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Moore’s code

In its first weekend of wide release, Fahrenheit 9/11 took in $21.8 million on just 868 screens, making it the highest-grossing documentary opening in history. The movie did equally well in red and blue states where a not-so-silent civil war is raging over America’s representation under the Bushies. While U.S. citizens fret over a terrorist attack before the election and tamper-easy Diebold voting machines, arguments rage about Donald Rumsfeld’s refusal to step down after Abu Grahib and Vice President Dick Cheney loses his mind in Congress.

 Now that it’s clear that Fox News will not keep audiences away from Fahrenheit 9/11, the question is, Will conservative media recognize its defeat in trying to impugn director Michael Moore and shift the dialogue back to the issues he raises?

 A populist filmmaker, Moore engages in a kind of independent journalism that raises crucial questions with an air of simplicity and honest curiosity. But the damning answers to some of his direct queries demand action. When Moore declares that no member of Congress had even read The PATRIOT Act before voting on it, you’ve got to wonder when the American public will serve our negligent Congress with pink slips.

 However, the blind passing of the PATRIOT Act is but one in a laundry list of offenses that Moore exposes. His movie keys into the lies that we’ve been fed since Bush and his cronies illegally seized power. The best part is that Moore is a sincere and articulate Everyman to whom people around the world listen and respond enthusiastically. That’s more than can be said of George W. Bush.

 The following interview was conducted at the recent Cannes Film Festival where Fahrenheit 9/11 won the Palme d’Or.

Cole Smithey: What in this movie do you think will be shocking to the public, and what of that would be threatening to the U.S. government?

Michael Moore: Well, what’s going to be shocking to most Americans who see this film is Bush’s military records that were blacked out by someone at the White House. I don’t think people have heard American soldiers in the field talk the way they talk in this film of their disillusionment, of their despair, of their questioning what’s going on. Those were brave words to say to a camera. We have not seen that on the evening news. We’ve not seen the suffering that the war has caused—from those who’ve been maimed and paralyzed to the families back home who’ve lost loved ones. How often have we heard their voices? Every step along the way in this movie will be a revelation in terms of how this lie was perpetrated upon them.

 The good thing about Americans is once they’re given the information, they act accordingly, and they act from a good place. The hard part is getting through with the information. If the freelancers I was using were able to find what they found in Iraq, with our limited resources, you have to question why haven’t we seen this? You see in the movie the first footage of abuse and humiliation of Iraqi detainees. And this occurred in the field, outside the prison walls. That is disgraceful, that it would take as long as it’s taken, and for me to come along with stringers and freelancers to be able to bring this to the American people. The American people do not like things being kept from them, and I think what this film is going to do is be like a mystery unraveling.

Do you think the coalition should pull out of Iraq?

Of course the [chuckling] “Coalition of the Willing” needs to de-will themselves, and the United States must remove itself from the situation. We need to find a better solution with people who the Iraqis want there, and who will help the Iraqis rebuild their country—that is not the United States of America.

George Bush accused the U.S. troops who abused the Iraqi detainees of a “failure of character.” What do you think are the failures of George Bush’s character?

Bush’s comment about the failure of the U.S. troops is another example of how George W. Bush does not support our troops. George W. Bush and his ilk actually despise our troops. Only someone who despises our young people, who have offered to serve and protect our country and give up their lives if necessary—to send them to war based on a lie is the worst violation of trust you can have, and the worst way to treat our troops. He is against our troops. He has put them in harm’s way for no good reason other than to line the pockets of his friends and benefactors.

 The lack of character begins with him and Dick Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld, and the fish rots from the head down. Whatever’s going on in Iraq, in terms of this prison abuse and the things you see in the film, starts with sending them over there based on a lie. Immoral behavior begets immoral behavior. This is not some noble mission to free the country, to free people, to prevent a holocaust. This was a disgusting effort on their part, and all we can say is thank God that they got caught as early as they did. If you remember with Vietnam, it took years before the lie was revealed. This has just taken months. So, I’m somewhat optimistic that we can find a way out of this.

In your movie, you criticize the way the American public is manipulated with fear by the media. How do you manipulate your images?

We do a de-manipulation of the images. The media in America provides a manipulation. During the Bush years they put on a filter and they only allow the American people to see what they think will keep the waters calm. So night after night on the evening news you’ll get maybe five seconds of George W. Bush where it sounds like he makes sense. In my film, I show the 20 seconds on either side of the five seconds where he clearly is totally discombobulated. In my film, I take the filter off, and you see it raw and uncensored and the way it really is. It’s both hilarious and frightening.

Are you afraid of being manipulated?

When you come from the working class, you’ve got a pretty good bullshit detector. I come from a factory town, my dad worked in a factory, and there’s a total lack of pretension—everything is the way that it is. Anybody who tries to pretend to be something else is immediately seen for who and what they are. That’s a good thing about growing up that way, and I haven’t lost that. And I hope I always maintain that sense of always having a healthy disrespect for authority and always believing, as a great American journalist once said, “All governments are run by liars and nothing they say should be believed.” If we had more journalists who started with that premise, that governments must prove everything that they’re saying, then maybe we’d get to more of the truth.

How do you get the clips of these uncensored moments that belong to networks?

We spend a lot of time digging in their archives. Another way we do it is there are people who work in media who don’t like the way the media is censored. So there’ll be a cameraman over here or a sound guy over there who knows that I would like to see something and will send it to me. We have a network of people who believe that the public should be given all the truth. I can’t reveal everything in terms of how we do this, but we’re able to get it out there to the people. I shouldn’t really have to do this in a free country where there should be open information and you should hear all the different voices. It shouldn’t take a guy like me to provide the people with the things that you’re not seeing. But as long as that’s the case, I’m going to take you to a place that you haven’t been before during the four years of the Bush Administration.

How were you able to get the war footage from Iraq?

