos showing police detaining, assaulting, and injuring students—as young as kindergarteners—have gone viral on social media in recent years.

“I have seen more than one video of a child being slammed to the ground,” says Christa Bennett, who has two daughters who attend city schools. “The risk of that happening in our schools outweighs the potential benefit that if police were in a situation where there is violence, they would be able to stop it—and as a whole there’s no evidence that having police in schools does that.”

In turn, SROs can create a tense learning environment for students, and make them feel unsafe. “Exposure to police surges significantly reduced test scores for African American boys, consistent with their greater exposure to policing,” says one recent study from education professors at Harvard and Columbia. 

Charlottesville School Board chair Lisa Larson-Torres says the district’s new safety program has been “going great,” and she does not want the board to be forced to end it. She believes every school division should be able to choose its own safety model.“There have been fewer fights at Charlottesville High School than during most years prior to the new model,” says Larson-Torres. 

Instead of SROs, schools should invest in hiring coaches, mentors, counselors, and other support staff, especially as students continue to recover from trauma caused by the pandemic, says Woolard. “We should be first looking to fully fund the positions we already need.” 

The state must also work to address inequities outside the classroom, which are often the root cause of student misbehavior, adds activist Ang Conn of Charlottesville Beyond Policing.

“We have not provided enough funding to vital aspects of growth and development: proper housing, proper mental health care, food resources for families,” says Conn. “They go after youth who are the products of these [inequities].” 

Bennett encourages community members to let the Charlottesville School Board know they do not want SROs to return to city schools, and to get involved in local advocacy groups, like the newly established Charlottesville United for Public Education.

“It’s important for white parents to speak out about this and use our privilege to say that this is not something that we support,” says Bennett. 

If the proposed law is passed, Bennett hopes the city school board will use its utmost discretion when creating a new contract with the Charlottesville Police Department. Meanwhile, Harrison urges the county school board to do all that it can to preserve its new safety program.

“ACPS must use all resources available to keep police out of all schools—whether it be in the courtroom or at the legislative level,” adds Harrison. 

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Limited choices

Between about 1944 and 1953, Mable Wall Jones was a major figure in the lives of Emily Abel and Margaret Nelson. In addition to cooking and cleaning for their family, Jones cared for the sisters and their three siblings at their home in New York. Until one day, she left.

“We didn’t know much about her,” remembers Abel, a professor at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health. “We remembered her, and we really wanted to know what happened in her life after she left.”

“We wanted to honor her, show that she had been important to us, and that altogether she was an important person,” adds Nelson, a sociology professor at Middlebury College. So the two decided to trace Jones’ story, and write a book about her life.

In Limited Choices: Mable Jones, a Black Children’s Nurse in a Northern White Household, Abel and Nelson piece together Jones’ story, drawing from their childhood memories, discussions with Jones’ descendants, and an interview Jones did with the Ridge Street Oral History Project in 1995. The book shows how Jones negotiated life as a domestic laborer—a job held by the majority of Black women during the 20th century—in both the South and the North, as well as highlights her strong relationships with her family and her impact on Charlottesville’s Black community.

According to her 1995 interview, Jones was born in Gordonsville, Virginia, in 1909. As a teenager, she moved to Charlottesville and attended the Jefferson School, but in eighth grade she had to leave school to help her widowed single mother support her and her four siblings. When Jones was 20, she married James Jones and they had two sons.

Nelson and Abel’s mother hired Jones to care for the family in Washington, D.C., in the mid-’40s. When the family moved to the affluent white suburb of Larchmont, New York, Jones accompanied them. To spend time with her own children, Jones regularly traveled back and forth between Charlottesville and New York, until she stopped working for the family in 1953.

In addition to the oral history interview, Nelson and Abel pieced together Jones’ story through interviews with her descendants, as well as one of her friends and her pastor. The sisters also received help from Gordonsville-based research group One Shared Story, and Charlottesville civil rights activist Eugene Williams, who grew up in the same neighborhood as Jones.

Dr. Andrea Douglas, executive director of the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center, says she appreciates the book’s focus on Black migration and Black labor after emancipation. For many Black people, the North offered little more opportunity than the South.

“You often hear about the idea of migration, and the reasons why people were leaving the South, but you very rarely, especially in this region in particular, understand what the lives of people in the North were,” says Douglas, who wrote the book’s foreword.

“How do we understand a much more national conversation, than just simply limit it to the idea that Black folks moved north as a consequence of violence?” she adds.

