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Tuesday, October 12
No such thing as a free ambulance

Many city governments must factor rescue and emergency medical services into annual budgets. Not here in Charlottesville, where the all-volunteer Charlottesville-Albemarle Rescue Squad (CARS) gets the job done with zero tax dollars. CARS is the busiest volunteer squad in the country, having responded to more than 12,000 calls in 2003. Yet the award-winning, 175-member rescue squad operates on a lean $650,000 annual budget. The squad this morning kicked off its 2004 annual fund drive at an event at its McIntire Road headquarters. A buzzer signaling an ambulance’s departure sounded twice during the 30-minute event. Speaking in tribute to the CARS’ efforts was Dan Jordan, president of the Thomas Jefferson Foundation. In addition to mentioning CARS’ frequent dispatches to Monticello, Jordan said the squad’s “miraculously efficient” and speedy rescuers “likely saved” the life of his daughter after she was injured in a serious car accident.

 

Wednesday, October 13
10 years without parole

Attorney General Jerry Kilgore and U.S. Sen. George Allen today held a ceremony to mark the 10th anniversary of Virginia’s abolition of parole. Kilgore’s office touted a dip in violent crime over the last decade as evidence of the policy’s success, citing a 24 percent decrease in the state’s murder rate and 10 percent drop in assaults since 1994. Kilgore also claimed that convicted murderers with serious prior convictions are now serving an average sentence of 32.2 years in prison, up from 14.7 years in 1994. The Washington Post reports that parole proponents also held an event in Richmond, arguing that the demise of parole has little to do with decreasing violent crime, as the trend began before 1994.

 

Thursday, October 14
Jefferson School still up in the air

It’s been more than two years since City Council appointed a task force to decide the fate of the historic Jefferson School on Fourth Street NW. The Jefferson School Task Force has been adamant that the building should “tell the story” of African-Americans in Charlottesville and Albemarle, but they seem to be suffering from writer’s block. In a work session tonight, City Council heard how the Jefferson School could qualify for state and federal tax credits, but Council can’t act because the task force still has not decided how to use the 70,000-square-foot building. The Jefferson-Madison Regional Library is interested in relocating at least some of its operations there, and the task force wants to create some type of “cultural center,” but no further specifics have been decided.

 

Friday, October 15
Not in Geronimo’s backyard

A controversial $120 million telescope in Arizona was officially dedicated in a ceremony today. UVA has a stake in the telescope project, which, though incomplete, will eventually boast the “most technologically advanced ground-based telescope in the world.” With images that are 10 times sharper than those from the Hubble Space Telescope, the Arizona telescope will provide glimpses of distant planets and ancient objects, according to a press release from the University of Arizona. Environmentalists and Native Americans have long protested the telescope, claiming it desecrates a sacred Apache mountain. In a letter to C-VILLE, Robert Witzeman of the Maricopa (AZ) Audubon Society writes: “The Mt. Graham Arizona telescopes are a horror story about the University of Virginia investing millions in a project that circumvents U.S. Native American cultural and religious protection laws and U.S. environmental laws.”

 

Saturday, October 16
Clinic opens to protest

About 150 people lined Hydraulic Road today to protest Planned Parenthood’s new Herbert C. Jones Jr. Reproductive Health and Education Center. The peaceful demonstration had dispersed by the time Alex Sanger—grandson of Planned Parenthood founder Margaret Sanger—spoke at the clinic’s grand opening a few hours later.

 

No more national title talk

The UVA football team collided with reality tonight, and ran into the stifling swarm of the Florida State defense, which held the Cavs to one field goal in a 36-3 loss in Tallahassee.

 

Sunday, October 17
Four more years

Claiming that “one [presidential] ticket represents the mentality of 9/10, the other of 9/12” the Media General-owned Richmond Times-Dispatch today endorsed the re-election of President Bush. In touting Bush’s performance in the days after Sept. 11, 2001, the generally conservative newspaper’s editorial board wrote: “A man few would consider eloquent gave voice to the nation’s strength and abiding goodness.”

 

Monday, October 18
Promptness at the dais

City Council has bumped its start-time up a half hour, meeting at 7pm tonight and in the future. The earlier start and the efforts by Mayor David Brown to curb long-windedness, mean that task-force reports and budget wrangling are less likely to take the meetings past midnight, as has happened in the past.

—Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports.

 

 

First with (not as) local news
Eure family sells WINA, WWWV and WQMZ to broadcast chain

At 10am on Wednesday, October 13, just after Dick Mountjoy and Jane Foy wrapped up their morning broadcast on WINA, Brad Eure gathered the staff from his three local radio stations together in their Rose Hill offices for an announcement. Eure, who was joined by company brass from Saga Communications at the meeting, dropped the bombshell that WINA, WWWV and WQMZ were being sold to Saga, a mid-sized broadcast conglomerate based in the ’burbs of Detroit.

 Eure said his employees took the news with “a little bit of shock.” The news was also a shock to former employees and local radio fans. Would the three local stations, ranked second, fifth and sixth in this market, soon sound just like Saga’s stations in Milwaukee or Des Moines?

 No chance, Eure says.

 Regarding local staff, Eure says, “there’ll be no change.” And despite receiving what was likely a handsome price for his stations—terms of the deal have not yet been released—Eure says he will remain at the helm in Charlottesville. Eure also stressed that Saga is a particularly hands-off company that leaves programming to individual stations. “All the decisions are made locally,” he says.

 “I don’t think you’re going to see any changes in how we deal with the community,” Eure says.

 Though Saga’s press release and Eure’s statements might sound like typical corporate speak after an acquisition, several former employees and broadcasting industry observers saw no reason to doubt Eure’s promise of continuity.

 Denny King, the entrepreneur who is striving to launch WCVL, Channel 9, a local community television station, says Saga is the ideal holding company for Eure’s local radio fiefdom. (Eure continues to own two radio stations in North Carolina.)

 “In the broadcast universe, they are considered to be a very, very high quality broadcast company,” says King, who long worked in the industry, about Saga. “I don’t see any downside.”

 Eure says he was not seeking a buyer and had not talked to any other broadcast companies about a possible sale. He says Saga first began expressing interest in his stations about five years ago.

 “I never thought they’d hit our number but they did,” Eure says, citing his family’s financial considerations for the final decision to sell (the principals in Eure Communications include Eure’s father and brother, also). Once the deal, which is awaiting likely approval by the Federal Communications Commission, closes, Saga will own 86 radio stations and five radio networks in 22 markets. The company also owns five TV stations and three low-power TV stations. Saga’s 2003 total revenue of $121 million puts it far behind Media General ($837 million), which owns The Daily Progress, and Gray Television ($295 million), owner of new local CBS and ABC affiliates.

 Saga will create a subsidiary, Charlottesville Radio Group, to run the three stations. Eure will be the president and general manager of the subsidiary, says Saga CFO Sam Bush. Though Bush says the stations will not be completely autonomous from Saga’s Michigan headquarters, he says the company plans to follow an “if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it” philosophy, adding “those stations are certainly not broken.

 “We don’t come in and start making changes for the sake of making changes,” Bush says.

 Kym McKay was a midday on-air personality on 3WV from 1996 until a month ago, when she left for a station in Winchester. Though she admits she was shocked by news of her former employer’s sale, McKay thinks Eure’s continued post and what she’s heard about Saga’s management style, should protect the quality of the three stations.

 “If it hadn’t been announced in the press, nobody would’ve noticed the difference,” McKay says. “It’s probably going to be a positive move.”

 McKay also cites the employee benefits of working for a large company that can provide retirement plans and stock options—both forthcoming Saga employee perqs that Eure confirms.

  Mike Friend, the general manager of WNRN, says he doesn’t foresee the sale having any impact on his station or on the three local stations’ programming.

 “My assumption until I see otherwise is they’re going to leave well enough alone,” Friend says, but adds, “it’s a shame that there isn’t going to be anymore local commercial media.”

 Though Sarah McConnell, Dick Mountjoy’s co-host on WINA for 20 years and now host of “With Good Reason,” which airs on public radio stations across Virginia, says she can’t speculate on changes Saga might make, she says the acquisition makes her uneasy.

 “It takes years to accumulate professionals like [those working for WINA],” McConnell says. “All that’s put into jeopardy…when it’s not your station, you can’t make the calls.”—Paul Fain, with additional reporting by Cathy Harding

 

Zone of contention
Abortion debate set to go to zoning board

The new Planned Parenthood clinic on Hydraulic Road is an inconspicuous two-storey brick office with a name that sounds innocent enough—The Herbert C. Jones Jr. Reproductive Health and Education Center. Yet the building has stirred such controversy that the normally dry business of County zoning codes has become enflamed with a passionate debate on abortion rights.

 On Tuesday, November 9, the Albemarle Board of Zoning Appeals will consider a challenge to the clinic, which opened on August 4. Renae Townsend, who lives near the clinic in Garden Court Apartments on Hydraulic Road, filed the appeal on August 26. She argued that the clinic is a hospital, and therefore it cannot legally reside on its current site, which is zoned for residential use only.

 In another appeal, filed in September, Townsend argues that the County should have ordered Planned Parenthood to cease operations at the clinic until the Board of Zoning Appeals made a decision on her original appeal.

 A pro-life group called the Central Virginia Family Forum is backing Townsend in her fight against Planned Parenthood. Both groups have been sending e-mails to supporters, hoping to rally large crowds to speak at the November 9 hearing; anticipating a big crowd, the BZA has decided to move the meeting from the small room it usually occupies to the 585-seat auditorium in the County Office Building.

 It’s also unusual for the BZA to hear an appeal on a building that is already built and in use, says County spokeswoman Lee Catlin. Whoever loses the appeal, Catlin says, “We expect that they’ll want to protect their interest and appeal the decision to Circuit Court.”

 Planned Parenthood of the Blue Ridge has established a legal defense fund to pay potential litigation costs.

 The debate centers on how the clinic is used. According to County zoning laws, “professional offices” are allowed in residential areas, and Catlin says “medical offices,” such as optometrists or ob-gyn clinics, fall under that designation. Because Planned Parenthood patients do not stay at the clinic overnight, “our determination is that it is a medical office,” Catlin says.

 The Family Forum, however, argues that the clinic is, in fact, a hospital. “Our whole objection, from the very beginning,” says Tobey Bouch, a board member for CVFF, “is that they don’t comply with the approved use. Calling it an ‘office building’ does not in any way resemble what they’re using it for.”

 “Talk about a detriment to property values,” Bouch continues. “Protestors, threats—that’s what property owners are concerned about.”

 In fact, since the clinic opened nearly three months ago, protests have been limited to the sporadic presence of placard-carrying anti-choice activists along Hydraulic Road.

 The debate stems from the building’s design. For the past few years, conservatives in the General Assembly have tried to pass a series of bills known as the Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP), which would require abortion clinics to have extra-wide hallways, elevators and surgery rooms that meet hospital standards. Planned Parenthood has opposed TRAP, saying it’s a sly attempt to force clinics to either make expensive renovations or close. Although TRAP has not passed yet, it’s been getting increasing support in the General Assembly. Planned Parenthood designed the Charlottesville clinic to meet TRAP standards, in case the laws ever pass.

 “We’re not a hospital, nor do we operate as a hospital,” says Holly Hatcher, Planned Parenthood’s director of statewide organizing.

 As she punches a code into one of the electronic locks that guard every door in the clinic, Hatcher reflects on the irony of the situation. Pro-life activists complaining about the clinic’s hospital features also drive the TRAP legislation that makes the features necessary; the same people who worry about protests have protested at the clinic.

 But Hatcher relishes another irony—a group of Planned Parenthood supporters have agreed to donate money to the group for every protestor who pickets the clinic. Last week, as CVFF was planning to protest at the clinic on Saturday, October 16, Planned Parenthood staff was planning to count the protestors and send their supporters a bill. The money will be mostly used to help low-income women cover the $300 cost for an abortion.

 “It’s kind of poetic,” Hatcher says.—John Borgmeyer

How To: Chart the progress of new Selective Service bills
As of two weeks ago, two companion bills (S 89 and HR 163) that would reinstate a compulsory draft for boys and girls ages 18 to 26 were pending in Congress. This legislation would eliminate higher education as a shelter against service (most university students would be allowed to complete only their current semester when called to duty) and make fleeing to Canada more difficult.

 Democratic congressmen Charles Rangel of New York and Ernest Hollings of South Carolina introduced the measures in 2003 as a way to protest the war and to spotlight how low-income Americans currently shoulder much of the military burden. Republicans accuse Democrats of generating opposition to President Bush by alleging that the President wants the draft re-established after the November election to provide for more troops in Iraq. Various media sources claim that the administration is quietly trying to get these bills passed now, while the public’s attention is focused on the November 2 elections.

 Though the House already killed bill HR 163, keep an eye on this legislation in the Senate. Check www.hslda.org and type S 89 into the search box to view the Home School Legal Defense Association’s tracking of the Senate bill. Or follow the legislation at www.house.gov/rangel/ by typing S 89 in the bill search box. You can also express your views to Senator Hollings at hollings.senate.gov/.

 

Need to know how to do something? E-mail your questions to howto@c-ville.com.

 

Food fright
Supply drops at food banks as demand rises

The sluggish economy has taken an unexpected casualty, namely the Blue Ridge Area Food Bank network, which is experiencing a 14 percent drop in donations compared to this time last year. The operations director, Lyn Hall, says that as of September 30, for a three-month period, the food bank this year had received donations totaling some 787,000 pounds of food, compared to 911,000 pounds of food for the same period last year.

 Blame the economy.

 “Food processors and those in the business of providing food to food banks are, rightly so, looking for ways to increase revenue,” says Blue Ridge Area Food Bank CEO Marty White. “So, they are looking to secondary markets that are paying pennies on the pound as opposed to donating to the nonprofits for nothing.” (Secondary markets include dollar stores or close-out stores, which sell perfectly good items that might not meet the requirements of primary grocery stores.)

 “There’s nothing wrong with that because they’re able to save jobs if they can increase revenue,” White adds. “But at the same time we continue to see the demand for food remain steady and even increase.”

 As a result, Charlottesville’s own Thomas Jefferson Area Food Bank, one of four food banks in the Blue Ridge Area network and which provides food to the city of Charlottesville and the counties of Albemarle, Buckingham, Culpeper, Fluvanna, Greene, Madison, Orange and Rappahannock, has been affected.

 At the same time, says Thomas Jefferson Area Food Bank regional manager Sarah Althoff, there is a surge in demand for food bank services. “An increased need is happening because working families are struggling to make ends meet. A big part of that is that minimum wage is not even living wage. So we’ll see one or more members of a household are working, but they are still not able to provide groceries for their family.”

 Authorities say 40 percent of the people using food bank services are working or have someone in their household working. Last month, the Blue Ridge Area Food Bank network served 36,000 people.

 “More and more we see the working class coming in,” says White. “The folks who are working their hardest, not sitting on their porch waiting for a handout, but working one, two, or three jobs. We’ll see people in their [work uniforms] coming to get food before they go to work or standing in line for food after they get off work.”

 Those who visit the food bank can usually expect to find foodstuffs like peanut butter, dried milk and canned salmon from government sources, along with privately donated food like coffee, canned meats and stews and canned fruit.

 Those seeking to donate should know that “We’re actively looking for cereals, meats, canned fruits and vegetables,” says Althoff. Additionally, cash donations are needed.

 “The most staggering thing that we try to get across is: For every dollar donated we are able to provide $17 of food and food services due to our bulk purchasing power,” says Althoff.

 At one time, the federal government played a larger role in supporting local food banks, but “The government has gotten out of the social service industry,” says White, “and what’s taking its place—the churches, soup kitchens, Salvation Army— has always been there and with the increased demands that’s where folks are having to go.

 “The old food bank model is changing. We are having to rely more on the public for donations and food drives.”

 With winter approaching and need predictably on the rise during the colder months, there will likely be no drop-off on referrals to the food bank, even as donations decrease. Sources at the Monticello Area Community Action Agency say that in September alone they referred more than 70 needy people to local food banks.—Victoria Long

 

Election undercard comes to 29N
Goode and Weed square off in debate at Northside Library

About eight hours before Bush and Kerry began their third and final debate, Virgil Goode Jr. and Al Weed had their own oratory tussle at the Northside Library on Route 29N. The debate on October 13 between Goode, a Republican who represents this district in the U.S. House of Representatives, and Weed, the Democratic challenger, exposed many parallels to the Bush vs. Kerry main event.

 Goode, like Bush, speaks with a common-man twang and inherited the political legacy of his father, with whom he shares his name. Weed shares Vietnam vet cred with Kerry. And, like the Democratic presidential candidate, Weed sometimes meanders in the weeds when trying to explain his positions.

 But the two debates differed in that Goode and Weed each offered arguments that were aggressively straightforward. Goode and Weed came down more firmly than their national counterparts with their stances on gay marriage, abortion, guns, immigration and other issues. To borrow from Bush’s money line in that evening’s debate, the congressional candidates staked out platforms that are on the left and right banks of the “mainstream in American politics”—though defining what exactly is “mainstream” seems impossible in this polarized political season.

 The Northside Library event was also snippier in tone than was the final presidential debate. After Weed took a shot at Goode’s success as a lawyer, Goode cited a harsh C-VILLE Weekly review of the wine Weed produces at his Nelson County winery. (Goode added that C-VILLE is otherwise “all for” Weed. If you missed the newspaper’s endorsement of Weed, that’s because we haven’t published one.)

 Below are snippets from the Goode/Weed debate. Undecided voters, who have been bathed in cloying praise from the media during this election season, might want to just flip a coin if these debate comments don’t help them make up their minds.—Paul Fain

 

The draft

The candidates were asked if they’d support a military draft if a re-elected President Bush called for one. Weed said he would back the draft in this scenario, but only if the volunteer-only force was “still stuck in Iraq with no way out” and required bulking up. Goode did not directly address the scenario, saying, “We don’t need to go to a draft…we need to maintain an all-volunteer force.”

 

Health care

Goode said, “Our health care system is still probably the best in the world.” But acknowledging the problem of growing health care costs, Goode supports tax credits for individual and families’ expenses on private health insurance. Goode also stressed the need for tort reform to help limit medical malpractice suits that increase healthcare costs and cause “doctors and hospitals to continually practice defensive medicine.”

 Weed supports a single-payer health care system, which would expand Medicare coverage to all Americans for health care and prescription drugs. “Every other industrialized country has this, but Virgil, and his pals in the drug and health insurance industry, will try to persuade you that health care justice and efficiency is a socialized plot,” Weed said. “I believe you can think for yourselves.”

 

Gay marriage

Weed supports gay marriage and said Goode and other gay-marriage opponents are seeking to “deny rights to a certain group of Americans” with disingenuous arguments that are bolstered only by “alarmist claptrap.”

 “If you want to legalize homosexual and gay unions, you ought to vote for Al Weed,” Goode said, before vigorously asserting his belief that marriage should be between a man and a woman.

 

Gun control in D.C.

Congress recently voted to revoke Washington, D.C.’s ban on handguns. Weed disagrees with this vote, stating that Washingtonians should be able to determine the city’s handgun policy without federal intrusion.

 Goode voted for the bill, and said high murder and theft rates exist in D.C. because “all the crooks know that the law-abiding citizens in D.C. can’t protect themselves.”

 

Metro sexual
Sex and the city life in a new book by UVA student Jane Mendle

In January 2003, while on winter break at home in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, 28-year-old UVA psychology graduate student Jane Mendle had no plans to sit down at the computer and bang out a best seller. But five weeks of vacation and “not really a New Year’s resolution” left her with 76 pages of what would soon become Kissing in Technicolor, published this month by the Avon Trade division of Harper Collins.

 What the layman would call “chick lit,” Harper Collins prefers to classify as “commercial women’s fiction,” according to Mendle. And, in typical Bridget Jones (the ne plus ultra of chick lit) hilarity, the novel comes complete with ridiculous e-mail excerpts and lists of neuroses. The plot follows Columbia University film school graduate student Charlotte Frost and her doomed romance with daytime-TV heartthrob Hank Destin, whom she casts in the lead role of her highbrow thesis film. After Charlie and Hank make whoopie, antics ensue.

 So far, the book has gotten a lot of play, with Publisher’s Weekly, Cosmopolitan and Booklist all pushing it, not to mention the coveted four stars from Seventeen Magazine.

 “I didn’t expect it to end up being as big a deal as it has ended up being,” says Mendle, describing the day she started writing as “just seeming right.”

 With the first 76 pages completed, Mendle—who in a fashion similar to her heroine lived in New York and worked in publishing and film in her early 20s—found herself an agent. Mendle’s agent found her a book deal and cash advance. Admitting the money was “a lot of motivation,” Mendle put in the laptop hours at local coffeehouse Java Java and had her novel wrapped up by November. (Coming full circle, Mendle gives two readings of Kissing in Technicolor at her old haunt on October 28 at 7 and 8:30pm.)

 When talking about her experience, Mendle is visibly astonished by the ease with which a book deal fell into her lap. She is less surprised, however, by the fact that she wrote the thing at all. Always an exacting e-mail correspondent, Mendle believes she simply channeled the energy she devoted to her 9-to-5 correspondence into writing the novel.

 A self-described grammar freak and “voracious reader,” Mendle explains that she was drawn to chick lit because, when she was younger, “there was something…about trashy romance novels…that really resonated” with her.

 The success of Kissing in Technicolor aside, Mendle has no plans to completely forego a career in psychology for the glitzy lifestyle of a best-selling author. She does, however, plan to write again one of these days—perhaps pop psychology, perhaps something else.

 “When and where is unsure,” she says. “But I can’t imagine not ever writing another book.”—Nell Boeschenstein

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Wal-Mart’s everyday low wages

When Melissa Howard joined the Wal-Mart store in New Castle, Indiana, in 1992, she received a blue vest, a red, white and blue nametag, six bucks an hour, and the title of “electronics department manager.” Howard hoped to climb the corporate ladder, accept greater responsibility and take home a fatter paycheck.

 So she worked diligently and her performance evaluations reflected that: The reviews rated much of her work as “exceeds expectations,” the top ranking allowed. Howard says that in the space set aside for her comments, “I wrote that my long-term goals were to work my way up the ladder to store manager, district manager and ultimately regional manager.”

 After several years at Wal-Mart, Howard became a store manager, joining a small group of women who held that title. Not only was she a store manager by 1999, she was asked to open a brand new Supercenter in Bluffton, Indiana. “The Supercenter was the up-and-coming thing,” Howard says. To be asked to open one meant “prestige.” She likened it to the difference between driving a Ford and a Cadillac. “It was just a major accomplishment.”

 She was now on the top rung of responsibility inside a store, yet she wasn’t earning the top salary. That honor went to two men who reported to Howard as co-managers at the Supercenter. One man with no Wal-Mart work experience, she claims, was making $15,000 more a year and getting three weeks of vacation, a perk Howard only got after seven years at Wal-Mart. The other man, Howard says, was “hired off the street for $10,000 more than I was making.”

 Although the store opening was successful, Howard’s own career was headed for trouble. In March 2000, some stores in her district were experiencing high shrink, and inventory was disappearing because of theft or sloppy paperwork. She was told her Supercenter wasn’t a problem, but a store she’d managed months earlier was struggling with inventory loss.

 Several managers, district managers and loss prevention managers were summoned to the corporate offices in Bentonville, Arkansas, for a meeting. On the trip, some of the men decided to stop at a roadside strip club. Despite her instincts, Howard says she felt it best to go into the club rather than sit alone in a dark parking lot off a highway.