I had a number of freelancers that I was working with, both people that I was able to have go to Iraq and others we discovered once they were in Iraq—some were embedded, some weren’t. The footage of the Iraqi detainees was from a journalist who was embedded with the troops.

How do you think the White House has tried to prevent your film from being made and released?

I only know what I was told by my agent. We had a signed deal with Icon. We were just starting the movie and I got a call from my agent saying that he just got a call from a person at Icon asking for a way to get out of the deal, even though there was no way they could renege on it. They asked if there was any way we could get someone else to take over the deal because they received a call from “top Republicans,” people connected to the White House, who essentially wanted to convey the message to Mr. Gibson [Mel Gibson, who runs Icon Films—Ed.], “Don’t expect anymore invitations to the White House if they’re going to be behind this film.” That’s all I know. I don’t know who made the calls, but we had this deal—there was a big thing in Variety about the deal—then suddenly, weeks later the deal didn’t exist. Fortunately, Miramax immediately took over the deal and said they would make the film.

Since the agenda of your film seems to be to influence the outcome of the election in November, to what extent do you think a movie can accomplish that goal?

When I make any movie, it’s to make something that I would want to go see on a Friday night if I were going to a movie. That’s always the foremost thought in my mind: How can we make something that will be enjoyable and entertaining, that people will want to take their date or their spouse to the theater and eat popcorn, have a great time, laugh, cry, think, and leave the theater to talk about it later? Those are always my primary motivations, and that is the motivation behind making this film.

 I wanted to say something about the times in which we live, in post 9/11 America—how we got to where we’re at, what’s happened to us as a people—and have a good time doing it. I also think it’s important to laugh during times like these and that’s why this film, like my other films, has a good amount of humor in it. This time I was the straight man—Bush wrote the funniest lines, so what am I going to do when George Bush files a grievance with the Writer’s Guild wanting some sort of screen credit? In terms of “Will it influence the election?” I hope it influences people just to leave the theater and become good citizens—whatever that means. I’ll leave it to other people to decide what impact it will have on the election.

 

Heat index
Fahrenheit 9/11 pulls no punches in burning Bush
By Kent Williams

Let’s start by getting the name-calling out of the way: Michael Moore is a political gadfly, a provocateur, a firebrand, a rabble-rouser, a muckraker, a satirist, a populist, an entertainer and a Big Fat Stupid White Man, that last epithet courtesy of a book about Moore that’s just been published. As for Fahrenheit 9/11, Moore’s headline-grabbing documentary about the Bush Administration’s foreign policy, it’s a screed, a diatribe, a polemic, a comedic hatchet job that, according to London’s Guardian newspaper, got a thumb’s-up from Hezbollah, the Lebanon-based militant group. Except for the fact that he never quite gets around to asking George Bush whether it’s true that he beats his wife, Moore doesn’t even pretend to play fair. On the contrary, he’s out to behead a king with every sharp tool at his disposal. And if you have a problem with that…well, then get in line, because lots of people, from both sides of the political aisle, have a problem with it. Right-leaning leftie Christopher Hitchens, in a recent Slate article, all but challenged Moore to a duel. Live by the word, die by the word.

As a filmmaker, Moore lives by the word and, increasingly, by the image. Culling footage from various nooks and crannies of the mediasphere, he’s fashioned a montage barrage that, often as not, uses Bush’s own words and images against him. There’s a shot of Bush addressing a banquet of wealthy types, which he refers to as the haves and the have-mores. “Some call you the elite,” he tells the crowd. “I call you my base.” There’s a shot of Bush making an urgent appeal for the fight against terrorism, then turning around and driving a golf ball into the wild blue yonder. But perhaps the most memorable shot is of Bush, having just been told that a second plane has hit the World Trade Center, sitting there for nearly seven minutes while an elementary-school class completes its reading of “My Pet Goat.” Moore slows the videotape down so that the expression on Bush’s face morphs from anxious to afraid to confused to vacant, then back to anxious. Some might call this a cheap shot, and maybe it is, but the effect is of a little boy waiting to be told what to do.

“Was it all just a dream?” Moore asks about the last four years, and maybe the best way to view Fahrenheit 9/11 is as an alternative history of the United States during one of its darkly comic nightmares. The movie opens with CBS and CNN declaring Al Gore the winner in Florida, only to have Fox News, spear-carrier for the red states, hand the whole country over to Bush. The Supreme Court seconds that emotion, and Bush proceeds to spend 42 percent of his first eight months in office on vacation, a cinematic longeur that’s enlivened by the sight of Paul Wolfowitz prepping for a TV appearance by running a comb first through his mouth, then through his hair. (Another cheap shot: What does his personal grooming have to do with Wolfowitz’s politics?) Then the screen goes black for Moore’s dramatic sound-only reenactment of 9/11, and what had been a comedy has suddenly turned into a tragedy, the Hillbilly banjo music giving way to the wailing violins of Arvo Pärt’s Cantus in Memory of Benjamin Britten. Manipulative? Damn straight, but effective, too.

 Now that he has us in the palm of his hand, Moore lays out his next argument—that Bush’s connections with Saudi Arabia’s royal family, which go back 30 years, clouded his judgment and influenced his policies as he scrambled to come up with a response to 9/11. Craig Unger covers the same territory in his recent book, House of Bush, House of Saud, and Moore doesn’t add to what Unger wrote so much as supply pictures.

 Then he moves on to his final argument—that the upper class always gets the lower class to fight its wars for it. Meet Lila Lipscomb, a self-proclaimed “conservative Democrat” from Moore’s hometown of Flint, Michigan, who lost both her son and her faith in our country’s ideals to the war in Iraq. Distraught, Lipscomb pours out her emotions, and our heart goes out to her, but I couldn’t help wondering about the mothers who’ve lost sons or daughters but still believe in the war. Do they not grieve? What makes Fahrenheit 9/11 so effective is that it combines emotional appeals with both comic relief and—last but not always least—debate-society argumentation.