After leaving New York in 1953, Jones moved back to Charlottesville. In 1957, she moved with her mother to Ridge Street, and stayed there until 1994, when a tree fell on her house and it had to be demolished. Jones passed away in 1995.

Abel and Nelson hope Jones’ story will not only help readers understand the struggles Black domestic workers faced in the past, but also how they continue to be exploited today.

“We hope that domestic workers get paid better, are recognized, and are supported more,” says Abel. “They do such invaluable work.”

The Jefferson School will host a virtual discussion about Limited Choices with Abel and Nelson on February 5 at 2pm.

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Out of control

For nearly two years, the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail has been hit hard by the pandemic. While the virus shakes up life outside the jail’s walls, those incarcerated at ACRJ have reported poor COVID containment procedures and unhygienic living conditions. Now, with the highly-contagious omicron variant spreading across the country, coronavirus cases have reached an all-time high at the jail.

On January 18, superintendent Martin Kumer reported that 65 incarcerated individuals and 10 staff members had tested positive for the virus. Around 66 percent of the jail population—currently 265 people—have received at least one dose of the vaccine. As of February 1, the ACRJ data on the Blue Ridge Health District’s COVID dashboard had last been updated on January 21, and showed 42 positives among incarcerated people and another six among staff.

“An outbreak this size is not unexpected given the community positivity rate of over 35%,” Kumer wrote in a press release. “Our infection rate typically follows those within the community. We expect our rates to begin to decline as those in the community decline.”

In response to the outbreak, Kumer claimed the jail would continue to put eligible individuals—especially those who are high-risk—on home electronic incarceration, as well as test and quarantine the jail population and staff, require employees to wear masks, offer vaccines and boosters, and limit movement around the jail. The local courts also agreed to delay those scheduled to begin sentences from reporting to the jail for 30 days, he said.

However, multiple incarcerated individuals report that the jail could be doing more to get the outbreak under control. These claims echo reporting from C-VILLE over the last year.

Terrence Winston claims that the flow of employees in and out of the facility, which is short-staffed, is contributing to the spread of the virus. Staff members have also not been wearing masks consistently, he says, possibly causing the outbreak.

“It’s the staff—they’re the ones that keep coming in and out,” Winston says. “And they may be slacking on testing these people who are coming inside of this jail.”

He also says the jail hasn’t provided adequate cleaning supplies. Throughout the pandemic, incarcerated people have reported black mold, bug infestations, dirty vents, standing water, leaky ceilings, and many other sanitary issues in their pods.

“I’ve been in [my pod] for two and a half months, going on three months—we’ve never seen bleach to clean the pods, the showers. The catwalk is disgusting,” says Winston. “We have to sit here and beg for bleach, and don’t get it.”

Allan Via fears COVID will only get worse at the jail if staff does not stop moving people around to different pods. Meanwhile, the jail continues to bring in new people, claims Ty Gregory.

“I was supposed to come off quarantine on the 23rd, but they brought a guy to our block [last week] knowing that he was COVID positive. They brought him in and took him out,” says Via. “They’ll bring somebody in for about two minutes, turn around, and take him out.”

“They’re constantly moving people around,” he adds. “They do not have it under control.”

Following the announcement of the outbreak, Beyond Charlottesville Policing urged the public to contact the jail board, and demand the jail provide hand sanitizer, cleaning supplies, and medical-grade masks, as well as fix the heating outage in Pod GL. During a January 18 City Council meeting, Councilor Sena Magill, a member of the jail board, said the jail no longer had heating issues, but did not plan on distributing masks because “people just haven’t been wearing them.”

Winston claims the jail population wears masks outside their pods, and would appreciate new ones. “We got to put masks on to go to rec, to go out in the hallway to get mail…If you don’t have a mask on, you can’t go nowhere,” he says.

And on top of the outbreak, the heat is still out in some parts of the jail, report multiple incarcerated people. Gregory claims it has been 40 degrees in his pod for several days. “Nothing’s changed,” he says.

During a January 13 jail board meeting, Kumer claimed the jail had restarted in-person programming during the outbreak, focusing on substance abuse, anger management, domestic violence, financial literacy, and other topics. However, Winston says there has yet to be any programming, leaving people at the jail with little to do.

To bring an end to the outbreaks, Via wishes the jail would test staff members regularly, and use more accurate tests. Winston also urges the jail to adopt proper health and safety protocols, and provide the population with sufficient cleaning supplies.

Most importantly, jail leadership must improve their communication, and immediately inform and quarantine people who have been exposed to the virus, say the incarcerated men.

“They don’t tell us nothing at all,” adds Winston. “We just eventually find out.”