 “I tried to ignore the show, but at one point,” Howard says in an affidavit, “I was approached by one of the strippers and District Manager Kevin Washburn proposed that he pay one of the strippers $50 to have a ‘threesome out back’ with me.”

 Shocked, she refused. But she didn’t complain to higher-ups at Wal-Mart. Managers, she alleges, routinely went to strip clubs during annual meetings. Moreover, she says, the last time she objected, in 1994, to what she felt was belittling treatment from John Waters, a regional vice president, she was told she needed to learn to “take the shit and let it roll.”

 In any case, the return trip wasn’t much different. There was another stop at a strip club in Missouri and, she says, some of the men planned to visit a massage parlor.

 

Step down “voluntarily”

Two months later, Howard realized that lap dances, massage parlors and invitations to a threesome would be the least of her problems. That’s when John Waters was named as her new district manager. (He’d been demoted from regional vice president.) “At our first meeting, he made a point of telling me, in a less than friendly tone, that he ‘remembered’ me,” claims Howard.

 On June 16, 2000, she says, he called her and told her she needed to step down. Howard drove 30 miles to meet with him. In an affidavit, Howard recalls: “He told me that a woman should not be running a Wal-Mart store and that I ‘needed to be home raising my daughter.’ He instructed me to step down ‘voluntarily’ and to tell my employees at the morning meeting that having this new Supercenter was too stressful for a single parent and that I needed to take a break.”

 Though her store was “running in the black”—unusual for a new Supercenter—she says Waters wanted her out. If she didn’t quit, she alleges that he told her he’d make her life “hell.”

 “I had no choice but to step down,” Howard says.

 He also wanted her out of his district. She was assigned to a co-manager position in a store 120 miles away. Meanwhile, she claims the regional personnel manager told her to stay away from her old Supercenter; her presence in the store was undermining the new store manager’s “ability to succeed.”

 Soon after, Howard says Waters accused her of having sex with an employee, something forbidden by Wal-Mart’s anti-fraternization rules. She vehemently denied the claim. The company investigated and cleared her of any wrongdoing.

 By late summer of 2000, Howard felt battered: She had stepped down as a store manager, left the Supercenter she’d worked hard to open, been assigned a two-hour commute, and endured a humiliating investigation into her sexual conduct.

 Howard was no longer able to take the shit and roll with it. “I knew at that point that I had to leave Wal-Mart,” she says. And so she did.

 

“Retail is for Housewives”

Less than a year after Howard resigned, a gender discrimination class action lawsuit was filed against Wal-Mart in San Francisco federal court. It claims that Wal-Mart discriminated against female employees and that women were paid less than men in similar positions, even with higher performance ratings and more seniority. And it claims that women weren’t promoted to in-store management positions as often as men and when they were, they waited longer to advance.

 In short, it says that Wal-Mart has two career ladders—a well-paying, far-reaching one for men and a limited, lower-wage one for women. Affidavits filed in court by women allege that:

 

• Women with years of experience and good work records were repeatedly passed over for promotions in favor of men with little or no experience.

• Women seeking advancement were treated differently than men; they were asked to work night shifts for two years as assistant manager before being considered for store manager or were asked to show they could repeatedly lift 50-pound bags of dry dog food.

• Women working in personnel were fired when they complained that men were consistently paid more than women for the same job.

• Some women were told men were being paid more because men had “families to support” or that “men are here to make a career and women aren’t. Retail isfor housewives who just need to earn extra money.”

 

The plaintiffs also compiled compelling statistics: Among cashiers and greeters, 65 percent were women; among salaried assistant managers, a more modest 35 percent were women; among co-managers, less than 25 percent. And among store managers, only 14 percent were women. And they filed expert testimony that there is a clear record of under-promoting women in “nearly every geographic region,” and that the women of Wal-Mart are paid less than men nationwide. For hourly employees, the wage gap is $1,100 and among salaried jobs, women make $14,500 less than men. Statistics are the backbone of a request for class action status; in this case, the class could mean 1.6 million women, making it the largest such suit ever certified.

 Wal-Mart’s response has been somewhat predictable: The numbers are flawed because comparisons should be made store-by-store or within each department of each store, and not company-wide. And incredibly, Wal-Mart, a company that critics charge routinely uses its sheer size to get what it wants, argues that the big class of plaintiffs makes the case unmanageable. In other words, Wal-Mart was suggesting a size cap on class-action lawsuits.

 U.S. District Court Judge Martin J. Jenkins didn’t buy it. In his opinion handed down in June, he wrote, “Insulating our nation’s largest employers from allegations that they have engaged in a pattern and practice of gender or racial discrimination—simply because they are large—would seriously undermine these imperatives.”

 Jenkins handed the women a significant victory, granting class action status for all women working at any Wal-Mart retail store in the United States since December 26, 1998, who have been, or might be, subject to the alleged discriminatory pay and promotion practices.

 Wal-Mart immediately released a statement: “Let’s keep in mind that today’s ruling has absolutely nothing to do with the merits of the case. Judge Jenkins is simply saying he thinks it meets the legal requirements necessary to move forward as a class action. We strongly disagree with his decision and will seek an appeal.”

 When we contacted Wal-Mart for this story and submitted written questions as asked, we received no response.

 

The dog food bag test

When Claudia Renati took a job in 1993 as a membership team leader for Pace Membership Warehouse, Inc., in Roseville, California, her family needed the paycheck. She’d been working in real estate when the market dropped off. Her husband was out of work for a year because of a job-related injury. The work meant regular income and, she hoped, advancement opportunities.

 Soon after she started, Wal-Mart bought Pace and converted the store to a Sam’s Club, and “they made you believe that it was even so much easier and a much better organization that you could, that anybody could, move up and be in management and move on to running your own club if you wanted to,” Renati says.

 The reality proved different for her. For several years she appealed in vain to Wal-Mart’s management for a promotion. She says she had above average or exceptional evaluations, no disciplinary action, and time records that were “squeaky clean.” But it was never good enough to get promoted. “There was constantly a barrier,” she claims.

 In 1994, after the regional sales manager left the company, Renati was put in charge of “running the region and doing all the ads and marketing programs. I completed all the tasks of a Regional Sales Manager for two years without the proper title or pay.”

 Yet, when she approached the director of operations about a promotion, Renati says she was told that she couldn’t have it because she hadn’t completed the management-training program. When she asked about entering the program, she alleges, “He told me that I would have to be willing to sell my house and move to Alaska.”

 Wal-Mart has a policy of requiring people to move around the country if they want to move up in the company. But with a husband who had 30 years invested in his job, Renati says moving wasn’t a real option, so she remained the marketing team leader. By 2000, she had trained approximately 20 marketing managers, “all of whom were male and many of whom never went through the training program.”

 But then Wal-Mart violated its own policy, she says, when several men in her store climbed up the management ranks without moving—to Alaska or anywhere else. A meat cutter became a general manager, a floor team leader was promoted to general manager, a team leader became a merchandise manager. And she watched a number of management training candidates filter through Sam’s Club. The candidate profile, Renati claims, is “usually a white male between 27 and 35.”

 In 2000, while out for six weeks for knee surgery, Renati says she was told that her department was being combined with another and that a man would head the new department. Her job was being eliminated. Her new post was as a meat wrapper. But while out on sick leave later that year, she was replaced by a man and moved to the membership desk.

 There, she got a not-so-pleasant surprise. “I discovered that my supervisor at the membership desk was someone whom I had previously supervised for six years,” she says. Fed up, she quit.

 Then, in 2001, she was asked to return and sell credit at the membership desk. When she asked about promotional opportunities, she was told she’d be given a chance. She signed up to work.

 In 2002 she asked to become the photo manager, but a male cashier with six months of experience got the job. When she approached the operations director and explained that she’d spent nine years at Sam’s Club and had little advancement, she says he asked if she could stack 50-pound bags of dog food. She could not.

 “He told me there was nothing he could do for me because before I could become a manager, I would have to be Floor Team Leader and that requires stacking 50-pound bags of dog food,” Renati claims.

 And yet she knew of several male managers who didn’t have to be a floor team leader first or were not required to pass the 50-pound dog food bags test.

 In 2002, Renati quit a second and final time. She says of Wal-Mart and Sam’s Club: “It is run by good old boys. They make and break their money off the backs of the women employees.”

 

 

Pro-subsidy, anti-union

Ironically, founder Sam Walton’s rules for building a retail business include valuing “associates” and sharing rewards. Last year, Wal-Mart generated $265 billion in revenue and had about $9.1 billion in net income. Today there are 5,000 stores in 10 countries, including Argentina, South Korea and China. When Walton died in 1992, he was second only to Bill Gates for title of the world’s richest man.

 The impressive growth has come at a high price. In May, Good Jobs First, a nonprofit research center that promotes corporate and government accountability, released a report showing Wal-Mart received more than $1 billion in subsidies from local and state governments, including sales tax rebates, free or reduced-priced land, tax-increment-financing, state corporate income tax credits and property tax abatements. The study was partially funded by the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union.

 Labor unions have their own fight to pick with Wal-Mart. Although the UFCW recently won accreditation and the right to represent employees in a Quebec Wal-Mart, it has yet to successfully organize in the United States. In 2000, meat cutters in a Jacksonville, Texas, store voted to organize and shortly after that the company announced it was closing the department. Wal-Mart’s official position on unions is: “We do not believe there is a need for third-party representation.”

 Represented or not, workers have leveled other charges against Wal-Mart. The company has been hit by a wave of class action suits alleging that it requires its employees to work “off the clock,” a violation of the Fair Labor Standards and Practices Act. Wal-Mart is also being sued in several courts over its practice of taking out life insurance policies on Wal-Mart employees. Under the company’s Corporate-Owned Life Insurance program, the company—not the employee’s surviving family—is financially compensated if the worker dies. Wal-Mart settled lawsuits in Texas and New Hampshire but others are pending.

 And in August, the Labor Center at the University of California at Berkeley released a report claiming that Wal-Mart’s low wages and inadequate benefits in California cost the state $86 million a year in state aid.

 But eclipsing them all is Dukes et al. vs. Wal-Mart Stores Inc., the class action gender discrimination suit that includes women like Melissa Howard and Claudia Renati. This is a case that could do serious damage to the company. In its annual report released before the class certification ruling earlier this summer, Wal-Mart warned that if the class is certified, a settlement is reached, or it loses the case, “the resulting liability could be material to the Company, as could employment-related injunctive measures, which would result in increased costs of operation on an ongoing basis.”

 

The fight goes on

Melissa Howard and Claudia Renati have found there is life beyond Wal-Mart. Howard is a customer-relations specialist in Indianapolis making less than what she did when she stepped down as a Supercenter store manager. A single mom, Howard says, “it has not been the easiest, but I did what I had to do.”

 Renati is now the executive director of Lincoln Arts, a nonprofit public arts organization in Lincoln, California. Says Renati: “This is the 21st Century, this is not the 1950s coming out of World War II.” Women “need to be recognized as being intelligent, smart individuals who can run an organization—because I do here.”

 Since the case was filed in 2001, Wal-Mart has made a few changes—some substantive, some in public relations. It scrapped the “tap on the shoulder” method for deciding who gets to join the management-in-training program and has set up a formal application process. The company opened a diversity office which is supposed to help it “recruit and promote from all segments of society,” according to its annual report. And it launched a PR campaign touting Wal-Mart as a great place for advancement and a good paycheck.

 That’s not what Debra Smith hears these days. A staff attorney with the San Francisco-based Equal Rights Advocates, one of the firms representing women in the lawsuit, Smith says that current Wal-Mart employees who are involved in the suit are “very scared.”

 Says Smith: “I have several who call me once a month or once a quarter who tell me about the latest incident that they’re afraid is going to get them terminated and they feel they’re being set up for termination.”

 And some of those stories may end up in the court file as the case moves towards a trial.

 

 

Cents and sensibility
Social justice values aside, there’s no denying the good deals at Wal-Mart. Pay your money, make your choice

Fifty dollars. It’ll buy dinner out for two, sans appetizers, alcohol and dessert. You can play a round of golf at Birdwood or fill up your SUV. Doesn’t seem like all that much, does it?

 But point that SUV north on Route 29, hang a left on Hilton Heights Road and before you can say Ulysses S. Grant, you’re searching for a parking spot in the immense lot of Wal-Mart, where 50 bucks still means something.

 On a recent Tuesday morning, the place is jammed with hundreds of the Wal-Mart faithful. And we in Charlottesville aren’t the only ones on the prowl for a bargain or two. The retail behemoth averages more than 100 million customers a week, and at last count, there were 5,000 Wal-Mart stores in 10 countries. Last year, the chain netted about $9.1 billion on $265 billion in sales. Its electronic doors slide open every day at 6am, and don’t stop whooshing back and forth until midnight.

 Once inside those doors, a friendly senior citizen welcomes me, and, out of the corner of my eye, I notice a four-foot-tall plastic skeleton break into a dancing rendition of “Super Freak.” Halloween candy, I think, and take my first right.

 I’m immediately waylaid, however, by a display of Diet Coke (12 cans for $2.50, compared with $4.29 at Giant). Also into my cart goes a box of Special K cereal ($2.50), Chunky chicken noodle soup ($1.50 a can), a pound of Kraft mini marshmallows ($1.27), a 34.5-ounce can of Maxwell House Master Blend coffee ($3.97) and a gallon of Hawaiian Punch ($1.97). And then there’s the Halloween candy (a pound of mini Hershey bars for $3.94).

 I can’t resist a $1.50 pair of panties and a $2.50 bra. I grab a bottle of Dawn dish soap ($1.97), Purex laundry detergent (100 ounces for $2.74), Lysol toilet bowl cleaner ($1.66), Kleenex tissues ($1.88 for 120), a roll of Mardi Gras paper towels (97¢), a four-pack of soft white light bulbs (77¢) and zipper seal sandwich bags (50 for 97¢). I strain my back hoisting 25 pounds of kitty litter ($2.76) into my cart, followed by 20 pounds of Ol’ Roy dog food ($6.97).

 Before heading for the checkout, I snag some hunter’s knit gloves (two six-packs for $4) and Remington plastic 20-gauge shotgun shells ($2.98 for a box of 25). I’ve got to be certain about these babies, though, because a sign above them warns me “all ammunition sales are final.”

 According to my calculations, I should have enough of my $50 bill left over for a couple of gumballs from the machines near the exit.—Susan Sorensen

 

Writings on the Wal
Want to know more about the class action sex discrimination lawsuit filed against Wal-Mart?

 Check these URLs out and inform yourself.

www.walmartclass.com/walmartclass94.pl

This is the official Wal-Mart Class Website. Any female employee who has worked at Wal-Mart or Sam’s Club since December 26, 1998, can refer to this website to determine whether she has legal claims in the class action sex discrimination lawsuit. The suit alleges discrimination against women in promotions, jobs assignments, training and pay. Keep track of the lawsuit and view press releases, complaints and answers to frequently asked questions here. Informative profiles of the seven firms and numerous attorneys working on this case are also available.

 
www.walmartstores.com/wmstore/wmstores/HomePage.jsp

The class action lawsuit is mentioned on the official Wal-Mart homepage. Enter the website and click on the “Investor Information” tab. Then find the 2004 Annual Report (bottom right-hand corner). Chapter 8, “Litigation,” contains the company’s response to investors’ concerns: “The complaint seeks, among other things, injunctive relief, compensatory damages including front pay and back pay, punitive damages, and attorneys’ fees… If the court certifies a class in this action and there is an adverse verdict on the merits, or in the event of a negotiated settlement of the action, the resulting liability could be material to the Company, as could employment-related injunctive measures, which would result in increased costs of operations on an ongoing basis.”

 

www.goodjobsfirst.org/

Good Jobs First is a nonprofit research center based in Washington D.C., that helps policy-makers ensure economic development subsidies are accountable and effective. The article, “Shopping for Subsidies: How Wal-Mart Uses Taxpayer Money to Finance its Never-Ending Growth,” provides the full report claiming that Wal-Mart has received more than $1 billion in subsidies from local and state governments, including sales tax rebates, free or reduced-priced land, tax-increment-financing, state corporate income tax credits and property tax abatements. The study was partially funded by the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, which has targeted Wal-Mart.—Compiled by Kelly Quinley

Categories
Uncategorized

News in review

Tuesday, October 5
New supe’s tests examined

In their fourth public meeting in one week to address new standardized testing, Charlottesville school administrators convened this evening with nearly three-dozen attendees at the Friendship Court meeting room. Under discussion: the “Flanagan” tests, the first major instructional initiative by new city superintendent Scottie Griffin. Acknowledging that the six-week interval between Griffin’s hire and the announcement of the Flanagan mandate did not allow time for teachers to comment on the tests, which have been in use for five years in Albemarle County, Dr. Laura Purnell, assistant superintendent for instruction, further said the “underlying assumption” of Griffin’s action is that “we value” standardized achievement measures. Griffin, who is charged with closing the racial achievement gap in city schools, has been under fire from some highly involved school parents for her management style and programmatic changes. Earlier this year, one city elementary school failed to meet federal educational benchmarks.

 

Wednesday, October 6
Staff emergency hours expanded

Stony Point area residents and Scottsvillians have less to fear from a daytime emergency after Albemarle Supervisors today adopted a new policy that will put paid rescue workers at the Stony Point Fire Station and Scottsville Rescue Squad, five days a week, 6am to 6pm. The change effectively restricts the hours that volunteer-only squads will respond to emergencies to weekdays after 6pm and weekends. Stony Point’s emergency-response area includes two county elementary schools.

 

Thursday, October 7
UVA makes the most of its access

Reaching ESPN’s weeknight football audience for the first time since 1997, the Cavs improved their record to 5-0 by pummeling ACC rival Clemson 30-10. The televised win would put Al Groh’s team at sixth in national rankings by week’s end. Meanwhile, during halftime, while 60,000 fans at Scott Stadium enjoyed the soul stylings of The Temptations, TV audiences got their first glimpse at a new commercial promoting “Access UVA,” the school’s innovative financial-aid program that replaces need-based loans with grants to low-income students. The ad features film actor and 1992 UVA grad Sean Patrick Thomas, who wooed Julia Stiles in Save the Last Dance.

 

Friday, October 8
Virginia is for peepers

The State Department of Transportation today partially reopened the eastbound rest area on I-64 below Afton Mountain, “just in time for the Columbus Day weekend and fall foliage travel,” according to a news release. After heavy rains and flooding damaged the rest center’s wastewater treatment plant two years ago, VDOT closed the building. When it reopened at noon today, the center lacked a full-facility toilet, instead offering motorists the use of Port a-potties.

 

Applause for local artists

With “you’ve come a long way, baby,” an implicit theme, Piedmont Council of the Arts marked its 25th anniversary with its annual awards dinner this evening at the Omni. Live Arts Artistic Director John Gibson was recognized as Individual Artist of the Year and iconoclastic developer Gabe Silverman with his wife, artist Karen Shea, got the nod as Philanthropists of the Year. Live Arts started 15 years ago in a windowless suite at the back of The Michie Building, a Market Street space owned by Silverman, who kept rent for the community theater group well below market value.

 

Saturday, October 9
Gunshots follow bar fight

City police responded to early-morning gunshots following a bar fight at West Main, a Starr Hill-area restaurant opened in May by Patrick and Andrew McClure, owners of Corner mainstay The Virginian. According to published reports, witnesses said a man left the bar with a bloody nose shortly after 1am. Within moments, witnesses heard gunshots. Later, shell casings were found in a parking lot near the restaurant.

 

Sunday, October 10
Funding grows like a weed

Fifth District challenger Al Weed reported today that as of September 30 his campaign to unseat four-term incumbent Republican Congressman Virgil Goode has raised a total of $352,271. According to his staff, Weed is on track to come close to a half-million dollars in campaign contributions by the end of this month. Local supporters have another opportunity to help Weed when folksinger John McCutcheon performs at a fundraiser on Sunday, October 17. Goode, who had raised a total of $442,750 as of June 30, has until Friday to report his latest quarterly receipts.

 

Monday, October 11
More bricks coming

A pickup truck with a flashing orange light and two men in white hardhats were the only signs that a major construction project had begun this morning on the east side of the Downtown Mall. The extensive undertaking, dubbed “completing the dream” by City officials, will feature a modern-looking transit center and a large covered amphitheater. Also key to the plan is the extension of the Mall’s bricks, a facet that can be seen in a model on display at City Hall.

 

Written by Cathy Harding from local news sources and staff reports.

 

Hablas espanol?
Jail tries to avoid getting lost in translation

A trip to jail is never any fun, but imagine being locked up and unable to communicate.

 As Central Virginia’s Hispanic population grows, so does the number of Spanish speakers who end up in jail. But so far, guards at the Charlottesville-Albemarle Regional Jail haven’t always been able to communicate with their inmates.

 “Some employees speak Spanish, but they’re not available all the time,” says jail Superintendent Ronald Matthews. “When they’re not, we have to try to communicate, and it can be difficult.”

 This year, the Regional Jail will begin teaching employees to speak Spanish—one of 13 new programs Matthews plans to introduce at the jail. The program will be funded through the jail’s education budget.

 Last week, there were only five Hispanic inmates at the jail. The number fluctuates, says Matthews, but he says the trend of more incarcerated Hispanics—who are still statistically recorded as “white” by the local justice system—has been noticeable at the jail for about a year. He says officers house Spanish speakers together so that bilingual inmates can help interpret.

 That’s not always a reliable method, though.

 “Listen to someone talk for a minute, then try to repeat it. It’s impossible,”says Reuben Marshall, who works forthe International Rescue Committee in Charlottesville, and coordinates interpreter services for local agencies.

 Area courts, schools and social services hire interpreters. Virginia’s Supreme Court keeps a list of interpreters who have passed a State-approved test (although the program that certifies new interpreters has been shut down for three years due to budget cuts). Courts can also get interpreters on the phone 24/7 through Interpretalk, a company with an 800 number that charges a per-minute fee to speak to interpreters.

 City and county police, like the jail, both have officers who speak Spanish, but they are not always on duty.

 “It has potential for serious problems when you’re in a serious situation,” says Charlottesville public defender Jim Hingeley. “It also hampers investigations if the victim is a Spanish speaker.

 “What happens more often than not,” Hingeley says, “is that you have a family member who speaks some English, but you don’t know how accurately the interpretation is taking place.”

 Hingeley acknowledges the political controversy over whether the government ought to spend extra money accommodating Spanish speakers, especially illegal immigrants. “But I think it’s an obligation the government has. It’s something we need to get right,” he says.

 At the Regional Jail, the question is not whether to accommodate Spanish speakers, but the best way to handle what he expects will be an ongoing increase in Hispanic inmates. Matthews, who was hired to introduce a wide range of inmate programs, says communication is not something that should be left to chance. “We want our officers to be prepared,” he says.—John Borgmeyer

 

Parking knot
Downtown businesses adjust to losing city’s last free parking lot

Last week, 1,500 loyal customers of the C&O received a postcardin the mail from owner Dave Simpson to let them know about the end of a longtime perk: No more free parking in the lot next door while they enjoy a fine French dinner at the long-established Water Street restaurant.

 Indeed, the 40-space lot—the last free one in the city—has been cordoned off as developer Bill Nichtmann preps its transformation into Water Street Plaza, a five-storey, multi-use complex designed by Formwork, a Downtown architect firm. Think retail, offices and condos as the City’s new development mandates take hold.

 No worries, Simpson told customers; he was ready. C&O customers can park in the lot across the street from 5:30pm to 2am.