 Some find Moore’s approach engaging. Some find it enraging. And how you find it doesn’t necessarily depend on whether you voted for Bush or Gore the last time around. Imagine a movie much like this one, only about Bill Clinton and directed by Rush Limbaugh. Engaging or enraging? Personally, I think Moore’s funnier than Limbaugh, and I think he’s at his best when he plays the court jester who entertains us paupers by jabbing the king and his court in the ribs. But if he’s determined to dethrone the king and send him packing to the great state of Texas…well, there’s nothing in the U.S. Constitution to prevent it. Not yet, anyway.

Fahrenheit 9/11 is rated R with a running time of 112 minutes and is now playing at Vinegar Hill Theatre. For times see page 71 or call 817-FILM.

 

Right or wrong
What are local conservatives saying about the movie?

The recent debut of Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 9/11—an aggressive indictment of President Bush and the war in Iraq—generated much hot air and spilled ink amongst the punditry, many of whom fretted over the documentary’s impact on the November election. Not to be outdone,C-VILLE Weekly tracked down two prominent local Republicans to discover what they think of the movie and its influence on the electorate.

 But both Bob Hodous, a local lawyer and chairman of the Charlottesville Republican Party, and Randolph Byrd, a publisher and staunch Republican, plan to skip Moore’s latest work, bolstering the widespread belief that the movie is preaching to the choir.

 “I don’t know of a single soul who’s gone to see this movie,” Byrd says.

 Both Hodous and Byrd say they follow a broad variety of media, including those which many charge lean to the Left, such as The New York Times. But Michael Moore’s perspective is one that neither of the two Republicans are compelled to heed.

 “It would probably piss me off,” Byrd says of Fahrenheit 9/11. “I don’t want to feed this guy’s profits.”

 Hodous says he decided to ignore the movie mostly because of having read many news articles and opinion pieces that describe bias and inaccuracies in the film. For example, Houdous says a recent piece by liberal columnist William Raspberry in The Washington Post, which called the movie “an overwrought piece of propaganda” and a “hatchet job that doesn’t even bother to pretend to be fair,” helped him decide to save the $8 for a seat at the Vinegar Hill Theatre.

 “I think that [Moore’s] bias is so great that I’m not sure I’d be able to wade through it,” Hodous says.

 But though Hodous believes Fahrenheit 9/11 is a cynical effort to tap into knee-jerk leftie hatred of the Bush Administration, he acknowledges that this sort of media pandering occurs among conservatives as well.

 “That happens on both sides. It’s sad, because I think we miss a lot that way,” Hodous says.

 Byrd strongly echoed this belief, saying that Fahrenheit 9/11 is “meant to enrage the Right as much as [The Passion of The Christ] was meant to appeal to it.” (Byrd saw and liked The Passion.)

 But despite the fact that Moore is trying to help oust Bush with a documentary film many conservatives call grossly inaccurate and unfair, Byrd says the Right wing shouldn’t be outraged by the movie.

 “Like Rush Limbaugh never goes over the top,” Byrd says with a chuckle.—Paul Fain

Categories
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Charlottesville 20

Bankers, experimentalists, runners, bike cops, tortilla experts and many other avowed individuals who choose this place above all others to ply their trades, promote their ideas and otherwise stir up the creative brew that we call home and that others lately are calling No. 1. We don’t really need Frommer’s, Outside or anyone else to tell us what we have here—especially when those folks only get as much of the story as a single day’s research allows. But if they were to ask for a more in-depth view of the people and institutions making Charlottesville what it is right now—for better or worse—we’d present them with this, the third annual C-VILLE 20, the cast of characters featured in our town’s present-day tale.


THE MISSIONARY
Pastor Bruce A. Beard

After a week in which his department was battered for a DNA dragnet of black men, Charlottesville Police Chief Timothy J. Longo specifically thanked Pastor Bruce A. Beard for helping foster a dialogue with the local African-American community that had been so deeply offended. Beard’s calming role in the controversy probably doesn’t surprise members of his congregation at the First Baptist Church on W. Main Street—bridging divides is Beard’s specialty.

 A Pittsburgh transplant who quit his job as a corporate executive for Pepsi-Cola to become a pastor, Beard has worked hard to make First Baptist a church that appeals to a broad swath of Charlottesville.

 When Beard took the helm of First Baptist, a historically black church with a storied past, he says church attendance was “hovering around 50 to 60.” Now, Beard sees 500 or more faces from his Sunday perch in the pulpit.

 “It’s become much more diverse,” Beard says of First Baptist. “We have quite a few white members.”

 Beard and his wife, Rev. Gardenia Beard, focus on the divide between church and community, which he says has been growing in recent decades. Their ministry, which they call Transformational Ministries, is “a radical rethinking of what is church” that includes an emphasis on getting out into the community.

 “Most churches tend to be 30 to 40 years behind the times,” Beard says.

 Beard thinks Charlottesville could eventually be a national example for cooperating across ethnic lines. In fact, he thinks Charlottesville has so much potential, “I’m not sure people realize it.”—P.F.

 

THE PICKER
Fred Boyce

At The Prism Coffeehouse on Rugby Road, you can hear some of the finest acoustic musicians in the world perform in a space no bigger than a living room. So far this year the schedule has included such diverse acts as New Grass revivalist John Cowan, classical guitarist Beppe Gambetta, and Appalachian balladeers Ginny Hawker and Tracy Schwartz performing in the 80-seat venue. It’s one of those places you really can’t find anywhere else but Charlottesville, and Fred Boyce is the guy who makes it happen.

 A virtuoso banjo picker from North Carolina, Boyce and his partner Kenyon Hunter have run The Prism since 1990. In that time Boyce has used his connections in the musical world, picking acts that have elevated The Prism into a hallowed haunt for fans and artists alike. For Boyce, The Prism is built for education, not just entertainment.

 “The Prism has been built by the people and the musicians who trust in Fred’s vision,” says Mike Seeger, a longtime Prism performer and legendary scholar and interpreter of Appalachian folk music.

 Aided by a small, loyal band of volunteers, Boyce and Hunter do almost everything to keep the smoke- and alcohol-free Prism running smoothly—booking shows, hanging flyers, ordering coffee and snacks, orchestrating The Prism’s live broadcasts on WTJU and cleaning up afterwards.

 Recently, Boyce has come under fire with some former Prism volunteers who, offended by his notoriously fiery temper, have hung their dirty laundry on the line, going public with an injudiciously uncensored voice mail message that Boyce left one of them. With the talent for improvisation that is characteristic of a bluegrass banjo player, Boyce has rolled with it and has not commented publicly on whether he’ll drop The Prism reins—or rein in his management technique. In any case, if or when others take charge at the 38-year-old venue, they’ll inherit one of the East Coast’s coolest folk venues with Boyce to thank for it.—J.B.

 

THE MAESTRO
John Conover

Having dominated City government for decades, the Democrats’ resounding sweep in this year’s City Council election hardly qualifies as a Cinderella story. Yet the Dems’ victory party on May 4 had the air of a team celebrating a come-from-behind win, with John Conover as the victorious coach.

 For two years, ever since Rob Schilling beat Alexandria Searls to become the first Republican in 12 years to win a Council seat, Democrats have been gnashing their teeth over the loss. This year, the party vowed to play hardball, and they tapped former Councilor Conover to manage the campaign.

 Conover’s role seemed to be keeping his candidates—Kendra Hamilton, David Brown and Kevin Lynch—focused on defeating the Republicans instead of each other. It gave him plenty of opportunities to talk a little partisan smack, which the Legal Aid attorney seemed to especially relish. “I think John enjoys the sparring,” says former Mayor David Toscano, who ran the Dems’ fundraising efforts this year.

 With Conover at the helm, the party did a lot of things right. First, they raised more than $32,000. Then, they identified their target voters by looking at voter rolls from State elections and cross-referencing those with rolls from local elections. In so doing, the Dems discovered they had lots of party faithfuls who weren’t turning out for City elections, so they made an extra effort to get those voters to the polls.

 “John’s philosophy is to put a lot of people in the mix, give them responsibilities and get things done,” says Toscano. “That’s the essence of a good organization.”—J.B.

 

THE MENTOR
Carol Pedersen

If you’ve been to the theater in the past year, you’ve probably seen Carol Pedersen’s influence. True, she’s only directed one local production and has never acted in front of Charlottesville audiences. But as a leading force behind Live Arts’ drama education program, not to mention her work as a dramaturge and as a teacher at UVA and, starting this fall, at Piedmont Virginia Community College, she’s shaping a whole lot of local talent that makes it before the footlights.

 “I love teaching, I really do,” she says. And her students return the affection, citing the calm and trust that she imparts to a classroom setting. She works as well with absolute beginners as she does with more experienced actors, prepping part-time thespians in a way that enables them to expertly make the switch from their daytime vocations to their evening and weekend avocations as community theater performers. And her audition workshops have been known to give the necessary booster shot of confidence to otherwise retiring wannabe actors.

 Pedersen may be working with nonprofessional players, but she has a heavy dose of credentials backing her up: graduate degrees in theater and directing from the City University of New York and Columbia University. Indeed, to a great extent she embodies Charlottesville’s unique approach to culture, in which professional tools are made available to amateur performers.

 A lunch at the now-defunct Liquid with Live Arts Artistic Director John Gibson led to the start of those audition workshops and eventually, the Saturday morning actor’s lab, which commenced in February, 2003. Since then, all but one Live Arts production have this season featured at least one of her students in the cast. “There are people who had never acted before getting terrific parts. That’s really fun,” she says.—E.R.

 

THE ACTIVIST
Holly Hatcher

The rest of Virginia looks to Charlottesville —not always fondly—as a stronghold of liberal values in an otherwise conservative Commonwealth. The contrast is especially pronounced when it comes to women’s rights, as an increasingly Christianist House of Delegates moves to limit access to abortion and—in the newest development—federally approved contraceptives.

 Charlottesville activist Holly Hatcher won’t let legislators turn back the clock without a fight. Last year, Planned Parenthood hired the 29-year-old Hatcher to direct its organizing efforts in Virginia, at a time when the Commonwealth is one of hottest battlegrounds for reproductive rights.

 “She’s a fireplug,” says David Nova, director of Planned Parenthood of the Blue Ridge. “Holly’s got an innate talent for empowering others to express themselves.”

 Hatcher honed her activism at the Public Housing Association of Residents (PHAR), a local nationally recognized nonprofit, where she taught low-income housing residents how to navigate through City Hall. At Planned Parenthood, her job is to help concerned Virginians defend their rights to privacy and health care.

 In May, Hatcher filled 12 buses with Richmond pro-choice activists, and helped statewide Planned Parenthood chapters fill a total of 32 buses (including eight from Charlottesville), all bound for the March for Women’s Lives. That event drew close to 1 million people to Washington, D.C., on April 25.

 Lately Hatcher’s been commuting to Richmond for her job, but later this summer she’ll start working in her hometown when Planned Parenthood opens a new office and clinic in Charlottesville. That state-of-the-art facility will likely further encourage Charlottesville’s radical reputation, since a growing contingent in the General Assembly supports TRAP, or Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers, legislation that could close down other clinics around the State. If that happens and Charlottesville becomes a refuge for women seeking safe, legal abortions, Hatcher will undoubtedly cement her own hard-won reputation as a committed force in the struggle for progressive health care.—J.B.