 He bothered with the mass mailing, Simpson says, because “I think it always is best if, [when] people’s environments are being shifted around, that they get a little heads up about what’s going on.”

 C&O was just one of many businesses at the east end of the Mall to depend on the free lot, however. Terri Gable, owner of Studio Baboo, says that she has been putting out the word on parking alternatives to customers as they stop by.

 Maybe she should be referring people to Bob Stroh, general manager of the Charlottesville Parking Center.

 “When you talk about free parking not being available Downtown, it’s really not true,” he says, referring to the fact that the Water Street parking garage has never reached capacity. “We encourage people to figure out where [the free parking] is, and if you ever have a question I can guarantee you that there’s parking in the Water Street garage.” Many Downtown businessesvalidate garage tickets for two hours of free parking.

 Moreover, after Election Day, the City will open up additional spaces on Market Street behind City Hall and in the Market Street garage for temporary short-term parking.

 Still, Gable and her retail neighbor, Elizabeth Hurka of The Cat House, are concerned about pedestrian business dropping off because of parking glitches and impending construction. And not just from Water Street Plaza. The overhauling of the Amphitheater and building of the new bus transfer station, dubbed Presidents’ Plaza, across from City Hall, both begin next month. But Patty Pribus of the Blue Ridge Country Store, which will soon be right on the edge of the torn asphalt, takes another attitude.

 Ninety percent of her clientele is people who work on the Mall, Pribus says. They’re “here already,” she says, and she doesn’t see why a little construction would change that.

 Plus, “We’ll get more business from the construction workers!”—Nell Boeschenstein

 

HOW TO:
How to obtain Canadian citizenship

Following the November 2 election, many will be left with hard decisions. Should a certain Texan cowboy ride to victory with a head full of strategery for the next four years, or, if a certain lanky New Englander windsurfs his way to the Oval Office with the promise to puta ketchup bottle in every pantry, the question becomes: stay and camp under the stars and stripes, or high-tail it north to seek refuge under the cover of the maple tree? Which will it be, eh?

 While becoming a Canadian citizen is difficult without foresight (you must have lived in Canada for three out of the last four years and pass a citizenship test), moving to our northerly neighbor isn’t as trickyas you might imagine. In fact, a number of options exist when applying for permanent resident status.

 To be accepted as a skilled worker, applicants must have at least one year of full-time work experience over the course of the last 10 years. Entrepreneurs can apply for business class immigration status, and sparsely populated provinces like Manitoba and Prince Edward Island, looking to boost their population, open doors for those looking to lament the other candidate’s victory in the wilderness.

 Interested in farming? Purchase and manage a farm for your self-employed ticket to Canada (see www.cic.gc.ca/english/index.html for more details.)

 Remember, no matter what the results on November 2, you can’t blame Canada.

  Need to know how to do something? E-mail your questions to howto@c-ville.com.

 

Second act
Former Hanson guitarist rails against monopolies

Back in 1997, Buckingham County resident Ravi was touring with Hanson, the world’s biggest-selling musical act. He played his guitar in front of 40,000 screaming fans at arena performances and even jammed for then President Bill Clinton at a Christmas party at the White House.

 Ravi, 33, is still a professional musician, having recently toured with Suzanne Vega and performed at Live Arts. But the former pop insider has drifted far from the major label-big business side of music. These days he devotes much of his energy to two newsletters in which he bemoans the “mediocrity forced on art” by the “corporate dictatorship” of mega-conglomerates such as Disney and AOL Time Warner.

 So how can a musician who joined three kids from Tulsa on their “MmmBop”-singing, big-label-orchestrated ride complain about The Man?

 “Actually, the industry was very different then,” Ravi says of Hanson’s year of dominance. “My attitude was ‘Wow, the big wheel really does work.’”

 He argues that in 1997, five major labels kept up the competition, and the tour circuit had yet to become dominated by Clear Channel, which produced or promoted 32,000 concerts and events in 2003.

 Ravi admits that there were few drawbacks to playing with a band that was in the midst of selling 8 million copies of its major label debut. He flew from town to town, enjoying each stop as a tourist, his only task to play guitar on stage for a couple hours.

 “I loved it. I had a lot of fun,” Ravi says of tour. “I really lived my childhood dream.”

 But then, in 1998, the wheels fell off. Record labels like Polygram shuttered in a “progressively monopolizing” music industry. Hanson got shuffled around, eventually landing with Def Jam, a hip hop label and hardly an ideal fit. At the same time, the prepackaged horror of the boy-band craze arrived. Though one could say that the gimmicky pop of Hanson augured the rise of ’N Sync and the Backstreet Boys, Ravi and his underage pals were shoved out of the limelight.

 “It was really sad to see that whole thing fall apart,” Ravi says.

 Ravi, who refuses to disclose his last name, because “once you figure out how to say it, you’ll forget my first name,” is a guitar virtuoso whom critics have compared to Eric Clapton and Peter Frampton. But it wasn’t until 1999, when he says “the city of New Orleans slapped me in the face,” that Ravi again focused on his music. After a visit, Ravi moved to the Big Easy, living there as a musician for three years. In a city that he says totally rejects ambition, Ravi regained an appreciation of art that “New York and L.A. will just squeeze out of you.”

 Out of that slower lifestyle, and a growing belief that corporate America is no longer “serving our needs,” Ravi this May began his two Web newsletters— www.cultureofintegrity.org and www.artisticintegrity.org—that he claims now have a combined circulation of about 12,000 readers. In defending his role as a pundit on the sites, which also publish reader feedback, Ravi thinks his experience in a pop juggernaut gives him insight on mega-conglomerates’ growing influence over art and culture.

 “I’ve seen that change, from the inside. Therefore I feel that I can, subjectively, comment on it,” he says.

 Ravi, who moved to the area one year ago, stresses that his viewpoint is not anti-capitalist, pointing to the quality of life and dearth of chains on the Downtown Mall as an example of “healthy capitalism.”

 “We as individuals need to redefine what value is,” Ravi says. “I think that we have to make corporate America react to us.”—Paul Fain

Categories
News

Man on a mission

Charlottesville Police Chief Timothy Longo Sr. is no slave overseer. But he knows the specter of the slave patrol colors the way some people see police officers.

 In early September, Longo addressed about 15 people attending this fall’s Citizens Police Academy. The annual 10-session class trains neighborhood residents in the basics of police work. In the process, Longo gives the trainees a frank lesson on why “community policing” is one of the toughest jobs in the city.

 Longo said last month that a “slave patrol” is the “oldest model of a police-like force.”

 In a later interview with C-VILLE, Longo said he used the slave patrol example to acknowledge that many people, particularly African-Americans, look at police against a backdrop of deeply ingrained history and culture. The view, he admits, is often negative.

 “In my opinion, the slave patrol met a policing function. That’s what they did,” Longo says. “You just don’t forget that. That doesn’t change overnight.”

 As a strategy, “community policing” has been tossed around the Charlottesville Police Department for a decade. It refers to a style of policing where officers work with neighborhood residents, gathering tips that make crimes easier to solve and, ideally, preventing some crimes altogether. As a practice, community policing began in earnest when the City hired Longo, a Baltimore police veteran, in February 2001.

 In the past several months, two much-publicized incidents—uproar in April over a DNA dragnet of black men, and the shooting of an unarmed 31-year-old black man, Kerry Cook, by a white police officer at Friendship Court in August—brought the issues of race relations and law enforcement again to the foreground in Charlottesville. Opinions varied, with some defending Longo and his department, while others declared race relations were worse than anytime since the 1960s.

 The stakes are high, and the pressure on Longo seems tremendous. After all, the City has pinned its economic future on luring middle-class homebuyers into Charlottesville neighborhoods, including those traditionally home to low-income African-Americans. Longo believes making those neighborhoods safe for current and prospective residents demands a close relationship between police and neighbors.

 “There are going to be entire communities that I’m going to have to win the trust of,” Longo said to the Citizens Police Academy’s attendees. “I’m not sure we’re there yet. I think we’re a whole lot closer than we were.”

 

 

DNA disputes

Last spring, the national news media descended on Charlottesville, and for once it didn’t have anything to do with Sally Hemings, Dave Matthews or a new “No. 1” ranking.

 Chief Longo was in a tight spot. News of a serial rapist, responsible for a series of violent attacks across seven years, had people wondering: “Why can’t the police catch this guy?”

 Each new attack heaped more scrutiny on the department. Police posted composite sketches of the rapist—described as a muscular black man in his late 20s—and pleaded for citizen tips, but to no avail.

 Under pressure to crack the case, Longo ordered a DNA dragnet. By seeking voluntary DNA samples (taken by swabbing the inner cheek) from 195 black men, police kicked open a hornet’s nest.

 The backlash began when police asked Steven Turner, a black graduate student at UVA’s Curry School of Education, for a DNA sample in March. It was the second time police had approached Turner for a sample. He refused both requests—one of only 10 men who rejected the swab—and began loudly blasting the dragnet.

 Turner caught the attention of local and national media, and received backing from local African-American leaders, among them Dr. Rick Turner, no relation, UVA’s outspoken Dean of African-American Affairs, and Pastor Bruce Beard of Transformational Ministries First Baptist Church.

 Critics argued that the voluntary samples amounted to racial profiling, claiming that police were taking samples from men who looked nothing like the composite, or who hadn’t been in the area long enough to have committed the first rape, in 1997. Others said the chief should have at least conferred with black leaders to explain the dragnet and ask for their help before officers started demanding swabs.

 If Longo caught hell for not trying hard enough to catch the rapist, he caught twice as much hell for trying too hard. It wasn’t long before Longo ended up live on CNN, sitting next to Steven Turner to defend the dragnet. During one frenzied week in April, Longo fielded calls from network TV producers, held a feisty town hall meeting and, eventually, suspended the DNA sample collection.

 When Longo revived the dragnet a few days later, he applied much stricter guidelines to when and how to collect a sample. He also reiterated the promise that samples would be destroyed after being checked against the perp’s DNA. The new plan met largely with approval from black leaders. Dean Turner, Beard, the ACLU and others praised Longo’s response to the furor.

 But not everyone was slapping Longo on the back. Some local blacks grumbled that they’d been complaining about the dragnet since it first began, but nobody paid any attention until a UVA student started fussing.

 “Until it made national news, it was fine and dandy,” says Raymond Mason, a fierce critic of the DNA dragnet. He attended Longo’s town hall meeting, and says police shouldn’t be asking people to submit their DNA more or less at random.

 “I know someone who got stopped twice. He didn’t fit the description at all,” says Mason. “They told him, ‘Why don’t you prove yourself innocent?’

 “According to the Constitution, you’re innocent until proven guilty. They flipped the script,” Mason says.

 

 

Escalating force

On August 21, a single gunshot on a summer night sent another shockwave through the city’s African-American neighborhoods.

 That night two officers, while responding to a 911 call from a woman in an apartment in Friendship Court, had a violent confrontation with Kerry Cook, the woman’s ex-boyfriend. Cook, a Fluvanna resident, was wanted on several fairly minor warrants, but had a lengthy rap sheet and violent past. He had also previously been arrested by Officer William Sclafani, one of the two officers who responded to the call at the subsidized housing complex on Garrett Street.

 According to a police statement, after the two officers used “escalating force” while trying to subdue Cook, Sclafani then shot Cook once in the stomach. Witnesses say police repeatedly hit Cook in the head with their batons, adding that the fight lasted for several minutes and that perhaps 100 residents witnessed at least some of the violence.

 Civil rights attorney Deborah Wyatt represented Cook’s family in the shooting’s aftermath, and appeared likely to take some form of legal action on the behalf of Craig Lawson, 36, claiming that he was unfairly swept up and arrested in the chaos of that night at Friendship Court. Lawson was charged with a felony assault of a police officer, disorderly conduct, obstructing justice and crossing a police line. Wyatt is also handling a harassment lawsuit against City police over the DNA dragnet. A man who claims he does not fit the serial rapist’s description and therefore should not have been asked to provide a DNA sample filed the suit.

 Police and the City Commonwealth’s Attorney’s office are still investigating the Cook incident. Cook, who went into a coma after being shot, spent more than three weeks recovering at the UVA Medical Center. He is now being held at the Albemarle/Charlottesville Regional Jail.

 Cook’s mother, Patricia Cook, complains that her son was released to the custody of the jail too quickly, saying he still has a fever and can’t walk or eat.

 “We’re afraid this man is actually going to die in there,” Cook says.

 Taken together, the DNA dragnet and the shooting incident had some local African-Americans fearing a backward slide toward the bad old days, when cops and black people stood on opposite sides of a battle line. When asked about those incidents, nobody was talking much about community policing.

 “A lot of people don’t trust the police,” said Harold Foley, who works for Public Housing Association of Residents, in the days after the shooting. “The trust has broke down.”

 That’s not what Chief Longo wants to hear. The central tenet of Longo’s strategic plan, which he introduced six months after assuming the post in February 2001, is to sink deep roots in historically high-crime neighborhoods, many of which are mostly black.

 

 

“Whachya gonna do when they come for you?”

Before Longo arrived, community policing was more of a catch phrase than a serious strategy.

 The department’s first stab at such a policy was in 1994, when the City hired North Carolina native John Wolford to replace longtime chief John “Deke” Bowen.

 Bowen’s so-called community policing initiative had involved putting officers on horseback. It made for good PR, but many cops didn’t understand how riding high in the saddle would help them to make inroads in high-crime neighborhoods, according to City Police Captain J.E. “Chip“ Harding, who in 2000 wrote a report on community policing.

 Wolford had his own ideas about community policing. When he took over, he created a team of officers to work in troubled neighborhoods for three months at a time. That didn’t solve the problem, says Harding.

 Wolford resigned after less than three years, when one-third of his officers and 90 percent of supervisors signed a letter questioning the chief’s credibility and management style.

 Next came former police lieutenant J.W. “Buddy” Rittenhouse, who took over for Wolford. “He wasn’t very high on the whole concept of community policing,” says Harding.

 The Rittenhouse method for cleaning up crime was a tactic called “saturation deployment.” For about three consecutive days, the department would send in a posse of officers and bust as many bad guys as possible.

 “Like they do on ‘Cops’,” Longo says, before singing “Bad boys, bad boys” in homage to the show’s theme.

 This approach may make for good television, but it doesn’t do much for ridding a city of drug dealing, gunplay, petty theft or even vandalism—a crime community policing believers tag as a the start of the slippery slope that leads to a neighborhood’s worsening decay.

 Longo likens the outcome of saturation deployment to squeezing a balloon—by pushing on one neighborhood, crime shrinks there and swells somewhere else.

 “You’ll never fix the problem that way,” Longo says. “A long-term strategy means a long-term commitment.”

 While speaking at the Citizens Police Academy, Longo described the old-school policing style by leaning back, wrist draped over an imaginary steering wheel, pantomiming an officer who scans the sidewalk for bad guys as he rolls by in his cruiser.

 Under Rittenhouse, the force was a “very military-style, highly structured, traditional form of policing,” says Harding, a 20-year veteran who served under Rittenhouse.

 Near the end of his tenure, City Hall pressured Rittenhouse to try community policing. He created a five-officer squad to roam undercover around neighborhoods with a reputation for high crime, such as 10th and Page, Hardy Drive and Prospect Avenue, similar to the Neighborhood Task Force former chief Wolford had installed. In true Rittenhouse style, he dubbed his community policing squad the “Street Hawks” because, he reportedly said, the Neighborhood Task Force sounded “too Mr. Rogers.”

 The predatory moniker was a curious choice, particularly for a squad that was supposed to reach out to minority groups, and its mention provokes a chuckle from Longo. Like other community policing squads, the Street Hawks came and went mostly because no one in the department had a clear idea of what they were supposed to do. “They were just kind of set off to the side,” says Harding.

 The “here today, gone tomorrow” history of community policing in Charlottesville made Longo’s job even harder, because African-Americans were justifiably suspicious of any grand strategies and big promises from a new chief.

 But as director of the Quality Community Council (QCC), Karen Waters was ready to give Longo’s strategy a chance. The QCC works on community-centered solutions to public safety, housing and other common problems in its target neighborhoods, most of which have large black populations. The group was formed in response to a random shooting on Prospect Avenue in 1999 and is funded by the City and private sources.

 Waters defends Chief Longo, touting his positive influence on the force. Though Waters admits that the two incidents have upset people, she says Longo has worked hard to reach out to black neighborhoods.

 “Are there individual officers that do things that are not just or correct? Yes,” Waters says, but adds, “I don’t recall ever being invited to sit down with Buddy Rittenhouse and being asked about the concerns of the African-American community.”

 

 

New day rising?

Not everyone shares Karen Waters’ view.

 Mary Carey is president of the Friendship Court Neighborhood Association, and has lived in the apartment complex for 22 years. Carey is angry. She can’t talk about the recent police shooting that occurred 75 feet from her apartment without raising her voice.

 “These people will never forget that night,” Carey says of the shooting. “I can see that cop shooting him…I can’t get it out of my mind.”

 Carey’s loud denunciations of the police force were heard all over local media, angering some cops, who thought her superheated charges were not representative of a community they say they’ve worked hard to get to know.

 Carey says the shooting was a turning point for her faith in Longo and police.

 “I used to feel like Longo would make a difference, but now, I don’t know,” she says.

 The day after the shooting, two detectives came looking for Carey at the Food Lion on Fifth Street, where she works. They wanted a statement from her about the shooting, but she wasn’t in that day. Carey says the detectives’ visit was “humiliating” and “almost damaged my credibility with my employer.”

 She left an angry phone message with Longo, accusing him of crossing the line. The next day, a detective came to apologize for the Food Lion visit, she says, but the apology didn’t curb her anger.

 “I grew up with this shit back in the ’60s. I’m not going back,” Carey says.

 Asked about missteps that may have a racial angle, Captain Harding says Longo has vigorously stressed respect among officers in their dealings with citizens, and within the force.

 “Yeah, you’re going to have people messing up occasionally…Anytime you’ve got 120 sworn police officers there’s always going to a knucklehead in the group somewhere doing something sometime,” Harding says. He says the difference is that the 41-year-old Longo—who holds a law degree and sports an impressive career in which he rose from a cadet to a colonel in 18 years with the Baltimore police force—sets the tone for a culture that does not tolerate insensitive behavior. Longo’s example, Harding says, is “permeating the whole environment.”

 Even so, some residents, particularly in black neighborhoods, aren’t buying that it’s a new day over at the police station. The tension between African-Americans and the police reaches deeper than any particular chief, policy, or specific incident, says DNA dragnet critic Raymond Mason.

 “The problem is not just the chief, or the police department. It’s the community itself,” says Mason. “Charlottesville just got named the best place to live, but for black people that’s just not true. It’s the same way in every city.”

 Echoing a fact the chief himself explained to the Citizens Police Academy, Mason says that a suspicion of white society, including police and government, has long been part of African-American culture.

 “It’s not just resentment against the police department,” says Mason. “It’s resentment against white society.”

 That’s not what Charlottesville likes to hear about itself. Whether such resentment is fair, both police and African-American leaders admit Mason’s point of view is not uncommon; indeed, it’s a fact that both blacks and whites must recognize and confront if any progress is to be made in Charlottesville’s race relations.

 Mason is a convicted felon, guilty of cocaine distribution and heroin possession, and he now works for Gaston Wyatt, a woodworking company. He says his first encounter with police was when he was 11 or 12. A white woman accused him—falsely, he says—of stealing her pocketbook. An officer apprehended him, twisted his arm behind his back and hollered to his buddies, “Yep, I caught another one.”

 Mason says he escaped prosecution when the woman couldn’t positively identify him. “She said, ‘You know, judge, they all look alike.’”

 Mason points to little examples—the way a police car cruises by a group of black men standing on the corner, then turns around and cruises by again, slowly. It’s the condescending attitude he says some officers exude towards black people.

 “Cops talk to white people, and they say ‘Sir, is there a problem,’” says Mason. “They talk to black people and say ‘Hey, what’s the problem here?’”

 Mason says he recently gave an officer roadside directions. “He said, ‘You ‘da man!’ I’m not the man. You don’t have to talk black to me. Just be respectful.”

 Another incident—recently two plainclothes police officers were walking along UVA’s Corner district when a young white man drove past in an SUV blaring hip hop. “Hey, you’re white!” one of the officers yelled to the driver, mockingly, unaware that a C-VILLE reporter was walking behind them.

 It’s unclear whether they were City officers. But their badges and guns were clearly on display, and so was the kind of cocky swagger that many people find offensive. It’s what Harding would call “knucklehead” behavior, and it reinforces the deeply ingrained stereotypes that Longo is striving to overcome.

 “There are always going to be people that say, ‘You know what, I’ve been hurt too many times. I’ve seen things too many times. [Police] are not going to change my mind,’” Longo says. “You can’t [further] alienate that person. You just gotta accept that and move on—with or without them.”

 Longo put this belief into action on a recent day, when he returned a call from Mary Carey about setting up a meeting. Still steamed, Carey plays the Longo’s message for a reporter. His voice is business-like, but friendly, as he says he looks forward to meeting with her.

 

 

A matter of perception

Safety—no politician can promise it, no police program can guarantee it. Safety is more than just a function of crime statistics or number of officers on the street. It’s also a subjective feeling that depends on how people perceive their environment.

 To illustrate that point, Longo describes what he says is the No. 1 complaint his department receives. It’s laughable—when people complain to Longo about crime, the place they talk about the most frequently is that bourgeois bastion, the Downtown Mall.

 Longo himself sometimes patrols the Mall on Friday nights, and says the typical troublemaker he runs into is a loud teenager who might be sitting ona planter.

 “I hear all the time that people don’t feel safe on the Downtown Mall,” Longo says. “But the reality of it is that you don’t read about a lot of crimes happening there.”

 Yet some residents say police should be arresting more of those unruly teenagers and other alleged Mall troublemakers—many of whom are black. At a recent meeting of the Downtown Business Association of Charlottesville, several merchants gave City Police Lt. Gary Pleasants an earful about crime on the Mall, claiming that officers are allegedly issuing warnings rather than arresting Mall urchins.

 Sometimes, police can’t catch a break. Last year Charlottesville saw a 10 percent dip in reported, serious crimes, yet critics continue to harp on the department for not being able to catch the serial rapist—the proverbial needle in the haystack. While some business owners and real estate developers push police to “lock ‘em up,” minority neighborhood leaders say aggressive tactics only alienate the people whose help police most need.

 When Longo moved into his office three years, ago, his problems went even deeper than inconsistent notions of community policing. The City’s police department constantly struggles to retain officers tempted by higher-paying jobs, and the chronic officer shortfall (currently, the department is seven officers short) means community policing units are perpetually shorthanded.

 “Rather than just take a bunch of cops and throw them at a neighborhood, we started small,” Longo says. “And we picked 10th and Page first.”

 In addition to the two cops at 10th and Page, who are set up in a substation, City police have two officers at a substation in the Orangedale/Prospect Avenue neighborhood. Longo says the first priority for these four officers is meeting people and building relationships.

 “If it takes you 10 years, then prepare to say here 10 years,” Longo says of the neighborhood cops’ marching orders.

 To help restore faith in local government, police hold regular meetings in target neighborhoods, giving residents a chance to make requests for amenities—repair for a broken sidewalk, a speed bump, a new stop sign. Then police go to City Hall and make it happen.

 The thinking is that if these officers can earn neighbor’s trust, maybe cops will be steered toward big problems, such as when an out-of-town drug dealer moves into the area. Because, as Longo says, people are far more likely to phone in a tip to a cop they know and trust.

 “I wish we could just wave a magic wand and expand [community policing],” says Waters of the Quality Community Council.

 Though Waters admits that this year has posed challenges for police in working with the black community, she says Longo’s plan has definitely improved peoples’ opinions of cops, and City government. Furthermore, Waters actually thinks the DNA flap could help get people engaged with police, claiming that her office gained several volunteers who signed up because of outrage over the incident.

 “Crisis is what forms leadership,” Waters says.

 Cyndi Richardson, a lifelong resident of Sixth Street S.W., is enrolled in this fall’s Citizens Police Academy. She says she’s excited about talking to local drug enforcement, SWAT and internal affairs officers. She’s also looking forward to seeing the firing range, but wouldn’t mind missing the tour of the jail.

 Richardson currently serves as an informal block rep for police, a role she says grew out of her concern over drug dealing on her street in the mid ’90s. The dealers moved to her street when police cracked down on an open-air drug market in 10th and Page.

 “Now, it’s gone,” Richardson says of the imported drug problem.

 Richardson says she praises police to her neighbors, defending their actions with “a clear conscience”—a stance that isn’t always easy.

 “I’ve gotten flack for it,” Richardson says, noting that she supports police because “I’ve worked with the police department.”

 Even as community policing apparently makes slow but steady inroads into the African-American community, the system is still hampered by budget issues. While the federal government feeds departments across the country millions of dollars for guns and gas masks to fight drugs and terrorists, federal and State budget cuts have left localities strapped for cash.

 For example, The Washington Post reported last week that the Justice Department’s Community Oriented Policing Services Program (COPS), which helped local departments boost their ranks with 118,000 officers nationwide, would no longer fund new hires. The move comes after years of cuts from the Bush Administration. Since 1995, the COPS program gave the Charlottesville Police Department $662,069, allowing it to bring on 14 new officers.

 Budget woes mean Charlottesville is often short on police officers. The seven-officer shortage in Charlottesville has left four vacancies in the department’s Neighborhood Services Bureau. That means two neighborhoods, including Friendship Court where Kerry Cook was shot, are denied a community policing squad. Furthermore, Harding says, the department is constantly losing officers to higher salaries in other cities or to jobs with the Drug Enforcement Agency, Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms bureau, and FBI. And in a new twist, Harding says three experienced officers have been lured away from Charlottesville in the last six months by local sheriffs’ departments that offered the bonus of a take-home police car.

 “We get discouraged,” says Harding.

 Police work, it seems, is often an exercise in dealing with frustration. Money’s tight, demands are high, and sometimes the progress seems to come in drops while setbacks seem to come in torrents.

 “You’ve just got to be patient,” says Longo. “You can’t just throw your hands up and say, ‘There’s nothing we can do.’ You’ve got to stay the course. You’ve got to show people that this is for real.”

Welcome to the neighborhood
COMMUNITY POLICING HITS THE STREETS

Lt. Mike Dean of the Charlottesville Police Department is an ex-Marine who worked for the Jefferson Area Drug Enforcement squad for 15 years. During that time, he says, busting dealers was “my singular focus.”

 So it was a major shift for Dean when he was promoted in 2002 to run the CPD’s Neighborhood Services Bureau, which directs the department’s “community policing” efforts from a headquarters in the former Frank Ix building. Since then, Dean has become a true believer in the hands-on approach of working with residents to stop crime.

 “Community policing is about leveraging all our resources, because police can’t do it alone” Dean says. “What we think the problems in the community are, are not always what people in the neighborhood think the biggest problems are,” Dean adds.

 To better learn what’s going on around town, City police hold monthly meetings with a group of 30 informal block reps from primarily low-income neighborhoods, also drawing City officials to the huddles.

 Police also go door-to-door delivering surveys in historically high-crime neighborhoods. Among the questions on the straightforward questionnaire are whether people think police are respectful, whether they feel safe and what they think are the biggest ills in the neighborhood, with choices ranging from gun violence to littering. Dean flips through a big book that contains detailed results from the survey, saying they help City cops know where work needs to be done.

 Many of the tactics used in community policing arose in the early ’90s in New York City, during Rudy Giuliani’s stint as mayor, a time in which the NYPD orchestrated a remarkable decrease in crime. The strategy is about far more than, as Police Captain J.E. “Chip” Harding says, “just birthday cakes and gifts for children.” When it’s working, community policing garners a steady stream of tips about crime and also helps one hand talk to the other, so to speak, on the force.

 One tactic local cops have taken from the NYPD’s community policing playbook is a regular meeting to track crime trends. At the meeting, Chief Longo says shift commanders and sergeants huddle at a round table with detectives, school resources officers and neighborhood cops to look at clusters of “calls for service” on a map up on the wall. Longo says the group can focus on specific streets and ask questions such as, “Why do we have three domestic calls here and what are you doing to stop it? Have you booked them into counseling?”

 Longo says the approach gives cops a fuller picture of likely criminals. It’s part of a far more comprehensive crime fighting plan than what Charlottesville’s finest have used in the past, which Longo describes as, “Go in there guys, be real aggressive policing, lock some people up, kick down some doors, execute some search warrants, get some people off the corner, you know, board up some houses and then once it’s stabilized, O.K. 10th and Page, you’re on your own.

 “This is different,” Longo says. “It could take years.”—P.F.

Back in black
THE CITY POLICE DEPARTMENT STRUGGLES TO RECRUIT AFRICAN-AMERICAN OFFICERS

An obvious way for the Charlottesville Police Department to better relations with black citizens is to have more black cops patrolling the city. But with only 13 black officers on the 112-member police force, the percentage of black cops is about half the percentage of African-American residents in Charlottesville proper, which is 22 percent.

 Chief Timothy Longo says this relatively low number is not for lack of trying, citing “focused minority recruitment” of blacks, Hispanics and women.

 “The problem with recruiting African-Americans, particularly African-American males, is that it’s not a popular profession,” Longo says, with understatement. “There’s a certain stigma.”

 With the force not having much luck recruiting black men, Longo decided to call for backup. About 18 months ago, he sent a letter to 35 local black leaders.

 “Basically what I was asking for is help,” Longo says.

 With only a handful of phone calls and a few meetings resulting, the response to the letter was disappointing.

 Asked what might turn things around, spurring local leaders to help and bringing minority recruits to his door, Longo says, “People are just going to have to see that this is a department in which they feel respected and valued.”—P.F.

Police salaries

Police work is rarely easy, no matter what city you live in. Charlottesville cops endure the same frustrations and dangers as officers elsewhere, but they get far less in return.

 Statistics show that Charlottesville’s men and women in blue earn less than their counterparts in other cities. The chart below compares starting salaries for patrol officers in Charlottesville and other Virginia cities and elsewhere nationwide.

 In the past six months, Charlottesville’s police department has lost three officers to other departments with higher pay, according to City Police Captain J.E. “Chip” Harding. The department is currently short seven officers, with four vacancies in the community-policing bureau. It’s frustrating, Harding says, because it’s usually the most talented officers who leave.

 Last spring, in the thick of budget season and City Council campaigns, there seemed to be no dearth of rhetoric about how raising salaries would help the City retain good officers. What does seem in short supply, however, is money.—J.B.

 

STARTING SALARIES FOR POLICE OFFICERS IN VIRGINIA

Charlottesville $29,250

Albemarle County $28,888

Virginia Beach $36,622

Danville $27,951 (without college degree), $30,746 (without college degree)

Arlington $38,126

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News in review

Tuesday, September 28
Serial rapist is black

As of today, local cops can stop scrutinizing Latinos or white men in their search for the serial rapist. (Police reportedly sought DNA samples from two Latino men as part of the DNA dragnet.) Confirmation that the serial rapist is indeed a black man came yesterday, when police released the results of a DNA analysis of crime scene evidence, which found that the culprit’s ancestry is 85 percent Sub-Saharan African, 12 percent European and 3 percent Native American. The low contribution of European and Native American genetic components “will not likely contribute to the appearance of the rapist,” police said in a press release. Also this week, police activated a 24-hour hotline—1-866-405-2519—for tips or other information about the sexual assaults.

 

Wednesday, September 29
Hurry up and wait

Richard Herskowitz, director of the Virginia Film Festival, today released the lineup for the four-day program, which runs October 28-31. Though the festival, with “Speed” for its theme, will examine “our accelerated culture of fast foods and quick cuts” it will also include the other extreme, featuring techniques used in the “cinema of contemplation,” and hosting a “slow food” brunch at Mas, the Belmont tapas joint. Perhaps the festival’s hottest ticket will be Loren James, cinema badass Steve McQueen’s body double for 23 years, who will discuss the unmatched hill-jumping car chase scene from the McQueen classic, Bullitt.

 

SNL buys news service

SNL Financial today announced its acquisition of Arlington-based Io Energy, which, in a press release, it calls the “second largest news provider” on the energy industry. The new holding will be part of SNL’s latest brand, SNL Energy.

 

Thursday, September 30
Living on $217 per week

The Thomas Jefferson Partnership for Economic Development (TJPED) today released a sobering analysis of the local job market. According to the report, while the total number of jobs has increased in the last five years, the new jobs pay 40 percent less than jobs that have been cut in the same time period. For example, the 3,100 manufacturing jobs lost since 1998 paid an average weekly wage of $660 while the 1,671 new jobs in the “retail trade sector” pay an average of only $371 per week. Even worse, the 1,217 jobs in accommodations and food service pay only $217 per week. In a press release, the TJPED warned that this growing gap between highest-income and lowest-income families “will only make housing less ‘affordable.’”

 

Friday, October 1
Workers assail charter plan

About 50 people rallied today at the Rotunda, speaking against UVA’s plan to emancipate itself from State control. UVA, along with Virginia Tech and William and Mary, are seeking “charter” status, freeing the schools from both State funding and oversight—a politically popular move in light of the General Assembly’s recent fiscal unreliability.

 While charter status could eliminate red tape for UVA’s administration, the move could also change the rules for many of UVA’s workers. The Staff Union at UVA—which called the rally to coincide with a Board of Visitors meeting on Grounds—warns that workers could lose job security if the charter passes. Fueling suspicions that the charter may be unfriendly to workers, UVA officials have yet to release details about the proposal.

 

Saturday, October 2
Runners support Kerry race

About 200 Left-leaning runners and walkers took to The Park at UVA this morning for the Take Back America ’04-Miler. The gloomy early-morning weather might have been responsible for the middling turnout, but it didn’t stop big Dems like State Sen. Creigh Deeds, Fifth District Congressional candidate Al Weed and Governor Mark R. Warner from stumping at the post-run rally. Warner, bolstered by John Kerry’s strong performance at the first presidential debate and an upswing in Democratic interest in Southside Virginia cities like Danville, said, “Come November 2 the Democrats are going to win Virginia and win back the Fifth District.”

 

Sunday, October 3
Hi! Welcome to jail!

The normally publicity-shy Charlottesville- Albemarle Regional Jail held an “open house” today. About 30 people showed up to tour the jail and meet thenew superintendent, Ronald Matthews, who replaced the retired John Isom in June.

 Matthews says he was hired to introduce new programs in the jail to teach inmates skills that could prevent recidivism. He plans to introduce 13 new programs, including courses in creative writing, nursing and the culinary arts. He also says jail staff will be able to take Spanish classes to help them communicate with what Matthews says is a growing number of Hispanic inmates.

 

Monday, October 4
Last-minute voters register

Wannabe voters took full advantage of the local registrar’s services on this, the final day to register to vote in next month’s election. By 10am, the City Registrar’s office, open already 90 minutes, had assisted 45 people. “We have just been hopping,” said Deputy Registrar Lori Krizek. Over at the comparable County office, Registrar Jackie Harris, said, “the phone started ringing off the hook” at about 7:15am. Many grassroots organizations have been energetic in rounding up new voters.

 

—Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports.

 

Party on
College Dems, Republicans ramp up to election

Ali Ahmad is psyched. It’s 8pm, and he’s ready to lead the people. “We need these little, surgical strikes into the heart of liberal academia,” he says. “Who’s up for this?” The people whoop and cheer.

 The people are about 40 of UVA’s College Republicans. Ahmad, their 21-year-old president, is a senior economics major and a true conservative believer. Dressed in a rumpled t-shirt and flip-flops, Ahmad certainly doesn’t match the stereotype of the loafer-sporting, bow-tied Wahoo Republican (in fact, there’s nary a tassled loafer in sight at this meeting). But the wide-eyed, perpetually grinning Ahmad exudes what is perhaps the most intangible, most valuable quality for any would-be politico: buckets of boundless enthusiasm.

 With the election four weeks away, both national parties have brought in the heavy firepower—attack ads, smears, dodges—the kind of tactics that make you wonder how Republicans and Democrats will ever manage to cooperate on the public’s business once the election is over.

 At UVA, too, the competition is heating up. Both the College Republicans and a group called “Cavs ’04 Kerry” have both been going door-to-door on Grounds, trying to uncover Bush and Kerry supporters who might need an absentee ballot or want to join the group. Such canvassing is actually against the rules at UVA. But this is politics, baby. It’s winner take all, and only losers follow the rules.

 Ahmad’s rival is Katie Cristol, the hyper-involved leader of Cavs ’04 Kerry. She’s also a columnist for The Cavalier Daily, a member of Chi Omega sorority, a “sustained dialogue moderator,” and a “sexual assault peer advocate.” And, grin for grin, Cristol’s enthusiasm is on par with Ahmad’s.

 While acknowledging that negative campaigning can turn off voters in either party, both Cristol and Ahmad seem primed on the rush of competition.

 “UVA is a competitive school,” Cristol says. “We want our football team to take names, we want to be at the top of our class and we want our presidential candidate to kick ass. My brother has fantasy football; I follow the Senate races.”

 Aside from the unsanctioned canvassing, each group is organizing events and trips to push its candidate both on Grounds and in other states. On Sunday, September 26, Cavs ’04 Kerry held a concert and rally at the UVA amphitheater, and the group plans a trip to West Virginia to help with that state’s voter turnout efforts. Later this month, the College Republicans will be campaigning in Pennsylvania, which stands to be closely contested.

 At a meeting on Wednesday, September 29, Ahmad asked for volunteers to roam the streets of Charlottesville with him on the night of November 1, saying that he heard “Left-wing nutzos” are planning to tear down Bush campaign materials. “We can get some fireworks or BB guns,” Ahmad says.

 (If any vandalism happens, it won’t be the handiwork of Cavs ’04 Kerry, says Cristol. “I think we have better things to do,” she says.)

 Until then, Ahmad outlines the night’s plan—College Republicans will fan out to some of UVA’s dorms, knocking on doors, unearthing potential Bush voters and helping them acquire absentee ballots. Ahmad’s group, which includes senior Doug Webber and a reporter, starts knocking on doors at Courtenay, a dorm on Alderman Road.

 If you listen to Ahmad, you’d think UVA is swimming in liberals; listening to Cristol, you get the impression she feels besieged by conservatives. On the all-male first floor of Courtenay,at least, it’s about even. Nearly everyone identifies himself as “moderate,” and out of about 16 students the Republicans talk to, the split is even between Bush and Kerry supporters.

 Finally, a student takes exception to the canvassing and asks the Republicans to leave. “Cavs ’04 Kerry is doing it,” says Ahmad.

 “That doesn’t make it right,” replies the ticked off ‘Hoo.

 Ahmad grins and reaches to shake his hand, but the complainer heads back to his room. “Hey,” says Ahmad, leaving with a wave, “that’s what separates us from the terrorists.”—John Borgmeyer

 

Patent pending
Mothers and fathers of invention gather monthly

It’s been about 10 years since Christopher de Janasz’s nephew dunked a $50 clicker for a garage-door opener into a container of juicer, getting de Janasz thinking about a simpler, tidier means to indoor vehicle storage. In southern California at the time, working at a family piston-ring manufacturing business, de Janasz hit upon the idea of embedding a remote device in the high-beam switch, and enlisted a pair of engineers to build a prototype. Soon, he had a licensing agreement with Stanley Door Systems, then a division of Stanley Works. But at about the same time that business unit was sold to another company, and de Janasz’s deal got shredded among all the moving parts in the transition.

 Relocating to central Virginia in 1998 with his wife, an academic who’d gotten a job at James Madison University, de Janasz dedicated himself full-time to getting his invention off the ground. But after six months or so developing a business plan and struggling for financing in the awkward space somewhere between small business loans of a few thousand dollars and the voluptuous world of venture capital funding—and facing pressure from a spouse losing her patience—de Janasz made a retreat from the world of the self-employed and got a regular job.

 It was around this time that de Janasz came across the Blue Ridge Inventors Club. “One time somebody there jokingly called it ‘group therapy,’” he says now. “That’s kind of what I use it for.”

 The Inventors Club was founded in 1995 by longtime friends Richard Britton, a physicist and the holder of several patents, and Mac Woodward, a former teacher and inventor who traces his interest in the field to his uncle, who served as commissioner of patents under Franklin Roosevelt. Woodward and Britton, who are in the process of handing off responsibility for the club to a younger generation, are currently at work to bring to market a solution that dissolves hypodermic needles as an environmentally safe alternative for the disposal of medical waste.

 Acting club president Linda Uihlein, the proprietor of Em Paks, a recently launched seller of emergency-preparedness kits, says the basic mission of the organization is “to encourage and help independent inventors bring their products to the world.” Meeting on the third Wednesday of each month, the club offers like-minded members the opportunity to confabulate, share and vet ideas and projects (protected by a confidentiality statement signed at the beginning of each session), and seek advice and resources from a group with a diverse set of experiences and areas of expertise.

 Members in particular point to Woodward as a knowledgeable and well-connected authority on the invention process, including gaining patents and seeking financing and partnerships with manufacturers and marketing organizations.

Meetings have lately been held at Woodward’s residence, with four to eight members typically attending, according to Uihlein. On a recent Wednesday, the proceedings were primarily made up of a roundtable presentation of members’ ongoing projects. Elbert Dale, retired from the Air Force, said he’d made initial patent filings for a collar fitting designed to protect Husqvarna weed eaters from clogging with grass, about which he intends to approach the Swedish manufacturer. Mark Wilson, a designer, gave an account of his ergonomic tableware venture. Dubbed “Curvware,” the line is a radical departure from traditional utensil forms and aims at bio-mechanically friendly function, calling upon “gross motor movements” from users as opposed to “fine motor movements.” Gerry Sackett, a builder for 35 years, demonstrated his “self-storing component brace,” a metal brace that attaches to beams before they are put in place as trusses, rafters or joists, and effortlessly pivots to secure them in the structure, simplifying construction in awkward, high places, for instance.

 After a year at regular work, de Janasz returned to his garage-door transmitter with some savings, and was serendipitously approached by Harley Davidson, which was developing a similar aftermarket application for its motorcycles. Harley Davidson now licenses his patent for the high-beam switch. Currently selling automobile devices (which he has manufactured in China) under his “Flash2Pass” brand through the Internet and specialty catalogs, and seeking shelf space at major retailers, de Janasz still describes his company as “tiny, in the struggling, start-up mode.” But after a decade of perseverance, de Janasz has finally achieved firm footing and is optimistic about his prospects. Next up: an entree to the gated community market with a pilot program at the Glenmore development.—Harry Terris

 

Back waters
Council spares big developer on water quality

Last week, City Council decided to cut developers some slack regarding a new water quality ordinance Council passed on September 20.

 The ordinance protects Meadow Creek, Moore’s Creek and the Rivanna River by requiring developers to maintain 100-foot buffers between their projects and the waterways. If construction must affect the river, developers must make up for it by improving a stream somewhere else—a process called “mitigation.”

 The ordinance had been in the works for months, and according to the City’s Nieghborhood Development Services, 37 site plans were submitted just before Council voted on the ordinance.

 When Councilors passed the ordinance last month by a vote of 4-1, they decided that the new rules should take effect immediately. This meant that the ordinance would affect about 13 projects that had already been submitted to NDS. Councilor Rob Schilling said that was unfair, and voted against the ordinance.

 Last week, Mayor David Brown, seemingly subject to buyer’s remorse, called a special meeting on Monday, September 27, and urged Council to change its mind. “I was feeling uneasy with the fairness to people who entered the planning process under a set of assumptions,” says Brown.

 Councilors Blake Caravati and Schilling agreed, and with a 3-2 vote Council concluded that the new water ordinance would not apply to site plans already submitted to NDS. Councilors Kevin Lynch and Kendra Hamilton stuck to their original view that the ordinance should take effect immediately.

 The flip-flop was no doubt spurred in large part by a site plan submitted on September 17 by the Cox Company, which aims to put a “big box” store and parking lot at the northwest corner of Hydraulic Road and the 250 Bypass (currently occupied by Dominion Virginia Power). The site plan puts Meadow Creek, which flows through the southwest corner of the 15-acre project, in a culvert beneath a parking lot.

 No tenant has been announced for the site—which still must be approved by the City and the State Department of Environmental Quality.

 Courting developers to the Dominion site has been a City priority for some time, says Lynch. But he says he felt “ill served” by NDS staff.

 “They let the plan in under the wire,” says Lynch. “They knew we were working on this ordinance, and they didn’t raise the issue with councilors, and didn’t hold the developer to a higher standard.”

 NDS Director Jim Tolbert says the Cox Company didn’t get any special treatment. “I understand the frustration,” says Tolbert. “But until we get a plan in, we don’t talk about it publicly.”—John Borgmeyer

Categories
News

All the news that’s fit to gag

www.alternet.org

In Minot, North Dakota, in 2002, a train derailed at 1:30am spilling 200,000 gallons of deadly gas. All six commercial radio stations in the area were owned by Clear Channel, and all six were fully automated. As a result, the stations weren’t switched over to the emergency broadcasting frequency and the news wasn’t properly disseminated to the local population. One man who tried to get in his car died; others suffered burns or were partially blinded. It was an hour and a half before officials could finally get a hold of anyone at the station to broadcast the emergency alert.

 This incident, reported last year as one of Project Censored’s top censored stories of 2002-2003 [C-VILLE, September 30, 2003], offers a window into the larger problem of media consolidation wherein corporations, eager to cut costs, and loathe to disturb the interests of those in power, have already eaten up most of the media landscape. In the process they’ve neglected some of the most crucial information the American citizenry needs in order for our democracy to survive. Though an unprecedented number of concerned citizens spoke out against the recent attempt by the Federal Communications Commission to further deregulate the media, we’ve already seen the number of bold, independent-minded, Watergate-type stories diminish in frequency with each passing year.

 On a more personal level, how often do you find yourself sitting at dinner, on the bus, at work across from your pro-Bush uncle, acquaintance, or boss, referring to a story that didn’t get the coverage it warranted? You frantically Google it, but more often than not, if you find it at all, it’s far too late to make your point. And for most Americans, the simple fact that it didn’t make the nightly news is evidence of its dubiousness.

 Each year, in response to these concerns, Project Censored creates a list of its top “censored” stories of the year. Though it might more accurately be called “Project Not-Mentioned-Enough,” the list does provide crucial facts and perspectives that every citizen ought to know before stepping into a voting booth. It might also help with those friendly debates if you remember to pass it around to acquaintances, bosses and your Republican uncle.

 

Wealth inequality in 21st century threatens economy and democracy.

 The corporate media’s coverage of “the economy” is usually restricted to the rolling hills of the stock market, fluctuating rates of “consumer spending,” or corporations’ quarterly profit reports. Seldom is there any discussion of the distribution of these indicators of the national purse. Were the gap between the rich and poor to be a part of the discussion, the nightly news’ numbers would tell the story of an America few would recognize.