 

THE HEALER
Jim Haden

When Jim Haden moved to Charlottesville in 1993 to take the helm of Martha Jefferson Hospital, the community hospital had 140 medical staff. That number has grown to 360 during Haden’s time as president and CEO. The hospital, which recently built a 94,000 square foot Outpatient Care Center at Peter Jefferson Place, now has more than 100 primary care physicians.

 “There has been an awful lot of growth,” Haden says of his time at Martha Jefferson. “It’s not just being bigger, it’s being better.”

 Haden says the hospital, in addition to expanding its role as the Charlottesville region’s biggest primary care provider, has bulked up its cardiology and cancer treatment capacities as well as women’s health services.

 By expanding its specialty care, Martha Jefferson, which this July will celebrate the 100th anniversary of opening its doors at 919 E. High St., has increased the areas of overlap with its research-focused crosstown competitor, the UVA Medical Center, which can only be good news to the thousands of newcomers—including young families and retirees—who relocate here each year.

 Haden says there can be “creative tension” when his hospital’s services are in competition with the UVA Medical Center, but that the two hospitals often work together “very cooperatively.”

 Before coming to Charlottesville, Haden says he knew nothing about the town. After more than a decade at Martha Jefferson, he says he hopes to stay here if “the community wants me around.”

 The big challenge for Haden and Martha Jefferson, much like for the rest of Charlottesville, is how to keep growing without harming the hospital’s core values.

 “I don’t want to lose who we are,” Haden says.—P.F.

 

MR. WAHOO
Rick Jones

Charlottesville may be No. 1, but it isn’t perfect—especially when the topic turns to racial harmony and social justice. If Charlottesville ever becomes a place where more people of different classes and races live side by side, Rick Jones will deserve some of the credit.

 Jones runs Management Services Corporation, one of the largest student housing providers in Charlottesville with nearly 800 rental units. While many developers take a standoffish view of municipal bureaucracy, Jones in 2000 joined a committee that helped rewrite Charlottesville’s entire zoning code, a job the City finally finished last year.

 “I always thought it was my job to offer a balanced perspective,” says Jones, who’s never shy about offering his ideas. His influence helped ensure that the new zoning would actually work for real developers and not remain just an academic exercise for government planners.

 Three years of swimming in public policy is enough for most people. Jones, however, came back for more. He is currently serving on the City’s Housing Task Force, a group studying ways to take the edge off the local housing market for low- and middle-income residents.

 But of all his involvement, Jones may make his biggest contribution to the City through his position on the Charlottesville Redevelopment and Housing Authority Board. For years the CHRA has focused on managing the City’s eight public housing sites. Jones wants the CHRA to become developers, building sites where subsidized housing sits adjacent to market-rate housing. The idea has worked well in bigger cities like Chicago.

 Departing Mayor Maurice Cox says Jones gives the CHRA the business credibility it needs to work with the private sector. “We’re inviting the kind of know-how that allows us to sit at the table as an equal,” says Cox. “That’s a fairly new direction. Rick Jones is going to move the CHRA forward.”—J.B.

 

THE KING
Rudy Padilla

Rudy Padilla sits at a table in the “club” area of his recently expanded Greenbrier Drive restaurant, El Rey Del Taco, like a royal surveying his kingdom.

 In just five years, Padilla has opened four successful restaurants around Charlottesville. More than just places to spill salsa on your shirt, Padilla’s restaurants comprise a community of their own.

 Padilla moved to Virginia in 1995 to join his brother’s Richmond eatery, El Paso Mexican Restaurant. Three years later he decided it was time to open one of his own, and started Amigos in the Woodbrook Shopping Center on Route 29N. Two years later Amigos got a friend on Fifth Street Extended, followed by a third Amigos on the Corner in 2001. Those three restaurants feature more mainstream Mexican dishes and cater equally to both the American and Mexican tastes.

 In 2003 he opened El Rey, with a focus on more traditional Mexican food. The Spanish-language CDs and movies for sale at the restaurant also demonstrate that he’s trying to better serve Charlottesville’s 3 percent-and-growing Hispanic population.

 Last fall he gave them an even bigger space to call their own when he expanded El Rey, more than doubling the restaurant’s space. Hit it on any Saturday night and find its booths, pool tables and spacious dance floor hosting more than 300 people shaking it to tasty Latin rhythms.

 Most of Padilla’s dance crowd is Hispanic, but white folks come out too, especially
for Friday night Latin dance lessons. “Americans like that,” Padilla says.—E.R.

 

MR. FRIDAY NIGHT
Ted Norris

The weekend has kicked off at Zocalo, and Ted Norris is a busy man. The well-dressed, scrubbed-clean crowd of 20-, 30- and 40somethings stands three or four deep around the gleaming counter of the Downtown Mall’s of-the-moment restaurant, and everybody wants Norris’ attention. In between making up mojitos and assorted other potent potables, he hands out the drinks, each with a complimentary smile.

 Norris has been bartending for nearly a decade, first in his hometown of Dayton, Ohio, and then here, where he moved with his wife in 1999. Locally he’s kept the good times rolling at the former Boudreau’s (now Wolfie’s), Michael’s Bistro and Zocalo, where he’s worked since it opened late
last year.

 “I love bartending. I’m a night person. I love meeting people, and if I go to a party I’m always the one behind the bar. I like the action,” he explains of his success. Bar patrons apparently love him back: He took home the title of Best Bartender at this year’s Bartender’s Ball in February.

 His secret is simple: “You have to be a friendly person; personality has a lot to do with it…. And you have to be able to move,” he says on a recent, much slower Wednesday night, checking around the bar to make sure everyone’s happy. “Anyone can make drinks. Making drinks isn’t enough.”—E.R.

 

THE INSIDER
Bob Gibson

Even highly educated people like those of us who live in Charlottesville need a capable interpreter to decipher the political squabbling and legislative gibberish occurring in Richmond’s halls of power. Fortunately for us, we’ve got Bob Gibson to tell us what it all means.