 Edward Wolff, a professor of economics at New York University, points out that while wealth inequality (“wealth” is defined as assets and income minus debt) fell from 1929 through 1976 or so, it has risen sharply since then. As it stood in 1998, the wealthiest 5 percent of this nation owned more (59 percent) than the other 95 percent put together. And that’s well before Bush’s tax cuts for the wealthy were even a glimmer in the neoconservative eye. In fact, when compared to the egalitarian promised land of Sweden, up until the early 1970s the United States had a lower wealth inequality.

 Break it down along “racial” lines and the inequality bloats. Black families, while earning 60 percent of what white families earn, possess only 18 percent of the wealth.

 And should you not have any ethical problems with this inequality, recent studies provide reasons for even number-crunchers to worry. Wolff explains: “There is now a lot of evidence, based on cross-national comparisons of inequality and economic growth, that more unequal societies actually have lower rates of economic growth.” It boils down to this: Inequality leads to poor schooling for the majority, who in turn mature into a less capable, less ambitious and less talented pool of workers than many other nations’ kids whose systems provide an adequate education to all.

 This is a recent and reversible phenomenon, according to David Cay Johnston, a Pulitzer-prize winning New York Times reporter. He comments on the media’s mistaken treatment of “think tanks” as intellectual institutions instead of as “ideological marketing organizations” that “favor the super-rich.”

 Johnston challenges another cherished media myth: “Most Americans believe we take from people at the top to benefit those below. And what I show in [my] book from the data is that’s not the case. Our national myth—and I use that in the classic sense of the word “myth”—is wrong. We take from people who make $30,000 to $500,000 to give relief to those who make millions, or tens and hundreds of millions of dollars a year.”

 This trend is mirrored across the globe where one in six people lives in slums. U.N.-habitat estimates that, if governments don’t work to remedy the situation, “a third of the world’s population will be slum dwellers within 30 years… unplanned, unsanitary settlements threaten both political and fiscal stability within Third World countries, where urban slums are growing faster than expected.” Or: While we fight the “war on terror” we are neglecting a much greater threat to world stability: poverty.

See: Multinational Monitor, May 2003, Vol. 24, No. 5, Title: “The Wealth Divide” (An interview with Edward Wolff) Author: Robert Weissman;

Buzzflash March 26 and 29, 2004, Title: “A Buzzflash Interview, Parts I & II” (with David Cay Johnston) Author: Buzzflash Staff;

London Guardian, October 4, 2003, Title: “Every third person will be a slum dweller within 30 years, UN agency warns” Author: John Vidal;

Multinational Monitor, July/August, 2003, Title: “Grotesque Inequality,” Author: Robert Weissman.

 

Ashcroft vs. the human rights law that holds corporations  accountable.

In the morally challenged world of foreign policy, human rights abuses are often treated as just another pawn in the chess game for power and resources. As the events in Iraq over the past few decades have shown, criminal acts by a ruthless dictator only warrant retaliation when it becomes politically advantageous.

 But every now and again ordinary citizens find ways of bringing international criminals and human rights abusers to justice. One such case is the successful use of an obscure law, rediscovered in 1980, called the Alien Tort Claims Act of 1789. Originally enacted to combat piracy in international waters, it has been used with increasing frequency to help “victims of serious rights abuses committed overseas by foreign government leaders and senior military officials, as well as United States and foreign-owned corporations, to get a hearing before U.S. federal courts.” It was used in the successful suit brought by Holocaust survivors against Swiss banks and companies that used slave labor during World War II.

 The father and sister of a Paraguayan boy who was kidnapped and tortured to death exhumed the law in 1980. When the police officer responsible for the killing later came to the United States, the family invoked the law, which was upheld by the Second Circuit Court of Appeals. Jim Lobe, who has reported on the rulings, notes that the 1980 ruling “was followed by a number of high-profile cases against foreign national leaders, such as Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos and Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, and senior army or security officers from Guatemala, Indonesia, Argentina, Ethiopia, and El Salvador, among other countries.”

 But now, in spite of (or perhaps related to) these success stories, U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft is seeking to abolish the law, arguing that it, according to a Justice Department brief, “raises significant potential for serious interference with important foreign policy interests.”

 Human Rights Watch Director Tom Malinowski noted that the State Department has indicated little to no support for abolishing the law and added: “I don’t think this has anything to do with the war on terror…I think this is motivated by a very hard-core ideological resistance within the Justice Department to the whole concept of international law being enforced. The notion that international norms are enforceable by anyone is repugnant to some in the Justice Department.”

See: Oneworld.net and Asheville Global Report, May 19, 2003, Title: “Ashcroft goes after 200-year-old human rights law,” Author: Jim Lobe.

 

Bush Administration manipulates science and censors scientists.

This is one story that actually involves censorship by the Bush Administration. Still, although they’ve sought to censor scientists and their findings, they’ve yet to censor the stories of this censorship. But with a press corps as compliant and eager as the one we’ve got, why bother?

 Robert F. Kennedy, head of the Natural Resources Defense Council, exposes one particularly egregious example of Bush’s Environmental Protection Agency out and out lying to the public. Shortly after September 11 he and a partner experienced breathing problems at their office near the World Trade Center. They were able to close up shop, but “many workers did not have that option; their employers relied on the EPA’s nine press releases between September and December of 2001 reassuring the public about the wholesome air quality downtown. We have since learned that the government was lying to us. An Inspector General’s report released last August revealed that the EPA’s data did not support those assurances and that its press releases were being drafted or doctored by White House officials intent on reopening Wall Street.”

 This from a president whose re-election hinges on the public perception that he’s a caring father figure eager to deliver us from the horrors of terrorism and a dangerous world. It’s easy to see why adequate press coverage of this issue would undermine that image—and his re-election.

 A study by the EPA found that the bipartisan Senate Clear Air bill would do more to prevent American deaths than the Bush Administration’s proposed air pollution plan, known as “Clear Skies.” This study was promptly repressed by the Bush Administration. According to Kevin Knobloch, president of the Union of Concerned Scientists, “This is akin to the White House directing the National Weather Service to alter a hurricane forecast because they want everyone to think we have clear skies ahead…The hurricane is still coming, but without factual information no one will be ready for it.”

 An Environmental News Service report summed it up this way: “President George W. Bush has suppressed and distorted scientific analysis from federal agencies, subjected government scientists to ‘censorship and political oversight,’ and taken actions that have undermined the quality of scientific advisory panels.”

 The result, according to a former head of the National Science Foundation: “This will have serious consequences for public health.”

 Finally, Rep. Henry A. Waxman (D-CA) compiled a 39-page report called “Politics and Science in the Bush Administration,” detailing the administration’s abuses of science in 20 separate categories. One example of many: “In the summer of 2002, CDC’s Advisory Committee on Childhood Lead Poisoning Prevention was preparing to confront the controversial issue of whether to expand the diagnosis of lead poisoning to include children with lower levels of blood lead. For more than a decade, the committee had advised intervention if levels measured 10 micrograms per deciliter or greater. While the lead industry has opposed lowering the standard, recent research has suggested that the cognitive development of children may be impaired at levels of 5 micrograms per deciliter or lower. As the committee prepared to consider changing the standard, [Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy] Thompson removed or rejected several qualified scientists and replaced them with lead industry consultants.”

See: The Nation, March 8, 2004, Title: “The Junk Science of George W. Bush” Author: Robert F. Kennedy Jr.;

Censorship News: The National Coalition Against Censorship Newsletter, Fall 2003, #91 Title: “Censoring Scientific Information”;

Environment News Service and Oneworld.net, February 20, 2004, Title: “Ranking Scientists Warn Bush Science Policy Lacks Integrity,” Author: Sunny Lewis;

Office of U.S. Representative Henry A. Waxman, August 2003, Title: “Politics And Science In The Bush Administration,” Prepared by: Committee on Government Reform – Minority Staff (Updated November 13, 2003).

 

High uranium levelsfound in troops and civilians.

  After you wade through the administration’s knee-deep rhetoric about “supporting the troops” and respecting “our men and women in uniform,” it’s worth a moment to take a look at what’s happening to those who’ve served in Afghanistan and Iraq—not to mention the civilians of those nations.

 The Uranium Medical Research Center studied Afghan civilians a few months after U.S. attacks and found that of the samples taken, every single one had levels of non-depleted uranium, 4 to 20 times higher than normal. This non-depleted uranium is even more toxic than the depleted uranium which, according to Lauren Moret, President of Scientists for Indigenous People and Environmental Commissioner for the City of Berkeley, accounts for “more than 240,000 Gulf War veterans…on permanent medical disability and more than 11,000…dead.”

 Moret goes on to point out that “In a U.S. government study, conducted by the Department of Veterans Affairs on post-Gulf War babies, 67 percent were found to have serious birth defects or serious illnesses. They were born without eyes, ears, had missing organs, missing legs and arms, fused fingers, thyroid or other organ malformations.”

 Neither type of uranium is able to discriminate between enemy soldiers, civilians and our very own troops, which means that if the Afghan population has it, then so will our troops.

 And indeed, according to an April 3 report in the New York Daily News, it’s happening again: “A nuclear medicine expert who examined and tested nine soldiers from the company [returning from Iraq] says that four ‘almost certainly’ inhaled radioactive dust from exploded American shells manufactured with depleted uranium.”

 The U.S. Army, which continues to use depleted uranium in shells and as tank armor (to name a few of its current uses), naturally denies that DU has any negative consequences for its troops. The Daily News goes on to report, however, that “In January 2003, the European Parliament called for a moratorium on their use after reports of an unusual number of leukemia deaths among Italian soldiers who served in Kosovo, where DU weapons were used.”

 

See: Uranium Medical Research Center, January 2003, Title: “UMRC’s Preliminary Findings from Afghanistan & Operation Enduring Freedom” and “Afghan Field Trip #2 Report: Precision Destruction—Indiscriminate Effects,” Author: Tedd Weyman, UMRC Research Team;

Awakened Woman, January 2004, Title: “Scientists Uncover Radioactive Trail in Afghanistan,” Author: Stephanie Hiller;

Dissident Voice, March 2004, Title: “There Are No Words…Radiation in Iraq Equals 250,000 Nagasaki Bombs,” Author: Bob Nichols

 New York Daily News, April 5,2004, Title: “Poisoned?” Author: Juan Gonzalez;

Information Clearing House, March 2004, Title: “International Criminal Tribune For Afghanistan At Tokyo, The People vs. George Bush,” Author: Professor Niloufer Bhagwat.

 

The wholesale giveaway of our natural resources.

  You may be confused by all the historical comparisons necessary to fully appreciate the Bush Administration’s deplorable treatment of the people and resources of this country. Or you may be grateful for the history lesson. Either way, the most famous of these—that no president since Hoover has lost more jobs during his watch—has met its match.

 Adam Werbach, writing for In These Times, one-ups this oft-repeated criticism with one that, at least according to Project Censored, hasn’t been repeated oft enough: “There has not been such a wholesale giveaway of our common assets to corporate interests since the presidency of William McKinley (1897-1901).”

 Werbach writes, “Soon after Bush took office, Vice President Dick Cheney convened a secretive energy task force to craft the administration’s agenda. They recommended two major efforts: lower the environmental bar and pay corporations to jump over it. With the help of Enron’s Ken Lay and other gas and oil industry leaders, they laid out a set of plans to weaken existing environmental regulations and provide a multibillion-dollar package of tax incentives to increase oil and gas production.”

 The truth is, it’s very difficult to say for sure who was present at this meeting. While the media has reported that the nation’s energy policy was written during a meeting with undisclosed participants (rumored to be gas and oil industry leaders), they have been pretty lax in connecting this secretive task force with the sweetheart policies that have followed.

 Still, it doesn’t take a list of Cheney’s cronies to accurately report on the administration’s track record. One of Werbach’s examples is natural gas mining in Wyoming. To make a long story short, your tax dollars (3 billion of them) are subsidizing the extraction of natural gas, which would not normally be cost effective—primarily because, in the process of gaining access to the buried coal deposits, more than 700 million gallons of precious, publicly owned water must be removed from those pesky aquifers that stand in the way.

 Werbach goes on to explore the administration’s Orwellian environmental protection language and the media’s largely uncritical adoption of it. From the “Healthy Forests Initiative” to the “Clear Skies Act” (which some have dubbed the “Clear Lies Act), the media has seldom pointed out that these policies, by any objective standard (that is, not based on the words of those profiting from them), are disastrous to the common good.

 

See: In These Times, November 23, 2003, Title: “Liquidation of the Commons,” Author: Adam Werbach;

High Country News, Vol. 35, No. 11, June 9, 2003, Title: “Giant Sequoias Could Get the Ax,” Author: Matt Weiser.

 

Sale of electoral politics.

  As much hope as electronic voting offers (ease of use, access for the disabled etc), it offers just as many reasons for skepticism and fear. A look behind the curtain reveals that the programmers and manufacturers of the machines are a combination of defense contractors and corporations headed by staunch Republicans whose programming codes are dangerously faulty and whose results are impossible to verify.

 Still, despite the partisan nature of the manufacturers, the problem could be solved with paper receipts and nonpartisan audits. But thus far, bipartisan attempts to require such receipts and audits that would ensure popular confidence in our Democracy haven’t been a priority for the Republican-led congress. What possible reason could there be to prevent receipts? Are these questions being debated on “Hardball,” “Nightline,” in the pages of the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, or anywhere else?

 And what do we have to show for electronic voting’s record so far? And why do we have to go to London to learn it? Writing for the London Independent, Andrew Gumbel informs us that Roy Barnes, Georgia’s Democratic incumbent governor, held a 10-point lead shortly before the 2002 election, while Max Cleland held a two- to five-point lead over his opponent in the state’s senate race. The results, in this first all-electronic election, greatly contradicted all available polling and demographic information. The governor’s race swung 16 points to the advantage of the Republican challenger while the senate race swung from nine to 12 points—also to the Republican challenger. But few, if any, in the media sought to investigate this coincidence. And Republican upsets didn’t end there; according to Gumbel: “There were others in Colorado, Minnesota, Illinois and New Hampshire—all in races that had been flagged as key partisan battlegrounds, and all won by the Republican Party.”

 Now, here’s the kicker: “The vote count was not conducted by state elections officials, but by the private company that sold Georgia the voting machines in the first place, under a strict trade-secrecy contract that made it not only difficult but actually illegal—on pain of stiff criminal penalties—for the state to touch the equipment or examine the proprietary software to ensure the machines worked properly.”

 Here, from the same report, is a story begging to be told on network news: Sen Chuck Hagel, $5 million investor in ES&S—one of the larger voting systems manufacturers—“became the first Republican in 24 years to be elected to the Senate from Nebraska, cheered on by the Omaha World-Herald newspaper which also happens to be a big investor in ES&S…80 percent of Mr. Hagel’s winning votes—both in 1996 and in 2002—were counted, under the usual terms of confidentiality, by his own company.” That just ain’t the American way.

 

See: In These Times, December 2003, Title: “Voting Machines Gone Wild,” Author: Mark Lewellen-Biddle;

Independent/UK, October 13, 2003, Title: “All The President’s Votes?” Author: Andrew Gumbel;

Democracy Now! September 4, 2003, Title: “Will Bush Backers Manipulate Votes to Deliver GW Another Election?” Reporter: Amy Goodman and the staff of Democracy Now!

 

Conservative organization drives judicial appointments.

  One of the most influential, yet underreported, legal factors in the lives of Americans is not who our lawmakers are, but how our laws are interpreted once they are passed. The federal courts often are considered the “guardians of the Constitution,” because their rulings protect rights and liberties guaranteed by the Constitution.

 In 2001 George W. Bush eliminated the longstanding role of the American Bar Association (ABA) in the evaluation of prospective federal judges. ABA’s judicial ratings had long kept extremists from the Right and Left, off the bench. In its place, Bush has been using The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies—a national organization whose mission is to advance a conservative agenda by moving the country’s legal system to the right.

 Started in 1982 and drawing on support from conservatives such as John Ashcroft, Solicitor General Theodore Olson, Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Antonin Scalia, and Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Orrin Hatch, the Federalist Society has not only been aggressive in its tactics to appoint new judges—40 percent of Bush appointees are Federalist members—but also in attacking non-member judges. Hostility cast on 3rd Circuit Judge H. Lee Sarokin forced him to resign. “I see my life’s work and reputation being disparaged on an almost daily basis,” he said, “and I find myself unable to ignore it.”

 Martin Garbus and Jamin Raskin reported on this phenomenon in March 2003. “While Presidents and Congressmen get elected every few years, judicial appointments are for life, and some federal court appointments have gone from 40 to 50 years,” says Garbus. “Our courts deal with nearly every aspect of our life; work conditions and wages, schools, civil rights, affirmative action, crime and punishment, abortion and the environment, amongst others.”

 Since the publication of their articles, Bush tried to force through the most conservative group of nominees ever submitted by a President. He succeeded at times, but other appointments were rejected or stalled. Bush retaliated by making appointments while Congress was not in session. On May 18, a disastrous agreement was approved—Bush agreed not to make further recess appointments and the Democrats agreed to let Bush have 25 “free” appointments.

 

See: The American Prospect, Vol. 14, Issue 3, March 1, 2003, Title: “A Hostile Takeover: How the Federalist Society is Capturing the Federal Courts,” Author: Martin Garbus, Title: “Courts Vs. Citizens,” Author: Jamin Raskin

 

Secrets of Cheney’s energy task force come to light.

  It has become far more common in recent months for mainstream media to suggest that the war in Iraq is being fought not over weapons of mass destruction, but for oil and energy policies that benefit the United States. Far less common is the discussion of ties between Vice President Dick Cheney’s Energy Task Force and the current predicament the country finds itself in the Middle East.

 During 2000-01, blackouts, oil and natural gas shortages and a dramatic rise in oil imports (over 50 percent for the first time in history) prompted Bush to establish a task force charged with developing a long-range plan to meet U.S. energy requirements. With the advice of his close friend and largest campaign contributor, Enron CEO, Ken Lay, Bush picked Vice President Dick Cheney, former Halliburton CEO, to head this group.

 In 2001 the Task Force formulated the National Energy Policy (NEP), or Cheney Report, bypassing possibilities for energy independence and reduced oil consumption with a declaration of ambitions to establish new sources of oil. Via a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit in 2003, documents revealed the Task’s Force interest in Iraqi oilfields as early as March 2001, pre-September 11.

 Most major media news organizations have published articles depicting various aspects of the energy crisis the United States continues to find itself in, and its effect on the current foreign policy in the Middle East, Africa and the Caspian Sea basin. Almost all, however, are reluctant to tie the Cheney Report, U.S. military policy and current energy policies together.

 

See: Judicial Watch, July 17,2003, Title: Cheney Energy Task Force Documents Feature Map of Iraqi Oilfields, Author: Judicial Watch staff;

Foreign Policy in Focus, January 2004, Title: “Bush-Cheney Energy Strategy:Procuring the Rest of the World’s Oil,” Author: Michael Klare.

 

Widow brings RICO case against U.S. government for 9/11.

  Under the Civil Racketeering, Influences, and Corrupt Organization (RICO) Act, Ellen Mariani is suing President Bush and officials for malfeasant conspiracy, obstruction of justice and wrongful death; her husband, Louis Neil Mariani, was a passenger on Flight 175 that was flown into the South Tower of the World Trade Center on September 11.

 The suit documents the detailed forewarnings from foreign governments and FBI agents; the unprecedented delinquency of our air defense; the inexplicable half hour dawdle of our Commander in Chief at a primary school after hearing the nation was under deadly attack; the incessant invocation of national security and executive privilege to suppress the facts; and the obstruction of all subsequent efforts to investigate the disaster. It concludes that compelling evidence will be presented in this case, through discovery, subpoena power and testimony, that defendants failed to act to prevent 9/11, knowing the attacks would lead to an international war on terror.

 Berg believes that defendant Bush is invoking a long standard operating procedure of national security and executive privilege claims to suppress the basis of this lawsuit.

 On November 26, 2003, a press conference was set up to discuss the full implications of these charges. Only FOX News attended the conference and taped 40 minutes. However, the film was never aired.

 

See: Scoop.co.nz, November 2003, Title: “911 Victim’s Wife Files RICO Case Against GW Bush,” Author: Philip J. Berg;

Scoop.co.nz, December 2003, Title: “Widow’s Bush Treason Suit Vanishes,” Author: W. David Kubiak.

 

New nukeplants: taxpayers support, industry profits.

  Senator Peter Domenici (R-NM), along with the Bush Administration, is looking to give the nuclear power industry a huge boost through the new Energy Policy Act. Through multipronged efforts contained within the bill, $6 billion to $15 billion tax production credits for new nuclear reactors would be issued, and would allow depleted uranium to be treated as “low level” waste, requiring the Department of Energy to take possession and dispose of waste generated at privately owned facilities (at no cost to the owner).

 Through the relentless efforts of the Nuclear Information and Resource Service and many other national and local activists and environmental groups, the Energy Bill (HR-6) was defeated on November 21, 2003, by a cloture vote of 57-40. Bill proponents could not overcome a filibuster supported by both Republicans and Democrats.

 However, the bill has been split by Domenici into two separate bills addressing policy and tax issues separately. The policy-sectioned bill has failed; Domenici continues to campaign for the addition of the tax credits to nuclear industries as amendments to other bills.

 

See: Nuclear Information and Resource Service, November 17, 2003, Title: “Nuclear Energy Would Get $7.5 Billion in Tax Subsides, US Taxpayers Would Fund Nuclear Monitor Relapse If Energy Bill Passes,” Authors: Cindy Folkers and Michael Mariotte;

Wise/NIRS Nuclear Monitor, August 2003, Title: “US Senate Passes Pro-Nuclear Energy Bill,” Authors: Cindy Folkers and Michael Mariotte.

 

Evan Derkacz is a New York-based writer and contributor to AlterNet. Deanna Zandt is a freelance writer, geek and the creative administrator of the Bowery Poetry Club.

 

Categories
News

Eat your heart out!

Who doesn’t love to eat? O.K., who besides Mary-Kate Olsen doesn’t love to eat? We’re so lucky we live in Charlottesville, where therestaurants rival Volvos for per capita representation. It’s like an open invitation for a long-term love affair. To help you organize yourmany food choices, the always-hungry staff of C-VILLE went on a hunt for some of the area’s most delicious morsels. Fifty platefuls later,we present our second annual catalog of what tastes great right now.

 

Bluegrass Grill’s

Chorizo Potato Dish

Untouched, this breakfast creation looks like a volcanic lake, the lava-like cheese coating archipelagos of potato cubes and Chorizo. But this is far more than a hearty hangover cure: This is gluttony for the refined palate. The meaty Mexican sausage suffuses the entire dish, giving the tender potatoes the flavor of a complex stew tinged by sharp green onions and green bell peppers. And those in the know need not be reminded that a dash of Cholula hot sauce makes virtually everything more exciting.

 

Fossett’s

Study in Pear

This elegant dish combines three pear-centric desserts to please any palate. The warm, flaky tart is garnished with cinnamon and conjures up images of the holidays, and the accompanying scoop of pear sorbet helps wash it down. A fluffy tower of cheesecake with a fruity, jam-like filling rises above the others. The only necessary addition? A pot of Fossett’s French-pressed coffee. This dessert combination all but eliminates the need for a main course.

 

Boar’s Head Inn’s

Braised Breast of Guinea Hen

For regular Joes it’s bacon bits. But at Boar’s Head’s Old Mill Room, it’s lardons. And, man, do the fresh-from-the-pig morsels capture the flavor of this seasonal selection, which saltily sits atop a bed of roasted potatoes with lardons, asparagus and thyme sauce for a delicate bitterness. The crispy hen is topped by a sprig of thyme inside a grid of fried and hashed potatoes for added aesthetics.

 

Baja Bean’s

Kahlua Milkshake

God bless the Kahlua milkshake, which heroically straddles two favorite indulgences: ice cream and booze. Is it a dessert? A potent potable? Yes, and yes. If you’re feeling particularly gluttonous, brave the 27-ounce goliath, which arrives in a glass the size of a small fishbowl, topped with whipped cream, chocolate sauce and a cherry. The liberal dose of the cocoa-and-fruit-flavored liqueur quickly sends you to a very happy, high-calorie place. This dish no longer appears on Baja’s menu, but they’ll make it if you ask nicely.

 

Fuel’s

Egg Florentine

Any gas station can throw together an egg salad sandwich. But if the gas station is painted Easter-egg purple, stocked with its own brand of wine and bankrolled by Patricia Kluge, well—that egg salad sandwich better be damn good.

 At Fuel you don’t get egg salad. You get “The Egg Florentine.” The egg salad is tastefully dressed in spinach and Parmesan, and the chickens that laid the eggs all hold college degrees. They do fine work. The $5 price tag is on par with the steep but delicious fare at this combination filling station/haute café.

 

Fox’s Café

Coconut Cream Pie

There’s nothing that tops off a tuna melt on rye like an inch of meringue over vanilla custard with coconut shavings on top and a flaky crust below. Fox’s pie melts in your mouth and somehow is light yet large!

 

Big Mouth Pizza’s

Blue Print

This is no ordinary pizza. Consider the toppings: Soft roasted red peppers, whole kalamata olives, delightful shiitake mushrooms and goat cheese melted into a thin bed of mozarella atop a tangy homemade tomato sauce. Then there’s the crust: Nearly an inch thick, yet so light and crispy you barely notice the size. Each quarter pie (roughly the equivalent of two slices) is made fresh when you order, making this pie a blueprint for tastiness.

 

El Puerto’s

Chicken Soup

A Mexican restaurant might not be the first destination that pops to mind when what you seek is a brothy cure for the common cold. But El Puerto packs so much flavor—not to mention chicken—into its soup that once you’ve had it you’ll have trouble thinking of any other place to get the soup. With leaves of cilantro floating cheerfully on the surface and spoonfuls of rice and peas waiting to be scooped up from underneath, this salty, homemade concoction is at once astringent and filling. Enjoy it con much gusto.

 

Firehouse Bar & Grill’s

Frosty PBR

Somewhere in Portland, Oregon, some hipster decided it would be cool to walk into a swanky brew pub and order a Pabst Blue Ribbon, and suddenly PBR emerged as the latest ironic trend. Is a little sincerity too much to ask? The Firehouse serves up the PBR the way it was meant to be enjoyed—ice cold, hipster free and—if you’re lucky—owner Earl Smith will be on the mic, doing his dead-on Bon Scott impression.

 

Oxo’s

Seared Scallops Appetizer

As if three perfect scallops were not enough to get your salivatory glands pumping, this meal-starter also features sautéed lima beans, bacon, short rib and red pepper coulis. Presented with standard Oxo elegance in a deep-lipped white plate, the troika of shapes privileges the cylindrical: Three perfectly seared scallops top a corona of limas perching in a swell pool of red-orange coulis. The earthy aroma rises from the shreds of meat, but somehow your mouth registers delicate, not gamey taste. The textures harmonize, too, with soft scallops contrasting the slightly blackened crispiness of the beans.

 

C’Ville Coffee’s

Vietnamese Grilled Chicken Pho

The aroma of this traditional Vietnamese soup is sweet, with the waft of cinnamon giving it a cold-weather feel. But this soup also has the fiery kick of the Orient, particularly if you dump in the included jalapeno slices and a healthy dose of Sriracha HOT chili sauce (the bottle features a picture of a rooster). Also included on the side of this steaming soup are basil leaves and crisp bean sprouts. The tender white chicken is cooked in the broth for more than two hours, adding a robust meatiness to the complex mix of spices and making this Pho a particularly decadent healthy meal.

 

The Korner Restaurant’s

One-Eye Bacon Cheeseburger

Generally speaking, the Korner’s cinder-block-wall and linoleum-floor lunch counter celebrates all things blue collar without too many frills. That is, unless you go for this sandwich: a fried egg over hard bacon and American cheese—an entire breakfast—overtop of a beef patty that hangs off the grease-sopped bun. For when one meal just won’t do.

 

Baker’s Palette’s

Cinnamon Bun

Could this be the best cinnamon bun in town? To the casual eye there’s little difference from any other breakfast pastry. The dough swirls around the ribbon of gooey, semi-crystallized cinnamon and nutmeg topped with just enough icing. But one bite reveals a uniquely subdued spiciness that lingers even after you’re done. Tip: It’s best served warm.

 

Tastings’

Kir apertif

On its own, Aligoté wine is neither here nor there—semisweet, semidry…or maybe somewhere in between. But then, one would never mix a great wine. Tastings’ Kir aperitif pairs the mediocre French white with cassis liqueur in a concoction that’s bound to set you on your way to a great meal. The sweetness of the black currant and dryness of the grape blend into a warming fruity taste, like spiked punch.

 

Court Square Tavern’s

Shepherd’s Pie

You’ve been doing manual labor all day. Tonight, the rain is pouring down and the wind is howling. This is your fantasy of how you spent your day, and what you need is a good dose of shepherd’s pie. There aren’t many places you can find it outside of Great Britain, but Court Square Tavern serves it piping hot. Nothing says rejuvenation like equal parts beef and potato (with corn mixed in for good measure, surrounded by a soft, flaky crust). Wash it down with a Guinness from the tap and life’s lookin’ up, lads.

 

La Cucina’s

Linguini with Classic Tomato Sauce and Homemade Sausage

The tiled patio outside La Cucina, tucked beside the former Metro on Water Street, provides a shady outpost off the Downtown Mall. Ceiling fans whir overhead while a sweet aroma wafts from the Italian sausage, which clumps beautifully in your linguini and tomato sauce. Less is more—the plain sauce gives you plenty of room to savor the sausage’s spicy flavor.

 

Splendora’s Café’s

Affogato

Splendora’s has excellent coffee and tasty gelato, so it simply seems logical to combine the two. The café’s affogato pairs a hearty scoop of gelato with a shot of espresso, creating a dessert that turns into a caffeine-fueled Italian milkshake as it melts. While hazelnut and vanilla are both solid, dependable flavors, the chocolate gelato pairs the best overall with the espresso. Like chocolate-covered coffee beans, only better.

 

Italian Villa’s

Cavalier Country Breakfast

Let’s face it—with the demise of the Blue Moon Diner, fans of a hearty breakfast are finding their options dwindling. For those who crave meat sopped in egg yolk, the Italian Villa still serves a hangover-curing repast, with nary a shiitake mushroom or crumbled goat cheese on the menu. Get your ham fried, your eggs runny, your grits buttery, and stir it all into a pile. That’s a day-starter.

 

Brix Marketplace’s

Oatmeal Chocolate Chip Cookie

The pastry chef arrives at 6:30am to start whipping up these sublimely rich creations. A great cookie should be neither hard nor gooey, but a combination of both textures. This cookie is crisp and firm on the surface, with a hearty dollop of whole oats that gives it a fresh, substantial feel. Inside is where the sin gets serious, with loads of moist chocolate chips that melt before they hit the tongue. Buy only one of these gourmet delights, as you’ll be hard pressed to resist eating a second given the chance.

 

Sakura’s

Bento Box

A piping hot bowl of miso soup and small lettuce salad with UVA-orange ginger-and-fruit dressing bring your tongue to a Zen-like bliss. Then Sakura makes you one with everything: Its all-encompassing Bento Box, in what looks like a plastic TV dinner container, offers giant shrimp, broccoli and mystery root vegetables in flaky tempura with a ginger dipping sauce, thinly sliced meat and vegetables in a sweet teriyaki, California-style sushi rolls with avocado and artificial crab, and steaming, sticky rice.

 

Mudhouse’s

Carrot and Orange Juice

Sure, the beta-carotene is good for you and all those freshly pressed enzymes help to shoo away hangover nasties. But on its own carrot juice can be so…vegetably. That’s where the splash of fresh OJ comes to the rescue, providing just the accent of straight-ahead sweetness that’s needed to reassure your palate that you’re doing the right thing.

 

Foods of All Nations’

European Candy

Walking into this Ivy Road grocery’s candy section is like entering Willy Wonka’s Chocolate Factory. There you’ll find shelf after shelf of bizarre sweets from around the globe. (Alas, no everlasting gobstoppers or snozberry-flavored wallpaper.) One of our favorites is Swiss chocolatier Nestle’s Aero bar, primarily enjoyed in the United Kingdom. Chocolate covers a mysterious bubble-filled center that the manufacturer boasts is “all bubble, no squeak!” We have no idea what that means. God bless the Brits!

 

Copacabana’s

Paella

Normally the ideas of “Brazil” and “cuisine” make as much sense together as “Barry Manilow” and “jam band”—until you’ve had the Paella Copacabana. A fruits-de-mer backbone of mussels, shrimp, clams and oysters is the main attraction, along with a carnival of chicken, pork and sweet-tasting sausage chunks. Strands of mustard greens, onion, and red and green peppers flavor and color the stew, while saffron rice soaks it all up—bringing you the hottest dish west of Whole Foods.

 

Wolfie’s Smokehouse’s

North Carolina Pulled Pork

You can’t go wrong when picking among the various barbecue varieties on which to gorge at Wolfie’s, but nothing beats going south of the border to sample North Carolina’s finest. Tar Heels know a thing or two about the pig, focusing on tenderizing and deeply smoking the meat rather than dousing it with heavy sauces. Wolfie’s massive pulled-pork adheres to this old-school technique, and the fine strips of meat carry a smoky, mild spiciness.

 

Southern Culture’s

Grits

With a little Wilson Pickett on the patio radio and the sun beating down on your back, only a heapin’ plate of Southern Culture’s grits really says “down-home Southern cooking” on a Sunday morning like they mean it. “Grit” is right, but get used to it because the more grit, the more flavor. Alone, this stick-to-your-ribs, flavorful dish is sweet, savory and spicy in turn. But add some butter, salt and pepper and you know the Lord has blessed you. Amen.

 

Chap’s’

Chocolate Egg Cream

If your original address has the words New York in it, you’ll be positively relieved to get a swig of this liquid Madeleine, which, naturally, has neither egg nor cream in it (its three ingredients are chocolate syrup, milk and seltzer water). If you’re from around these parts to begin with, you might regard the oddly named fountain drink as a mystery. So take a shot and solve the puzzle: The taste is chocolate milk for grown-ups or chocolate soda for the school-lunch set, depending on your perspective. Either way, the effervescent mild sweetness is a pleasure cruise for your gullet.

 

Dürty Nelly’s Pub’s

Barrister Sandwich

A recent travel article in The Washington Post gave Dürty Nelly’s a shout-out on a list of places that ’Hoo football fans coming from NoVA should hit on their trip to Charlottesville for the big game. Dürty Nelly’s loves them some Cavs, and we love the Barrister, whipped up in the Dürty deli. It’s a white bread envelope bursting with roast beef and turkey, bits of coleslaw and Russian dressing dribbling over your fingers. Messy enough for any sports fan.

 

Hamiltons’ at First & Main’s

Vegetarian Blue Plate Special

This ever-changing entrée could convert the most carnivorous eater to vegetarian. Recent specials have included cheesy eggplant casserole with breadcrumbs, caramelized Vidalia onions, tangy black-eyed pea salad, lightly fried cheese fritters and stuffed poblano peppers. Submit yourself to the chef’s culinary whims—you know you want to!

 

Aficionados Smoke Shop’s

Macanudo Cafe Cigar

&

Downtown Grille’s

Brandy

Though the Macanudo is a light, inexpensive cigar, it still packs a punch. After a deep puff, the tobacco coats your palate with the taste of a fine hickory smoke pit. Once fully prepped with the rich smoke, it’s time to swirl the brandy under your nose, getting a full whiff of the sweet, medicinal liquor. The swig of the potent potable is surprisingly deep, almost cleansing, but not overpowering—its stiff bite tempered by the husky tobacco. High rollers know what they’re doing: There are few combinations more ideal than brandy and cigars. The warmth of the brandy moves to your stomach after you swallow, but the tingling sensation stays in your mouth, your tongue feeling almost lightly burned. It’s time for another puff. So very Vegas, baby.

 

Saigon Café’s

Bun Thit Nuong

Most folks refer to this dish as the Vietnamese pork bowl. For ordering ease, just say “No. 901, please.” But whatever you call it, this simple Asian meal tastes great. Slices of flavorful grilled pork and peanut crumbles top a heaping bowl of steamed rice noodles, mixed with various greens, such as cucumbers and lettuce. Pour on Saigon’s delicious dipping sauce to add a refreshing vinegary zing.

 

Twisted Branch Tea Bazaar’s

Goat Herder’s Platter

The Goat Herder’s Platter is like a well-led life: diverse and balanced. The center of the dish is hot pita bread, seasoned with sumac leaf, toasted sesame and thyme, which you then dip into a smooth homemade hummus with garlic. Reconnect with your inner hunter-gatherer by sampling the various nuts, dates, figs and cheeses that surround the center. Finish with dried mangos and crystallized ginger. Inner peace found.

 

Café Europa’s

Venetian Sandwich

There are cold cuts and there are sliced deli meats. Cold cuts harbor the slightly waxy fat of Mr. Oscar Mayer. But deli meats…those are the sophisticated sandwich fillers worthy of baguettes and croissants. Café Europa’s Venetian stands out among many delectable sandwiches at the Corner stand-by for its combination of thinly sliced Italian meats (Cappicola ham and Genoa salami) with fresh, slightly sweet Provolone cheese served up with lettuce, tomato, olive oil, wine vinegar and oregano on a section of fresh baguette. Adding to the pack-separating brilliance of this lunchtime selection are the hot peppers and roasted red peppers that kick in with gusto, forever banishing any notion that the Venetian is a cold-cuts sandwich.

 

Blue Light Grill’s

Oysters on the Half Shell

Take them on a dare, as an aphrodisiac or because your boss told you to—this seafood delicacy is good for any occasion. Harvested from Chincoteague’s Coan River, the raw oysters are remarkably mild with a “crisp cucumber aftertaste,” according to the menu. You can trust the slimy filter feeders to be thoroughly cleaned, so after a splash of hot sauce, some lemon juice and a little alcohol, you’re left with a happy, tingly feeling—not that bad, nauseated one.

 

Miyako’s

Sake

Sake is a Japanese fermented rice drink and, like sushi, you may not appreciate the flavor on your first taste. But it’s worth getting used to.

 First-rate sake, like Miyako’s Sho Chiku Bai Nama, contains fewer hangover-inducing impurities than most alcoholic drinks. At 15 percent alcohol by volume, sake brings on the hilarity without the headache.

 Miyako’s organic sake arrives in a cold green bottle. The waitress pours it into a nifty carafe, which keeps it lightly chilled (the ideal temperature for fine sake). The texture is between a wine and beer, fermented grain without bubbles. The flavor is numb, like drinking airline white wine at 10,000 feet, before your ears have popped.

 

Blue Ridge Country Store’s

Salad Bar

Although now the only salad bar available to Downtown lunchgoers (R.I.P. Liquid), the offerings from this faux general store earn notice with or without competition. The dozens of fixins include the ordinary (romaine lettuce, cucumbers, Roma tomatoes) to the homemade (homemade pasta salad, jerk rice). Speaking of homemade, go for the wasabi cucumber and raspberry vinaigrette dressings.

 

Feast’s

Grilled 9-Cheese Sandwich

A gourmet, multicheese twist on the traditional sandwich. Mozzarella, white cheddar, Parmesan, American and five additional cheeses are shredded, combined and melted together between grilled slices of fresh focaccia. A splash of Spanish olive oil and a light layer of homemade red pepper spread are standard additions, while slabs of Roma tomatoes are optional but highly recommended. It’s nothing like your mother used to make, but it’s so much better this way.

 

The New Deli’s

Lemon Squares

The New Deli’s lemon squares, generously dusted with powdered sugar on top, offer a sweet, smooth filling. Lemon can be relied on to be tingly, sure, but it’s the crust that really raises the bar: buttery and soft, almost cookie-like.

 

Kokopelli’s Café’s

Yo-Yo Ma’s Oriental Wrap

Chicken takes center stage in almost any wrap concoction these days, but the surprise in this popular selection at the noisy Crozet eatery is what we think of as the La Choy factor: crispy Asian noodles and a spicy-sweet sauce drizzled over a filling that includes bean sprouts.

 

Northern Exposure’s

Grandma Sylvia’s Classic Beef Lasagna

You know you’re in for a gut-bursting challenge when the waiter wishes you good luck finishing a meal. Grandma Sylvia knows how to fill a guy up. With a portion roughly the size of a human head, this no-frills Italian delicacy is an Atkins freak’s worst nightmare. Layers of noodles, fresh ground Angus sirloin, and ricotta and mozzarella cheese await under practically a lake of peppy marinara sauce.

 

Milano’s

Spumoni Gelato

Nothing bad can be said about gelato. Even less bad can be said about gelato when it’s mixed with alcohol. Take, for instance, Milano’s Spumoni. The sweet creamy mixture of vanilla ice cream and bourbon, with whole maraschino cherries hidden here and there, goes down like a decent mixed drink.

 

Escafé’s

Horseradish Crusted Salmon Sandwich

This sandwich proves that an expert mix of fresh ingredients in a small package easily trumps huge portions. The bread, baked everyday at Albemarle Baking Co., is light and airy, but the thick salmon cut is slathered in butter and all that healthy fish fat. Mixed in a lime cilantro sauce that creates a soft tangy twang, the horseradish isn’t of the nose-rush variety. The sandwich can be a tad messy, but isn’t that the way with almost anything worth eating? For a fuller experience, wash it down with one of Escafé’s hard-hitting Rye Manhattans.

 

Maharaja’s

Samosas

Potatoes and peas, spiced with tumeric and garam masala, come smooshed inside a pair of fried pastries that look surprisingly like conquistador helmets. The spices make the soft potatoes taste like a mouthful of summer night.

 

Downtown Thai’s

Thai Iced Tea

Asking what goes into this orangey beverage might earn you a suspicious leer at the recently opened, relocated Thai Thip when, after an extensive brewing process, the refreshing drink emerges from the kitchen. The strong, distinctly Asian flavor of the tea—somewhere between green and Chai—is cut by the sweetness of condensed milk. Adding to the exotic appeal are small, tropical-flavored gelatin cubes floating in the bottom.

 

Pupusa Crazy’s

Pupusa Platter

The Pupusa Platter piles a lot of Latin American flavor onto one plate. The pupusas themselves are fried, filled with cheese or pork, and have the light consistency of pancakes. Beside them rests a chicken tamale, cooked with cornmeal and wrapped in a banana husk, and a delicately fried yucca. Finally, a scoop of pickled slaw washes the hearty food down with a nice, tangy aftertaste.

 

Zocalo’s

Drunken New York Strip Steak

Once you have finished admiring the artful presentation of the various-colored rectangles and arrows of food in this signature dish at Downtown’s It restaurant of the moment, get ready for a taste-inspired reverie. Marinated in Guinness, which yields a yeasty, battery taste, and drizzled with chipolte demi-glaze, the tender slices of beef almost literally melt in your mouth. The dish is served with tangy polenta fries, and a couple bites of these moist-sharp squares will have you praising lipid-loving cornmeal and perhaps denouncing the humble potato forever. Add to that perfectly crisp spears of asparagus and you have a triumphant triumvirate of distinctive and hearty flavors that is not soon forgotten.

 

Ludwig’s Schnitzelhouse’s

$2 Beer and Brat Special

Following in the tradition of ala carte and tapas menus, Ludwig’s Thursday night beer-and-brat special shows that Germany too can be a master of culinary innovation. Instead of fancy choices, fill yourself with unlimited $2-a-pop, expertly cooked wursts. Dress up the mild sausages with eye-wateringly spicy mustard on a slice of pumpernickel bread. Then wash it all down with a sweet, smooth, 10oz. dark beer, pilsner or Heffeweissen.

 

The Shebeen’s

Sadza Cakes

This filling vegetarian dish features golden Parmesan polenta patties (sometimes shaped like mushrooms) smothered in eggplant, spinach, sugar snap peas, and shiitake and portobello mushrooms, then lightly coated in a lemongrass sauce. The inch-thick cakes are perfectly cooked, leaving them crisp around the edges. Each bite blossoms: The rich, dense cakes pack a slightly grainy base, accompanied by the lightly sweet, but still reserved, sauce and then finished with earthy flourish from the ‘shrooms and eggplant. The side of sweet potato “chips” chases it all with zip.

 

El Rey del Taco’s

Enchiladas Poblanas

He’s the King of the Taco. Tacos make pilgrimages to his kitchen on bended knee. How can you beat that? The Rey, that is, Rudy Padilla, buries his enchiladas like chicken-and-mole treasures beneath a layer of lettuce, sour cream and guacamole. Dig it out, and hail the king.

 

Atomic Burrito’s

Grilled Chicken Burrito

Wrapped up in warm tortillas as wide as an extra large pizza, these burritos are vacuum-packed with fresh Mexican flavor. The coconut rice and crisp lettuce taste cool and sweet against the spicy marinated chicken, while the five flavors of salsa give you control over the heat. For a milder temperature, go with the fresh fruit blend. If you’re feelin’ loco, however, crank things up with the fiery Salsa Diablo. After all, they don’t call it Atomic Burrito for nothing.