 Gibson, who has reported and edited for The Daily Progress since 1976, is a scribe of the old-school variety, asking tough questions and putting in the hours to get the scoop. His political reporting easily trumps formulaic stories by less seasoned reporters, and has enabled the Progress to hold its own against the Richmond Times-Dispatch and The Washington Post in covering this year’s 115-day budget standoff in the General Assembly.

 

 Gibson’s savvy was on display during Gov. Mark Warner’s recent huddle with reporters at the Mudhouse. When Warner was unsure about a bill’s fine print or a funding number, he turned to Gibson for the skinny.

 So why hasn’t Gibson, like many former local reporters, left town for a bigger media market?

 “We just decided this would be a good place to raise our daughters,” Gibson says of the choice he made with his wife of 22 years, Sarah McConnell. Gibson and McConnell, the host of the WMRA radio show, “With Good Reason,” have three daughters.

 Of his body of work for the DP, Gibson says he’s most proud of a weeklong investigative series on the “racial variations in sentencing” by local courts. Gibson says the series, which ran in ’92, was influential in the creation of the Charlottesville/Albemarle Public Defenders Office, which represents lower-income people in criminal cases.—P.F.

 

MR. BULLDOZER
Wendell Wood

Plenty of people love to hate Wendell Wood, but the developer needn’t worry—most of his detractors probably shop at the stores he builds, anyway.

 It’s the unique places in Charlottesville and Albemarle that earned the region its recent ranking as America’s best place to live—the Downtown Mall, the UVA campus, Albemarle’s rolling hills—but what good are locally-owned boutiques and a bunch of grass and trees when you want to buy a car battery, light bulbs and tennis shoes all in one stop?

 Wood is happy to oblige. He’s one of Albemarle’s largest landowners, and his company, United Land Corporation, built the Wal-Mart, Lowe’s and Sam’s Club stores on Route 29N, where, it should be noted, the titanic parking lots are never empty. But even those giant “big boxes” will seem small compared to Wood’s current project, the 165-acre Hollymead Town Center under construction north of the Rivanna River that will house—hallelujah!—a Target.

 Wood’s detractors claim his projects are rapidly turning Albemarle into Anytown, U.S.A. Wood correctly responds that, hey, people want to shop in big stores. And some, like Tim Hulbert, who directs the regional Chamber of Commerce, reckon that the furor will die down once the backhoes get off the site and the Michael Graves teakettles move in. Wood and the other investors in Hollymead Town Center “have responded to specific requests from the community regarding town center and neighborhood model concepts in the County’s growth areas,” Hulbert says. “It’s certainly a natural evolution for the County. It’s tough to look at now, but there will be a time when the omelet will be made and the eggs won’t look so scrambled.”—J.B.

 

THE OLD GUARD
The McGuffey Artists

Spotlighting BozArt Gallery and the Kluge-Ruhe Aboriginal Art Collection, American Style magazine placed our city on its list of “10 Places to Watch” for up-and-coming art scenes on the national stage. But before Kluge or Ruhe or Boz, there was, and still is, the McGuffey Art Center, undisputed godfather of Charlottesville’s visual arts and cultural life.

 Established in 1975 as the result of a citizens’ committee set up by the City to remake the former McGuffey Elementary School, the Art Center stands as the City’s first concerted effort to promote the arts as a civic enterprise. With 23 studios, three galleries and 40-odd artist members specializing in everything from book arts to painting to industrial design to dance to glass blowing, McGuffey rightly declares itself the “largest displaying space in Charlottesville” (until recently it housed Second Street Gallery, too). And on the first Friday of every month, it plays host to hundreds of curiosity-seekers there to eye the new exhibits, drink warm wine from tiny cups and do what all communities do best: dish.

 There’s an important educational component, too: McGuffey’ s studios are open to public tours and more informal drop-ins some 17 hours per week, putting the artists front and center in this growing City’s struggle to understand how the artistic life and the public life can intersect. As Rosamond Casey, president of the cooperative McGuffey Art Association puts it, “McGuffey is a lot of different things but I think it is primarily an educational institution…we do a tremendous amount to bring people into the building and to extend ourselves outside of the building and into the community.”

 McGuffey found itself caught in the hail of political posturing during the months leading up to passage of the latest municipal budget and the Council campaign that followed. Some criticized the artists for stepping outside the box to make a pointed political statement about their value to Charlottesville at large, but what else would you expect from a group of artists who for decades have been encouraged to balance on the edge between culture and community?—N.B

 

.THE ENFORCER
Nancy Eismann

Remember the time unruly teenagers knocked over your Caesar salad while you dined on the Mall one spring evening? No? You probably have Officer Nancy Eismann of the Charlottesville Police Department to thank for avoiding that experience.

 Eismann, the ubiquitous bike patrol cop who works the Downtown Mall and City Council meetings, is an exceptionally graceful keeper of the peace. If Mall urchins get out of line, Eismann calms them in a manner that makes everyone happy. Never disrespectful or overly authoritarian, Eismann manages problems by doing a great deal of listening.

 “I think all officers have to have a touch of psychology in their background,” Eismann says. “I just like to treat people the way I want to be treated.”

 August will mark Eismann’s 23rd anniversary with the Charlottesville Police Department. Eismann, a native of Massachusetts, moved to Charlottesville after a visit in which she says she “fell in love with the area.”

 Eismann hasn’t always been on the Mall, having driven squad cars and police vans during her years on the force. She was assigned to the Mall patrol in February 2003, and now works afternoons and evenings, Monday through Friday, enjoying, she says, the highly visible beat.

 After mingling with Charlottesville’s Mall strollers for so many hours, Eismann knows quite a few locals. Many of them carry one of Eismann’s business cards, the backs of which are adorned with a photo of her posing by a squad car with Homer, a hefty potbelly pig who is one of her many pets.—P.F.