 

Food service
Where to satisfy your taste buds

Aficionado’s Smoke Shop 108 Fourth St. NE, 975-1175

Atomic Burrito 109 Second St. SE., 977-0117

Baja Bean 1327 W. Main St., 293-4507

Baker’s Palette 126B Garrett St., 295-3009

Big Mouth Pizza 909 W. Main St., Suite 102, 220-1070

Blue Light Grill 120 E. Main St., Downtown Mall,295-1223

Blue Ridge Country Store 3315 Berkmar Dr., Downtown Mall, 295-1573

Bluegrass Grill and Bakery The Glass Building, Second Street SE, 295-9700

Boar’s Head Inn 200 Ednam Dr., 972-2230

Brix Marketplace 1330 Thomas Jefferson Pkwy.,295-7000

C’ville Coffee Co. 1301 Harris St., 817-2633

Café Europa 1331 W. Main St., 295-4040

Chap’s 223 E. Main St., Downtown Mall,977-4139

Copacabana 400 Shopper’s World Ct., 973-1177

Court Square Tavern 500 Court Sq., 296-6111

Downtown Grill 201 W. Main St., Downtown Mall, 817-7080

Downtown Thai 111 W. Water St., 245-9300

Dürty Nelly’s Pub 2200 Jefferson Park Ave., 295-1278

El Puerto 2045 Barracks Rd., 872-9488

El Rey del Taco 380 Greenbrier Dr., 964-1439

Escafe 225 W. Main St., Downtown Mall, 295-8668

Feast 416 W. Main St., in the Main Street Market, 244-7800

Firehouse Bar & Grill 946 Grady Ave., 293-3473

Foods of All Nations 2121 Ivy Rd., 296-6131

Fossett’s Inside Keswick Hall, off 250E,979-3440

Fox’s Café 403 Avon St., 293-2844

Fuel 900 E. Market St., 220-3700

Hamiltons’ At First & Main 101 W. Main St., Downtown Mall, 295-6649

Italian Villa 129 N. Emmet St., 296-9977

Kokopelli’s Café The Square, Crozet, 823-5645

Korner Restaurant 415 Ninth St. SW., 977-9535

La Cucina 214 Water St., 295-9050

Ludwig’s Schnitzelhouse 2208 Fontaine Ave., 293-7185

Maharaja Seminole Square,Wertland Street,973-1110

Milano Main Street Market annex,220-4302

Miyako 112 W. Main St., 984-3000

Mudhouse 213 W. Main St., several otherlocations, 984-6833

New Deli 1640 Seminole Trail, 978-4757

Northern Exposure 1202 W. Main St., 977-6002

Oxo 215 Water St., 977-8111

Pupusa Crazy 29N, across from Sam’s Club,975-6600

Saigon Café 1703 Allied St., 296-8661

Sakura 105 14th St., 923-0238

The Shebeen Vinegar Hill Shopping Center,296-3185

Southern Culture 633 W. Main St., 979-1990

Splendora’s 317 E. Main St., Downtown Mall,296-8555

Tastings 502 E. Market St., 293-3663

Twisted Branch Tea Bazaar 414 E. Main St., Downtown Mall,293-9947

Wolfie’s Smokehouse 1525 E. Rio Rd., 975-3100

Zocalo 201 E. Main St., in Central Place, 977-4944

 

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News in review

Tuesday, September 14
Presidential hopeful on Grounds

Paying his first-ever visit to “Mr. Jefferson’s University,” Libertarian Party presidential candidate Michael Badnarik, who will be on Virginia’s November 2 ballot, smoothly courted a crowd of about 200 college students—and a few other types—in a balloon-decorated campus auditorium this evening. Befitting a self-declared defender of the Constitution, Badnarik invoked TJ’s name more frequently than either of his major party rivals. He anticipated the spoiler issue, saying to the polite crowd in his prepared remarks that “the only wasted vote is one you cast for a candidate you do not respect.”

Wednesday, September 15  
More props for UVA

UVA may no longer be able to brag about being the No. 1 public university—having been leapfrogged on the U.S. News & World Report list by U.C. Berkeley—but it can tout its new ranking as one of the “50 Best Colleges for CosmoGIRL!s.” Editors of CosmoGIRL! magazine consulted with guidance counselors and admissions offices and looked at six key factors, including the number of prominent female faculty members and the strength of women’s sports programs, to determine the ranking. The list won’t boost UVA’s overall ranking, however, as U.C. Berkeley is a CosmoGIRL! hotspot as well.

Thursday, September 16
Worth a nickel?

The same visage of Thomas Jefferson has graced the front of the 5-cent piece since 1938. But the design for the 2005 nickel, which was released by the U.S. Mint today, zooms in closer to Jefferson’s face. Even more shocking is news that Monticello has been bumped on the back of the nickel for pictures of a bison and view of the Pacific, according to the Associated Press. Monticello was previously replaced on two 2003 nickel pressings, which also featured Lewis and Clark-themed scenes. The two new nickel designs will only be minted for one year, with Monticello’s hallowed arches landing back on the coin in 2006.

Friday, September 17
The best is yet to come

Tony Bennett, who famously croons, “I left my heart in San Francisco,” will be the first performer to hit the stage at the reopening of the Paramount Theater. The new schedule, released today, begins with Bennett at a “pre-opening fundraising gala” on December 16. The official opening comes two days later with a day of classic movies and 25-cent admissions. The Paramount’s first season, which unfortunately includes “1-800-CALL-ATT” star Carrot Top, brings a fairly wide range of acts, such as Broadway musicals, dance performances, country star Ricky Skaggs and the Duke Ellington Orchestra.

Saturday, September 18
Tornado alley

As the remnants of Hurricane Ivan blew through the area on Friday, the spinning of the powerful storm spawned at least 40 tornadoes across Virginia—far more than the state receives in a typical year—according to a statement issued today by the Virginia Department of Emergency Management. Gov. Mark R. Warner declared a state of emergency, the third such weather-related declaration in five weeks. The twisters spared Charlottesville and Albemarle, but slammed many areas along the Route 29 corridor, including Greene County, where the storm destroyed four homes and damaged 65.

Sunday, September 19
Bashing the conservative media

Liberal group MoveOn.org helped director Robert Greenwald produce a documentary on Fox News Channel, called Outfoxed: Rupert Murdoch’s War on Journalism, which sold 100,000 DVDs this summer. MoveOn has been screening the movie around the country, and today showed it at the Charlottesville Ice Park to 150 attendees as part of a fundraiser for Sen. John Kerry. In his review of the film, Washington Post film critic Desson Thomson describes how one Fox reporter claims to have been suspended for airing footage from a poorly attended event at Ronald Reagan’s presidential library. “This kind of firsthand, detailed testimony,” Thomson writes, “even in the context of a liberally biased film, is not easy to dismiss as propaganda or the lamentations of the fired and disgruntled.” The event raised $2,000 for MoveOn’s political action committee.

Monday, September 20
Commonwealth’s top poet

Though the appointment isn’t quite as cool as being Poet Laureate of the U.S., which she was during two years of the Clinton Administration, UVA poet Rita Dove today is sworn in as Virginia’s Poet Laureate in a ceremony in Charlottesville’s U.S. Courthouse and Federal Building. Dove, a Commonwealth Professor of English at UVA, won a Pulitzer Prize in 1987. The publisher’s abstract on her latest book of poems, American Smooth, says Dove “pay[s] homage to our kaleidoscopic cultural heritage—from the glorious shimmer of an operatic soprano to Bessie Smith’s mournful wail, from paradise lost to angel food cake, from hotshots at the local shooting range to the Negro jazz band in World War I whose music conquered Europe before the Allied advance.”

—Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports

 

ELECTION WATCH
Take a stand for your man

Can’t decide about the upcoming 5th District election? Take our helpful quiz

We keep hearing so much about undecided voters—the folks who don’t care a lick about a candidate’s policies, his personal history or stance on the issues. They vote from the gut, for the candidate whom they “relate to,” or “identify with.”

 If you’re not sure whether you’d rather have a beer with 5th District Congressman Virgil Goode, a Republican, or his Democratic challenger, Al Weed, take the following quiz and find your man.

You know you’re voting for Virgil Goode if:

…you’re a Democrat. No wait, you’re an Independent—no, wait, you’re a Republican.

…you learned how to identify with the trials and tribulations of hard-working Americans—at UVA law school.

…your favorite fruit is tobacco.

…the only Spanish you want to hear is “Taco Bell.”

…your idea of an economic recovery is a community yard sale.

…you think Bush is a sissy if he doesn’t send our kids to Damascus and Paris once they’re done in Tehran.

…Rhett Butler is your idea of a real man.

 

You know you’re voting for Al Weed if:

…your idea of a fundraiser involves breaking open a piggy bank and counting the change.

…Robutussin is what you call fine wine. (Just kidding, Al—we love ya!)

…your idea of a good time is field-stripping an M-16 and then working for 12 hours on your farm.

…your cell phone ring plays “The Fighting Green Berets.”

…you’ve heard all the 4:20 jokes and they’re just not funny anymore.

…you carry pictures of Meredith Richards, Al Gore and Michael Dukakis in your wallet.

…you get most of your news from Al Franken.

 

Blinded by the light
“Improved” wireless tower stirs up Ashcroft neighbors

The door to Diane Gregory’s ridge-top home in the Ashcroft subdivision of Albemarle County swings open to reveal a spacious living room. Clearly visible from the front stoop, through the windows at the back of the house, is a dark tower with a flashing white light.

 Gregory noticed a dramatic change in the tower, which sports equipment for six wireless telephone companies, in February. The previous structure “looked like a stick with a dull red light on it,” Gregory says. After Valentine’s Day weekend, however, a shorter tower that was substantially thicker and featured a powerful flashing beacon had replaced it.

 “At night, the whole neighborhood was lit up like a firecracker was going off,” Gregory says.

 Alan Higgins, who lives to the east of the tower in Boyd’s Tavern, likens the early effect of the new beacon to “a mild lightning flash” in his bedroom. “It drove us crazy,” he says.

 Gregory and Higgins aren’t the only county residents to notice the altered tower, which stands to the south of Ashcroft and about a mile northeast of where 250 East hits I-64. But to the Albemarle County Supervisors, who approved the tower construction in March 2002, the new tower was meant to be an improvement on the old one.

 After a few days and several complaints, the strobe was turned down and switched to a standard red light during evening hours. But though the light is now less blinding, Gregory is still irked by the more obtrusive tower.

 “If I had seen that tower, I’m not sure I would’ve bought this home,” says Gregory, who moved to the swanky neighborhood two years ago.

 It’s probably too late for Gregory and her neighbors to do anything about the tower, which is owned by Boston-based American Tower Corporation. According to Stephen Waller, a senior planner for the County, American Tower has complied with the County’s conditions and the tower facility has passed “final inspections.”

 Yet the tower has a particularly contentious history, and is illustrative of the challenge Albemarle faces in balancing wireless coverage with ugly towers that block its famous rural vistas. Wireless antennas are discussed often during Planning Commission meetings, with Waller estimating that two to four applications for new wireless facilities are filed each month. American Tower alone owns 11 towers in Charlottesville and Albemarle.

 Originally built in the 1960s for radio, the Ashcroft tower was 296′ tall and comprised a latticework of thin bars. American Tower, which bought the structure from Eure Communications in June 1999, wanted to rent space for more wireless antennas than the old tower could support. The company began negotiating with County planners for a new tower at the Ashcroft site, but eventually submitted a compromise plan: They would keep the original tower by building reinforcements around it while also cutting it down by 36′.

 That plan didn’t cut it for the County Planning Commission, however, which nixed the application in February 2002, calling the tower “highly visible” and inconsistent with the County’s wireless zoning policies.

 “You can put earrings on a pig, but it’s still a pig,” said Planning Commissioner Pete Craddock before voting against the tower, according to minutes from the meeting.

 American Tower had better luck a month later with County Supervisors, who, in March 2002, approved the tower construction. Valerie Long, a local lawyer who represented American Tower during the Supes’ lengthy debate, argued that the tower would not be “any more visible than the existing tower” because of its reduced height and design enhancements that would give it a “a narrower profile.”

 Homeowner Diane Gregory scoffs at this claim, and her complaints are bolstered by the tower’s thick dossier in the County Office Building. A diagram of the extensive reinforcing bars shows a structure that is clearly wider and less transparent than its predecessor. Also in the file is a description of the state-of-the art beacon, which is designed to beam only straight out and above the horizon, signaling to aircraft but not shining at the ground around the tower. The bummer for Gregory and other Ashcroft residents is that most of their neighborhood sits on a ridge about 250 feet above the tower site—directly at eye level with the beacon.

 “It was sort of obvious that they did not think it through,” says Ashcroft resident Dot Kelly of the changes to the tower.

 Asked if County Supervisors were sufficiently warned about the aesthetic effect of the new tower, attorney Long offers a short pro forma statement from American Tower. To wit, the company has complied with County rules and tower neighbors are welcome to review the tower site’s files at the planning office.

 Stephen Waller, who indeed reviewed the tower application, says it’s hard to gauge what a tower will look like or whose view it might obstruct when considering a design on paper.

 “Anything that you’re looking at in the planning situation, you’re going to have to look at the tradeoffs,” Waller says. “There’s no way to visit every site in the County where this site is visible from.”—Paul FainIn the last U.S. presidential election, more than half of eligible voters didn’t turn out at the polls. Kind of makes you wonder how America can truly be called a democracy when 100 million people aren’t participating in one of our most democratic processes. You can help get outthe vote. The Charlottesville/Albemarle headquarters for the campaigns of George W. Bush and John F. Kerry need volunteers.

 The Democratic headquarters, located at 309 Water St., is trying to get folks to knock on every door in the city and county, handing out voter registration forms and promotional materials about Kerry along the way. Volunteers are also needed to staff tables at Fridays After 5 and the City Market on Saturdays, as well as to make reminder phone calls on Election Day and give rides to the polls. Call the Democratic headquarters at 296-1865.

 The Republican headquarters, located at the end of Holiday Drive, has plenty of volunteer opps, too. Help is needed with get-out-the-vote phone calls, rides to the polls and administrative tasks. Contact the Republican headquarters at 974-1617.

 

City schools
blowup blows over?

It was, as Dr. Scottie Griffin says, an “almost insane” few days. Just four weeks into the school year and three months since she assumed her new post as superintendent of city schools, Griffin became the focus of a flurry of strongly-worded e-mails from parents that were widely circulated among teachers, parents and the media over the September 11 weekend.

 Some of these complaints, which focused on specific policy moves as well as management style, rankled school officials and leaders in the African-American community who thought parents had unfairly targeted Griffin, Charlottesville’s first black superintendent.

 At a jam-packed and emotional School Board meeting on Thursday, September 16, parent Jenny Ackerman acknowledged the “divisive and hurtful effect” of some of the e-mails, including a widely posted laundry list of complaints that she and her husband had authored, adding, “we understand that the debate cannot take on personal or racial overtones.”

 After Ackerman’s apology, School Board Chairperson Dede Smith expressed the Board’s “100 percent” support for Griffin, who then briefly spoke. Two hours of public statements followed, several of which touched on the race issue.

  A smattering of boos and hisses greeted Dr. M. Rick Turner, Dean of African-American Affairs at UVA, when he said that people who have criticized Griffin’s initiatives “really can’t accept the color of her skin.”

 Rev. Alvin Edwards, a former mayor, took a more instructive tone, saying the “disturbing e-mails” contained “harsh rhetoric that can and will divide our community.”—Paul Fain

 

Big bid-ness
Taking chances at the City auction

Clyde Nicholson is a large, round man with a boonie hat covering his gray-streaked hair and a shirt pocket stuffed with an eyeglasses case, pens and a toothbrush. From the back pocket of his pants he pulls out a creased newspaper. That’s where he saw an ad listing the two late-model Chevy pickups that brought him here today to the city yard on Fourth Street for Charlottesville’s annual public auction.

 Nicholson, a Vietnam veteran, is no stranger to the auction game. A used furniture dealer with a shop in the nearby Shenandoah Valley town of Grottoes, he entered the trade after retiring from the Army in 1980.

 “I buy everything at auctions,” he says.

 In fact, the work truck he’s looking to replace he bought at auction nearly 10 years ago for $800. He says that truck paid for itself the next day when he used it to haul away a solid mahogany chest of drawers he got a deal on—auction quarry, yet again.

 Still, even for an experienced hand, auctions involve a roll of the dice. “You can’t keep track of all the things going on,” Nicholson says when asked about trying to read competing bidders and the danger of buying bum equipment at “as is” terms of sale. “People who say they never got burned are lying.”

 The City of Charlottesville’s auction last Tuesday, September 14, offered a chance at bargains on scores of vehicles and large equipment pieces. Pickups, retired police cruisers, transit buses, tractors, rider mowers, a strikingly conspicuous black police stakeout van, a Sullair compressor with a very rusty jackhammer and a 1985 Tennant street sweeper were among the items up for bidding. Conditions ranged from a pair of total wrecks good only for scrap metal to new-looking rides ready for a spin.

 The City’s Office of Procurement and Risk Management is charged with selling off equipment that’s been replaced, and holds a weekly sale of smaller items at fixed, non-negotiable prices. (In part because smaller budgets have reduced turnover in City inventory, the sales will likely be moved to a monthly schedule in October or November.) Certain items of greater value are from time to time posted at an eBay store the City maintains. But the vast majority of proceeds are raised through the annual big-ticket auction, which this year netted about $92,000 from about 250 registered bidders, compared with last year’s $60,000. This year, everything offered was sold, except for a single transit bus.

 As the sale worked its way down rows of wares, each new vehicle was announced by a revving of the engine—at least those that could turn over. To the unschooled ear, the cant of the auctioneer’s team was a tensing stream of syllables. Is he calling out the last bid or setting a benchmark for the next one? “TwocanIgohalf.” Two thousand? Two hundred? Half of what? Who’s the other guy bidding? If I can’t see him I can’t size him up. If I look too hard he’ll see into my mind.

 In the end, Nicholson didn’t get his truck. The first sold for $4,800, well above his desired range. The second went for $3,000, and Nicholson regretted not making a stronger play for it the instant the lot closed. “That truck’s worth $3,100,” he said. “I was just stuck on $2,700. Gonna dwell on this one for a while.”—Harry Terris

 

Categories
Uncategorized

News in review

Tuesday, September 7
Ballot blues for Ralph

The Virginia Board of Elections today gave Ralph Nader the official thumbs down in the independent candidate’s quest to be on the state’s presidential ballot this November, ending weeks of partisan hand-wringing. Both election officials and a Washington Post review deemed that Nader’s troops broke the rules in scoring the needed 10,000 signatures to get their man on the ballot.

Wednesday, September 8
Road warriors

The red lights and traffic on U.S. 29 aggravate people from Warrenton to Danville. Today, about 60 bigwigs from up and down the U.S. 29 corridor came to Charlottesville to talk about improvingthe road at a “Route 29 Summit.” Reportedly, much of the discussion, and the disagreements, focused on the hated stretch of the road around Charlottesville, and proposals included bypasses on either side of the city and a various gas taxes to pay for construction.

Thursday, September 9
Nice day for a swim?

Members of local rescue squads were seen scanning the Rivanna River around noon today, looking for a man who reportedly jumped into the swollen, fast-moving river somewhere near the Free Bridge. However, City spokesperson Maurice Jones says the initial report is that witnesses spotted the man getting out of the river near Riverview Park, getting into his car and driving off.

Friday, September 10
Lawyer angry over man’s treatment

Kerry Cook, a Fluvanna County man who was shot by police during a violent encounter at Friendship Court on August 21, has emerged from a coma and currently is listed in fair condition at UVA Medical Center. Civil rights attorney Debbie Wyatt, who is representing Cook, tells C-VILLE she is upset with Charlottesville police and the City Commonwealth Attorney’s office for, as she claims, officers attempting to interview her client at the hospital despite her request that he be left alone until he is healthier. Commonwealth’s Attorney Dave Chapman says he can’t comment on his office’s actions regarding the incident until a “comprehensive and impartial investigation is completed.” Wyatt says her client is “vulnerable” and that “he is in fear that his life is in danger.” Cook is in the custody of the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail, and, according to Wyatt, was to be discharged and taken to the jailsite today. Wyatt, who saw Cook on Wednesday, says his injuries, which include a stomach wound she describes as “pretty huge,” are too serious for him to be taken to the jail. She says Cook was granted a reprieve from the hospital discharge because he has developed a fever in recent days.

 

Saturday, September 11
Bradshaw shines for Marshall

Though the UVA football team hardly needed extra help in their 56-24 stomping of UNC, one of their former recruits also had a big game at an even bigger venue today. Ahmad Bradshaw, a freshman from Bluefield, Virginia, was tossed off the UVA football team shortly after a booze-related arrest near the Rotunda. Today, he had a team-leading 81 rushing yards for unranked Marshall University in a barnburner against football powerhouse Ohio State University. Playing in front of 104,622 fans in Columbus, Ohio, OSU eked out a last-second win with a 55-yard field goal.

 

Sunday, September 12
Short-changed no more?

The State of Virginia pays about $9,700 for each in-state student attending UVA. But the University of North Carolina and the University of Michigan, two comparable top-flight state schools, get $22,484 and $19,213 from their respective home states, according to The Virginian-Pilot. In response to Virginia’s funding shortcomings, The Daily Progress’ Bob Gibson today reports that UVA, Virginia Tech and The College of William & Mary have begun a full court press for more fiscal freedom through a charter system.

 

Monday, September 13
No honeymoon for superintendent

A major spat may be brewing over the direction in which Dr. Scottie Griffin, the new Charlottesville superintendent, and the School Board is steering city schools. During the weekend and this morning, parents and teachers circulated lengthy e-mails that denounce Griffin’s initiatives and management style and call for complaints to be aired at this Thursday’s school board meeting. “Morale among teachers and school administrators is rock bottom. We will not stand aside idly while they polish their resumés,” write parents Jenny and Karl Ackerman in one of the much-posted e-mails. Among the “upheaval and wholesale restructuring” by Griffin and the School Board that rankle the Ackermans are the removal of Deputy Superintendent Arletta Dimberg, a “gag order” on teachers, the discarding of a reading program (PALs), and a supposed singular focus on the SOL standardized test scores. At press time, School Board member Julie Gronlund responded to the charges via e-mail, defending Griffin’s "proven ability as a collaborative leader."

 —Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports

 

Is that a rocket in your pocket?
Pocketbike rider happy to see new rules

When Ben Purdy was a sophomore at Charlottesville High School, he went “nuts” over a neighbor’s new Honda Interceptor motorcycle. When the rest of his classmates were getting their first cars—or, as Purdy calls them, “coffins”—he got a Honda VTR 250.

 “If you haven’t ridden a bike yet, you haven’t lived, man.” Purdy says. “It’s like riding a horse. Humans were meant to be on top of something and just riding it.”

 Purdy’s latest obsession, however, seems at odds with his enthusiasm for straddling unbridled horsepower. He was one of the first people in Charlottesville to own a “pocketbike,” a super-tiny motorcycle a mere three feet long and 20 inches high. It looks like a clown’s bike, powered by the same kind of engine that runs a weed whacker.

 About six months ago, a friend of Purdy’s discovered the bikes for sale on the Internet for $400 each. He and his friends bought five, tinkering with them to boost their speed. They raced the pocketbikes in local parking lots, hitting top speeds of about 35 miles per hour. Since then, the bikes have appeared at several local retailers.

 Purdy’s parking lot race sessions have caught the attention of passers-by—including the police.

 “We were riding at McIntire Park, and the cops asked us to quit scaring the children,” says Purdy. “Apparently, we were riding too close to the playground. I died laughing, though, because they sent three cars to talk to us.”

 Because pocketbikes are equipped with engines that displace less than 50 cubic centimeters, and because their top speed is less than 30 mph—in their unmodified form—they are classified as mopeds by Virginia law and are therefore street legal. That means riders do not have to weara helmet nor obtain a special license, and the machines do not need headlights or state tags.

 That will change soon, however. On Tuesday, September 7, Charlottesville City Council gave tentative approval to an ordinance requiring moped riders to wear helmets, and to obtain a license from the City Treasurer. There will be a second vote on the ordinance at Council’s next meeting, on September 27.

 While pocketbikes will fall under the law, it appears to be aimed primarily at the scooters proliferating around the city. According to City documents, police have received numerous complaints about noise from the vehicles—exacerbated by owners who remove the muffler to gain horsepower—as well as about reckless driving.

 Purdy applauds more safety regulations. Scooters, he said, have become hazardous. “I saw some guy carrying his baby sister on one the other day,” says Purdy. “He was going full throttle, and his front wheel was going like this,” he says, making a wobbly motion with his hand.

 “Safety is good,” says Purdy, offering this advice to any motorcycle riders: “Always be scared on it. When you lose that, you’re about to die.”

Beach bitchin’

This summer, Virginia Beach sent nasty letters to City Police Chief Tim Longo, complaining that Charlottesville cops are unfairly ticketing Virginia Beach residents. On Tuesday, City Council basically told the coastal crybabies to take a long walk off one of those short piers.

 In 2003, Virginia Beach stopped issuing local car decals, which indicate that people have paid their local property taxes. Around here, not having a decal earns you a ticket from Charlottesville’s men and women in blue.

 People who get an unfair ticket can write or call the City Treasurer and have the fine dismissed. That’s apparently too much trouble for Virginia Beach’s commissioner of revenue and city attorney, who in April sent letters to Longo asking his department to simply stop ticketing stickerless car owners.

 That ain’t gonna happen—the City’s decals sell for 25 bucks, and they help the City collect property taxes, says Deputy City Attorney Lisa Kelley. Longo says it would be unsafe for officers to tie up police radios checking out a car’s city of origin. For now, the City will stay status quo and hope Virginia Beach doesn’t try to sue.

 “I’m not inclined to jump through hoops for Virginia Beach,” said Councilor Rob Schilling during the Council meeting.

Remembering Herman Key

Also on Tuesday, current and former members of the City Planning Commission asked Council to consider renaming a street or a building to honor Herman Key, who died in June at age 39.

 They suggested renaming the 9th/10th streets connector for Key, a Fifeville resident who served on a wide variety of City boards and committees, most recently as Vice Chair of the Planning Commission.

 Key also captained the Charlottesville Cardinals Wheelchair Basketball team; his fellow commissioners further suggested renaming the Downtown Recreation Center in his honor.

 Council opted to schedule and advertise a public meeting in the Fifeville neighborhood to discuss how best to memorialize Key.—John Borgmeyer

 

Chain reaction
Supes give green light to two big boxes south of city

The tide was turning against Coran Capshaw’s proposed Fifth Street/ Avon Street development, which is slated for woodland between the two roads just south of the city’s borders and north of I-64. Project designer Frank Cox and Steve Blaine, who was representing the band manager and real estate magnate’s New Era Properties, watched helplessly as County Supervisors wrangled over preserving old-growth trees and limiting square footage for big boxes.

 But then Lindsay Dorrier Jr., who chairs the Supes, reminded his colleagues of how Panorama Farms developer Jim Murray failed in his controversial proposal to bring Wal-Mart to the same spot back in 1999.

 “I don’t want to have a repeat of that [failure],” Dorrier said. Earlier, during the September 8 meeting, Dorrier had stressed that the 90-acre Capshaw development would pull traffic off of 29N and create a necessary transportation link in the proffered connector road between Fifth and Avon streets.

 A few minutes later, County Attorney Larry Davis deftly proposed compromise language, and a deal had been struck.

 “We can live with that,” an assuredly relieved Blaine said of the new comprehensive plan amendment for the site, which was then unanimously approved.

 The compromise means a Lowe’s and a Target or two similar big boxes are likely to be built at the site, which was given the green light for far more big box space than County planners had suggested. Though Capshaw’s reps were careful to say that no deals have been brokered with retailers, store prototypes for a large home-improvement store and a discount retailer were the basis of the requests by his team.

 The Supes approved 300,000 square feet of big box space at the site, which would allow for the typical 170,000 square foot Lowe’s and 130,000 square foot Target (roughly the same size as the Wal-Mart on 29N). If these chains aren’t part of the mix as the development moves through rezoning, similar big box retailers such as Home Depot or Costco will likely get the nod.

 “I think the site would easily accommodate two substantial big boxes,” said Frank Cox of the 50 developable acres among the wooded, hilly land. Besides big box chains, Cox and Blaine say a large grocery store, restaurants and a drug store will likely be part of the development.

 Blaine told Supervisors before the public hearing, which drew zero speakers, that a Wal-Mart study had found that 62 percent of shoppers at the 29N Wal-Mart indicated that they would shop at a new store at this spot. Though Blaine mentioned the study only to tout the potential traffic benefits and repeatedly asserted that no tenants are booked for the site, his mention of Wal-Mart prompted The Daily Progress to speculate that the mega-retailer might open a second area store—raising the possibility of another ruckus like the Wal-Mart battle of 1999.

 But in an interview with C-VILLE, Coran Capshaw puts to rest any Wal-Mart worries.

 “There’s no intent to build a Wal-Mart,” Capshaw says. “There’s no secret there’s interest on their part. I’m going to look elsewhere, despite their interest.”

 Capshaw says his latest development is bolstered by the “tremendous amount of growth” on the south and west sides of Charlottesville, much of which comes from projects in which he has a hand.

 “I don’t think there is a better site in the community if we’re going to commit to another big box,” Supervisor Dennis Rooker said.

 The Supes’ worries about the development came chiefly from Sally Thomas, who said big boxes could dominate what was to be a mixed-use development and that plans didn’t necessarily fit the “urban template” County planners have been pushing in recent years.

 The plan for two new big boxes will likely draw heat as the project moves forward. Jeff Werner of the Piedmont Environmental Council, who attended the public hearing, cites figures from Albemarle and other sources that show greater Charlottesville already hefts 7 million square feet of retail space, with another 3 million square feet on the way. Werner says this works out to 80 square feet per person, more than double the average in the strip-mall nirvana of Northern Virginia.

 “We need more retail like we need a hole in the head,” Werner says.—Paul Fain

 

This ’bud’s for you
Cavalier Daily hires its first off-Grounds ombudsman

If you want to get Jeremy Ashton all riled up, tell him that the Cavalier Daily is “just a student newspaper.”

 “That makes me angrier than anything,” says Ashton, a 25-year-old graduate student at the University of North Carolina’s School of Journalism. “It’s difficult fighting that perception, though.”

 Why would a Tarheel care what people think about UVA’s school paper? This fall, the Cavalier Daily hired Ashton to be the paper’s first non-alum ombudsman.

 Ombudsmen serve as mediators between newspapers and their readers, fielding complaints and critiquing coverage. The Cavalier Daily has had an ombudsman for years, says editor-in-chief Chris Wilson. But that person has always been a former member of the paper’s staff.

 “Usually, they’d be far enough removed so they wouldn’t have any overlap with current staff, but they’re still, in effect, an insider,” says Wilson. “We decided to try something different this year.”

 Wilson sent queries to various graduate journalism programs. On Monday, September 6, Ashton’s first column appeared in the Cavalier Daily, which supports itself through advertising and has no faculty advisor.

 “Each week in this column, I will tell you what the staff can do to improve,” Ashton wrote. “And I’ll tell you what they’re doing right.”

 Ashton entered N.C. State as an engineering student, and graduated in 2002 with a degree in biochemistry. But after working at N.C. State’s student paper, The Technician, he took a job at a community paper near Charlotte. He’s now pursuing a master’s degree in medical journalism at UNC, and the Cav Daily kicks him $100 each week to critique the paper.

 Time presents the biggest problem for college newspaper reporters, says Ashton, who says he worked 25 to 30 hours per week as a sports editor for The Technician in addition to being a full-time student. “If you’re going on the road to the game, then you’ve got to write the story and edit other stories, your weekend is shot,” says Ashton. “You’ve spent it all on the newspaper and done nothing for school.”

 The pressure to write well on a tight deadline can easily lead to reporters cutting corners. Jayson Blair, the now-infamous New York Times reporter, admitted he made up stories when the pressure became too much to handle. As first reported in C-VILLE, The Cavalier Daily had its own brush with plagiarism last spring, when two reporters were fired for copying movie reviews off the Internet.

 Being busy “doesn’t excuse sloppiness,” says Ashton, “but I know what the reporters are going through.”

 So far, though, Ashton hasn’t had to deal with anything as egregious as plagiarism. In fact, he’s only received one e-mail from a UVA student, complaining about a Cavalier Daily reporter who quoted men in an article, but described them as “she’s.”

 Wilson says Ashton has freedom to write whatever he wants in his ombudsman column. “We’re paying someone to criticize us,” says Wilson. “My greatest hope is that readers take advantage of that resource.”—John Borgmeyer

 

Sign me up
Locals registering to vote in droves

Spencer Gifts is a goofy chain store in Fashion Square Mall that counts lava lamps and “Chucky” dolls among its best sellers. This year, however, Spencer Gifts is also touting voter registration forms, as are 7-Eleven branches, doctors’ offices and other local businesses.

 “It has been a very busy month,” says Jackie Harris, the General Registrar for Albemarle County since 1991, adding that she’s seen “more independent groups than ever before working on voter registration.”

 Harris says 56,500 Albemarle residents were registered to vote by September, exceeding her projections for the November 2 election, which features the big Bush v. Kerry decision, as well as an active challenge by Democrat Al Weed for Virgil Goode Jr.’s Fifth District seat in Congress. Harris says she expects the county to have 1,000 more voters before October 4, the registration deadline.

 “I half expect to see voter registration on the back of a cereal box,” Harris says.

 Her counterpart for the City, Sheri Iachetta, has also been busy. Iachetta says her office registered 400 UVA students in just two days this month, forwarding the paperwork for out-of-town students to the appropriate localities.

 A rancorous presidential election season clearly underscores the drive to sign up voters. And though local Democratic groups seem to have the most visible registration drives, both sides of the aisle are working to register voters locally. For example, an ambitious program spearheaded by UVA’s Center for Politics, which seeks to register 2004 voters before the election, is working with both Democratic and Republican student groups. Molly Clancy, a programs and research associate for the Center, says the program landed 1,000 new voters in just five days.

 Harris says local businesses that are signing up voters have been careful to be nonpartisan in their efforts. Asked what’s behind the push, she cites an increasing “civic mindedness that everyone needs to vote.”—Paul Fain

Categories
Uncategorized

News in review

Tuesday, August 31
Pointed evidence

Lawyers for Andrew Alston, a former UVA student accused of stabbing Walker Sisk to death in November, succeeded in prohibiting Alston’s juvenile criminal record from being used during cross examination in his upcoming trial, according to today’s Daily Progress. However, the court ruled that prosecutors may discuss Alton’s alleged knife-carrying habits.

 

Richmond swamped

Floodwaters today receded in Richmond’s Shockoe Bottom district, the downtown neighborhood that was engulfed by a 10-foot wall of water on Monday afternoon, leaving collapsed buildings, and cars stacked on top of each other. The disaster was caused by tropical storm Gaston, which dumped a foot of water on the Richmond area, surprising meteorologists who had predicted no more than four inches of rain. At least eight people were killed in the torrent, and damages are expected to top $15 million, according to The Washington Post (later estimates put the damages at $60 million). In response to the flood, Gov. Mark Warner, who today toured the 25 square blocks that received the brunt of the flooding, issued a declaration of emergency and has asked for federal clean-up funds.

 

Wednesday, September 1
Help wanted?

The Charlottesville area boosted its number of jobs by 17.4 percent in the last decade, outpacing the state’s rate of job growth, according to a report released today by the Charlottesville Regional Chamber of Commerce. But the report also tagged the “troublesome trend” of a recent decrease of jobs in the private sector, which now sports 1,057 fewer employees than it did in 2000. Hardest hit were manufacturing jobs, a net 2,295 of which were lost locally since 2000. The transportation and information sector also cut jobs in recent years, according to the report.

 

Thursday, September 2
Kilgore’s no girlyman

Virginia’s Attorney General Jerry Kilgore, who is attending the Republican National Convention, checked in with the folks back home in a conference call today with reporters. “John Kerry realizes he cannot take Virginia from us,” Kilgore said on the call, citing an AP story that claimed Kerry’s campaign had skipped Virginia in recent ad buys. “The Virginia delegation is excited,” Kilgore said. “We’re pumped up.” Kilgore’s NYC swing included a primo invite to hang with First Lady Laura Bush and California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger in President Bush’s box on Tuesday night.

 

Friday, September 3
Before the flood

During a particularly fierce season for hurricanes and tropical storms, the State Corporation Commission (SCC) of Virginia today warned, “Homeowner policies issued in Virginia generally do not provide coverage for damage to your home and belongings caused by floods and surface water whether or not they are caused by a hurricane.” The SCC encourages Virginians to check in with their home and car insurance companies to see what sort of bulked-up disaster insurance they may need. For people living in a floodplain, the SCC recommends purchasing flood insurance, which the Fed sells to eligible people through the National Flood Insurance Program.

 

Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports

 

Caught in the Act
Affirmation of Marriage Act claims its first victims

When marriages dissolve, it’s not unusual for children to become pawns in their parents’ squabbles. There’s not much difference between gay and straight marriages in this regard. What’s different is how Virginia courts treat children of gay parents, at a time when conservative politicians have made an election issue out of people’s private lives.

 In July, House Bill 751, known as the Affirmation of Marriage Act, became law in Virginia. The law states the Commonwealth need not honor same-sex civil unions formed in other states.

 Following the Bush Administration’s example of low-blow politics, Virginia Del. Bob Marshall (R-Manassas) crafted the bill to exploit homophobia. But when the law was first put to use last month, H.B. 751 was wielded not by angry fundamentalist Christians, but by a lesbian mother against her former partner.

 On August 24, a Frederick County judge ruled that Lisa Miller-Jenkins was the sole parent of 2-year-old Isabella, effectively denying visitation rights to Isabella’s other parent, Janet—despite the fact that Janet and Lisa raised Isabella together as partners in a civil union.

 Lisa Miller and Janet Jenkins met in Frederick County, Virginia, in 1997. “We wanted to get married,” says Janet, “or as close as we could get.”

 The couple were joined in civil union in Vermont in 2000, and they combined their last names with a hyphen. Lisa gave birth to Isabella in 2002, and the couple settled in Fair Haven, Vermont. But when the relationship turned sour, Lisa took Isabella back to Frederick County in September 2003.

 As Lisa and Janet prepared to square off in court, both sides of the gay rights debate rallied to their respective corners. Anti-gay groups advised Lisa, who now claims to be a “former lesbian,” according to newspaper reports. Gay rights groups, including Richmond-based Equality Virginia, stepped in to advise Janet in a custody dispute that illustrates not only the political charge injected into gay domestic fights, but also the legal chaos caused by conflicting state marriage laws.

 In June, a Vermont court awarded Lisa temporary custody of Isabella and gave Janet visitation rights in Virginia. But Janet claims Lisa never allowed her to spend time with Isabella alone, and Janet demanded more traditional visitation rights.

 On July 1—the day H.B. 751 took effect in Virginia—Lisa filed a petition in Frederick County Circuit Court. On August 24, a Winchester judge ruled that Virginia had jurisdiction in this case, and that Isabella belonged only to Lisa, her “natural” mother.

 Joseph Price, who is Janet’s attorney and a director on the board of Equality Virgina, says he plans to appeal immediately. “We think the judge got the analysis totally wrong,” Price says. “He was just making a political statement.”

 Not surprisingly, Lisa’s lawyers disagree.

 “We don’t feel the judge was politically biased,” says Peter Hansen, a Winchester attorney. “He was applying [the Affirmation of Marriage Act] that says Virginia need not enforce the rights or claims arising from same-sex marriage contracts.”

 UVA psychologist Charlotte Patterson—a gay mother whose research on same-sex families is widely quoted—says that in divorce cases courts typically grant both straight parents some type of custody, even in cases involving child abuse and neglect, protecting what she calls “a child’s right to continue the important relationship with both parents.

 “Children of gay and lesbian parents need these same kinds of protection,” says Patterson. House Bill 751 was designed to punish gay adults, “but it has the effectof punishing children who are likely to grow up heterosexual,” Patterson says.—John Borgmeyer

 

The Jamaican connection
Court documents expose JADE bust of Jamaican crack dealers

Local media have been captivated by the recent arrests of eight alleged members of the crack-dealing local gang the “Westside Crew” and the life sentences two Estes Street dealers received on August 30 for murder and drug convictions.

 But newly released documents in the U.S. District Court in Charlottesville are a reminder that many of the area’s most active troublemakers, like the drugs they sell, come from far away. The Jefferson Area Drug Enforcement (JADE) task force has netted at least eight alleged drug dealers with out-of-town roots this year—according to court records and news accounts—including two separate busts of Jamaican citizens.

 The documents, filed by John L. Brownlee, U.S. attorney for the Western District of Virginia, colorfully depict one of these investigations, in which JADE detectives took down brothers Colin and Andrew Gordon, two Jamaicans with New York City-area drivers’ licenses. According to prosecutors’ accounts, the busts, which went down at two area hotels in January, included one major screw-up that resulted in detectives chasing and tackling one of the alleged crack dealers in a hallway in the English Inn.

 The Gordons, whose cousin Noel Gordon was also arrested in the bust, were allegedly involved in a common practice in which Jamaican drug gangs bring “wholesale” amounts of powdered cocaine to Central Virginia from New York City, according to a report from the Department of Justice. Much of the cocaine is then converted into its crack form, distributed to lower-level dealers, and eventually sold on local streets.

 In a search warrant, Detective Granville Fields, the lead JADE officer on the Gordon brothers case—who claims 12 years of experience in narcotics investigations and 500 arrests—writes that “out-of-town drug dealers will often ‘set up shop’ in hotel rooms,” using them to stash drugs, money and guns.

 Colin Gordon had likely been in the Charlottesville area for some time. JADE officers had set up two drug buys between informants and Colin last October and November. And Colin, 35, who ran under the alias Christopher A. Donald and was known as “Jamaican P” or “Big Daddy,” had been pulled over for speeding in Charlottesville as far back as December 2002. He had apparently illegally re-entered the United States after being deported to Jamaica in 1997 for previous crimes, which include two drug felonies committed in Maryland and Connecticut. 

 To finally arrest Jamaican P, JADE first arranged “a controlled buy” from a woman drug dealer who relied on him for her supply of crack, according to court records. After getting pinched in the police buy on the night of January 20, the woman quickly agreed to buy drugs from Jamaican P in a sting at the English Inn. Getting a small-fry dealer to help police nab a serious drug supplier is a classic JADE tactic, also employed by many other vice squads and in crime dramas on TV. In this case, the scheme worked, with one glitch.

 JADE took two adjacent rooms at the Inn, setting up the woman in one room and detectives and surveillance equipment next door. The two rooms were connected by a door, which, unfortunately for the JADE team, was apparently left unlocked during the bust.

 The female drug dealer was working as a police informant from her digs in the English Inn during the early morning of Wednesday, January 21—just hours after being snared by the fuzz. She called Colin Gordon and a few of her customers, with cops listening to all the calls. After she told Gordon that she had buyers waiting for drugs, he agreed to come to her hotel room, according to prosecutors.

 Gordon drove to the English Inn in his van. When he arrived, the woman threw her room key down to the parking lot so he could use a back door to the hotel, presumably to attract less attention.

 After entering the room, Gordon may have known something was up, because he “very shortly thereafter” walked over to the door between the two rooms. When he turned the doorknob and opened the door, he saw a roomful of cops and snooping gear.

 “Detectives tried to shut the door but their presence was thereafter compromised,” reads the understated legalese from the U.S. Attorney’s Office.

 Police then burst into the informant’s room, but Gordon “pushed them aside” and ran out into the hallway. “It took four detectives to subdue the defendant,” prosecutors claim.

 The English Inn did not return calls from C-VILLE about the hallway chaos that occurred that morning, so it’s uncertain whether other hotel guests may have peeked out their rooms to see police wrestling a dreadlocked Jamaican to the ground or if the hotel and cops had cleared the floor in anticipation of the sting.

 According to detectives, when Gordon was on the ground, he threw a plastic bag that contained 16 grams of cocaine base, or crack, and two grams of cocaine powder. Among the items Gordon was carrying were $4,000 in cash, a “large amount” of jewelry, a fake New Jersey driver’s license and a room key for the Red Carpet Inn.

 Detectives rushed to the Red Carpet Inn, which is on 29N, and arrested Andrew Gordon, 29, in room 207. After getting a search warrant for the room, detectives found an impressive stash, which included three-quarters of a pound of crack, a half-pound of powdered cocaine, $60,000 in cash, scales, razor blades, a nine-millimeter pistol and a .357 Magnum revolver. Investigators said the street value of the seized drugs was $140,000, according to an account by Reed Williams in The Daily Progress.

 The drugs and guns brought a host of charges on the Gordon brothers, whose case is currently being hashed over in the U.S. District Court in Charlottesville. Also arrested in the bust, which a JADE officer says was likely the biggest local drug seizure in years, was the Gordon brothers’ cousin, Noel L. Gordon, who pleaded guilty to his charges in May, and will testify against his cousins in their eventual trial. If convicted, Colin, an illegal immigrant, faces a mandatory life sentence.—Paul Fain

 

Right to choose?
Pro-choice Republicans get louder this time at the RNC

In New York City last week, former Albemarle DelegatePaul C. Harris was true to the GOP, as always. He favorsan amendment to the Constitution that would outlawabortion, even if the pregnancy endangers the prospective mother’s life, even in cases of rape and incest, period. “Some won’t agree with the amendment, but the Republican Party has to do what is morally right in protecting the most innocent people in the country—our unborn fetuses,” says the Republican star, who may make a run for Virginia Attorney General in 2009. He and Commonwealth GOP Chair Kate Obenshain Griffin, both staunchly “pro-life,” were two Virginians on the Republican National Convention’s (RNC) platform committee. Not surprisingly, the platform approved during last week’s convention in New York echoed those of past years with a call for a “human life amendment,” not to mention an appeal to appoint judges who respect “the sanctity of innocent human life.”

 Harris may believe the force of morality is on his side, but surveys suggest his views are out of line with the majority of Republicans, both in Virginia and throughout the nation. According to the Republican Majority for Choice (RMC), the principal pro-choice Republican advocacy group (as oxymoronic as that might sound), while many Republicans reject the “pro-choice” label, 73 percent believe that the abortion question should be a woman’s concern, not the government’s. And a 2003 poll conducted by Virginia Polytechnic Institute’s Center for Survey Research found that 67 percent of Virginians support a woman’s legal right to an abortion, a percentage that has remained relatively stable for the past seven years.

 The RMC now refuses to remain a “silent majority,” and they made that clear during convention week. Jennifer Stockman (wife of former Reagan budget director David Stockman) and actress Dina Merrill co-chair the organization, formed from three separate PACs in 1999. And their Virginia chair Katherine Waddell emphasizes that pro-choice does not mean pro-abortion: “We support options including abstinence, prevention, motherhood, adoption and abortion,” she says.

 During convention week, the group sponsored a swanky “Big Tent Celebration,” where Republicans could let their pro-choice hair down, schmoozing with the party’s relative moderates like New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, and former governors Pete Wilson of California and Christine Todd Whitman of New Jersey.

 Situated on the Met Life building’s 56th floor where partiers enjoyed some respite from the chaotic streets while taking in panoramic views of Manhattan, State Sen. H. Russell Potts, a Republican from Winchester whom the RMC recognized for his pro-choice record, said, “A terrible contradiction exists in the small government party that now wants to intrude on women’s lives.” For him, abortion is a personal issue between “a woman, her God and her doctor.”

 Republicans for Choice, led by Alexandria resident Ann Stone, is another PAC that claims 150,000 members. Just before the start of the Republican National Convention, several Republicans for Choice members attended the March for Women’s Lives, where 25,000 reproductive rights supporters marched over the Brooklyn Bridge into lower Manhattan. Abortion should havenever become “a Republican/Democrat, liberal/conservative issue,” Stone says. “The debate is between those who trust women and those who don’t.”

 Just as Emily’s List dedicates itself to electing pro-choice Democratic women to state and federal offices, the WISH List (Women in the Senate and House) supports pro-choice Republican female candidates and also hosted a convention breakfast fundraiser.

 Post-convention, the question remains: Will pro-choice Republicans support Bush in November? The RMC and the WISH

List tolerate the platform’s exclusive language, while focusing their efforts on electing more of their kind to Congress.

 Indeed, pro-choice Republicans seem to struggle with what they see as hypocrisy within their own party. “All week Republicans talked about personal freedom, the liberation of Afghan and Iraqi women,” Waddell says, “and yet here they are trying to restrict women’s reproductive rights.”—Laura McCandlish