 

THE BRAND NAME
Patricia Kluge

Here in Charlottesville, we’ve grown accustomed to conspicuously consuming at gas stations that serve latté and Brie instead of coffee and beef jerky sticks. But Patricia Kluge, the master of national publicity and self-promotion, has taken this concept a step further. There is no other way to say it: With Fuel, the enterprising former Mrs. John Kluge (now Mrs. Bob Moses) has made her mark as a gourmet gas station extremist. The futuristic purple fueling station/take-out sandwich joint/upscale bistro at the corner of Market and Ninth streets combines cutting-edge design by Madison Spencer Architects with you’ve-got-to-be-kidding-me prices. Somehow the whole thing repels and attracts our curiosity at the same time.

 Naturally, Fuel is amply stocked with Kluge Estate wines, her earlier foray into the culinary marketplace from her Albemarle home and vineyards south of Ash Lawn-Highland. And amazingly, considering Virginia’s relatively low ranking among wine-growing regions, Kluge has managed to snag plenty of national press for her product, blessing Charlottesville along the way.

 But her dogged pursuit of logo-level recognition is no embarrassment to Kluge, as it might be to others of a certain class. On the contrary, it’s part of her grand scheme to join the pantheon of brand superstars (even if her claim to the Kluge surname is—how to put this?—dated). “When you are building a business and expect to have certain standards and certain style, you have to focus not only on the product but on the brand,” she told C-VILLE. “Quality, style, heritage, place—this is what the Kluge brand represents. The customer will recognize the brand. You think of great brands—Coke, Louis Vuitton—people don’t think of just drinks or luggage.”

 Maybe it sounds grandiose, but Kluge has plans to pepper the national landscape with Fuels—which, of course, will convey Kluge Estate products, too. Given her knack for getting her name in society rags like W and gossip columns like The Washington Post’s “Reliable Source,” it might not be so far-fetched to think that one day people will say, “Charlottesville? Isn’t that where Patricia Kluge got her start?”—N.B.

 

THE HEALTH NUTS
Mark and Cynthia Lorenzoni

In 1982, Mark and Cynthia Lorenzoni decided to open a small fitness store on Elliewood Avenue. Only a few blocks from UVA’s fraternity row (a symbol of ’80s-era decadence if ever one was) the Lorenzonis, barely out of college themselves, must have looked like missionaries of the mile, preachers of pronation, heartily advocating health to an audience of heathens.

 On the other hand, the speed with which the Lorenzonis Ragged Mountain Running Shop grew up suggests the interest was there from the start. Would the streets of Charlottesville still be filled with as many runners on a warm spring day if the Lorenzonis had set up shop elsewhere? Maybe so. But would the City’s running community be what it is, and would Charlottesville be USA Today’s “most energetic” American city? Most certainly not.

 Like any good business people, the Lorenzonis want to make customers for life. What they’re selling isn’t just shoes, but an appreciation for fitness. Indeed, they host running/walking clinics and are almost permanent fixtures at every one of the dozens of events sponsored by the Charlottesville Track Club. Not only that, their second-floor sneaker shop is like a clubhouse for local athletes—be they super-intense ultramarathoners or 9-miles-a-week joggers. (And that’s not even taking Mark’s regular newspaper and radio spots into account). Fitness is like buying a car, says Mark Lorenzoni—if you know to keep the oil changed and to maintain it properly, it will run for a long time.

 “In running,” he says, “we think, with more education…people go longer.” Judging from the fact that a great many
of the 1,643 participants in the recent Charlottesville Ten-Miler were over 40, it’s obviously working.—B.S.

 

THE DREAMERS
Bushman Dreyfus Architects

There are a lot of bricks in Charlottesville. Let’s just call it the “Jeffersonian tradition” of Charlottesville’s cityscape. But what would Thomas Jefferson, the great experimenter, think if his hometown kept designing the same building over and over, for 200 years?

 Bushman Dreyfus Architects are dragging Charlottesville—sometimes kicking and screaming—into the realms of modern architecture. As head architects for the City Center for Contemporary Arts building on Water Street (which just picked up a City award for best new construction) and associate architects for the Paramount Theatre, they’re helping remake the Mall into a vibrant, modern urban center that proves tradition can co-exist with contemporary design—and attract the tourist wallet, to boot.

 It has been Bushman Dreyfus’s design for the C3A building, as it’s known, with its inventive use of materials like concrete and steel, that has really gotten local tongues a-wagging. In the words of Jeff Bushman, the building “is forward thinking …and it’s led people to question the standard kit of parts that we build with Downtown.” We concur with his assessment that such inventiveness “can only be a good thing.” After all, who wants to always be glancing backward to find out where we’re located?—N.B.

 

THE LOCAL HEROES
Dave Matthews Band

If philanthropy were merely a promotional strategy for the Dave Matthews Band, it would be easy for them to simply throw some money at the Yanomami tribes in the South American rain forests, issue a press release and be done with it. But that’s never been the band’s style. DMB has given millions to local charities that are as valuable as they are unglamorous, and much of the band’s generosity happens behind the scenes.

 Through its Bama Works Foundation, the band has given 172 grants to organizations in Central Virginia since 1998—and the list is growing. In March, the rockers appeared as honored guests at the opening of the Music Resource Center space in the former Mt. Zion Baptist Church on Ridge Street, one of two organizations for which they staged a September concert fundraiser in New York’s Central Park.

 High-profile causes like the MRC are only the tip of DMB’s charity iceberg. According to John Redick, who manages the band’s local charity through the Charlottesville-Albemarle Community Foundation, they’ve donated $2,170,286 since establishing the tie. It’s gone to causes like disadvantaged youth, the environment, the arts and more.

 The band might be too huge to liven local stages anymore, but that clearly doesn’t mean they’ve lost their interest in fixing some of Charlottesville’s busted stuff.—B.S.

 

THE EDGE
John Lancaster and Laurel Hausler

Critics may call it tasteless, kitschy, or just plain bad, but the art world no longer questions the validity of Self-Taught, Outsider and Southern Folk art as belonging to a greater movement. And to John Lancaster and Laurel Hausler, founders of Nature Visionary Art, there’s a perfectly good reason for that.

 “John says it’s because it’s the most exciting art there is,” says Hausler.

 In the six years Lancaster has been operating Nature, first behind the Jefferson Theater as a shared venture with artists/musicians David Sickmen and Eli Simon, and more recently with Hausler in a new nearby gallery, Charlottesville’s folk art scene has become synonymous with excitement. Nature is built on the premise that art training is less important than soul, an idea that appeals to younger artists as well as fans seeking work outside art’s conventional boundaries.

 “Nature is good because it provides a venue for artists that might have been shut out of other galleries,” says Hausler.

 The couple, planning to be married in September, may no longer be the misfits they once were. With the launch last year of Nature Visionary Art at 110 Fourth St. NE, they’ve fulfilled their vision. The Downtown gallery’s exhibitions of well known Southern Folk artists Howard Finster, Jimmy Lee Sudduth and Mose Tolliver rival not only established local venues, but also major museums and galleries in Washington, D.C., and beyond.—B.S.

 

THE THINKER
Philip Zelikow

UVA employs many professors who are world famous in their fields. But these intellectual heavy hitters often remain anonymous to many City residents.

 One such UVA luminary is history professor Philip Zelikow. If his name doesn’t ring a bell, the institutions he heads probably do. In addition to directing the Miller Center of Public Affairs, Zelikow is the executive director of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States—the so-called 9/11 Commission.

 Ten bipartisan commissioners, including Thomas H. Kean and Bob Kerrey, control the 9/11 Commission. But Zelikow’s team of 80 staff members is doing the heavy lifting of the investigation, and has produced reports cataloging intelligence failures, and, as The New York Times reported, drafted the questions for President Bush and Vice-President Cheney’s closed session interview.

 Zelikow’s work hasn’t gone unnoticed, however. His chummy relationship with the Bush Administration—he co-authored a book with National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice and worked on Bush’s 2000 transition team—has led critics to call for his resignation. But the Commission’s aggressive reports have softened these complaints.

 When Zelikow isn’t analyzing terrorism, he and his staff at the Miller Center are busy educating Charlottesville about what’s going on in the world. The Center, which Zelikow has headed for five years, regularly brings a bonanza of notable speakers to town—including recent visits by legendary investigative reporter Seymour Hersh and former WMD hunter David Kay—that would make any Washington think tank jealous.—P.F.

 

THE MONEY
Mark Giles

The new restaurants, office buildings, hotels and homes that continue to bloom around Charlottesville and Albemarle County often start with loans. And though big national banks are required by law to invest in the community, many entrepreneurs seek out the hands-on service of independent, locally owned banks, and chief among them is Virginia National Bank.

 Mark Giles is one of a group of entrepreneurs who launched VNB in 1998. The bank immediately stepped into the role of primary community bank, which had recently been vacated by Jefferson National Bank, which sold to Wachovia that year.

 Under Giles’ leadership as president and CEO, VNB has grown into a major player on the local banking scene. The bank’s assets increased by more than 25 percent in 2003, standing at $214 million at the end of the year. Also during 2003, VNB increased its loan volume to small consumers by 79 percent and bankrolled $20 million in local real estate construction.

 Before helping to start VNB in 1998, Giles headed two banks in Houston and also worked as a lawyer for a Houston firm. Though he’s a Texas transplant, Giles also has local roots, having graduated from UVA in 1977. He earned a J.D. from the UVA School of Law a few years later.

 Though VNB had a strong 12 months, the recent sale of Guaranty Bank to a large banking company leaves VNB as one of only two remaining small fish in the Charlottesville pond. The question for Giles is whether he can keep earnings headed up while competing with Wachovia, SunTrust and other swelling bank behemoths.—P.F.

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News in review

Tuesday, May 25
Justice O’Connor gives props

Anna-Marie Gulotta, a senior at Charlottesville High School, has a 4.40 GPA. She’s a youth mentor and abstract artist who developed a solar oven that made her an International Science Fair finalist. Thanks to these and other accomplishments, Gulotta today beat out seven other finalists for the $5,000 Emily Couric Leadership Scholarship. Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor presented the award to Gulotta in a ceremony at the Boar’s Head Inn, saying, “I have to make some hard decisions sometimes, and I’m glad that wasn’t one of them.” O’Connor picked up an award at the event, too—the Emily Couric Women’s Leadership Award. Security was absurdly tight for O’Connor’s speech—local media were not allowed to take in video or audio recording equipment—in which the most newsworthy nugget was her admission that after getting her law degree from Stanford in 1952, she was told that her that best chance to get a job in the field was as a secretary.

Wednesday, May 26
Kluge rights State’s wrong

U.S. Senator John Warner and Gov. Mark R. Warner today announced that local billionaire John W. Kluge will put up $1 million for the Brown v. Board of Education Scholarship and Fund. The General Assembly only gave $50,000 to the program, which seeks to provide educational funds to Virginians whose schools were closed in the late ’50s as a means of avoiding integration. Kluge’s big-bucks contribution is a matching gift, and Gov. Warner promised to submit a budget amendment so the State can kick in its $1 million. According to a press release from the two lawmakers, Kluge, who is CEO of Metromedia, the 28,000-employee company that runs Ponderosa, Bennigan’s and other restaurant chains, approached Sen. Warner “on his own initiative.”

Thursday, May 27
Drug Court graduation

Toni Gray and Jamahl Elder became the 101st and 102nd graduates of the Charlottesville/Albemarle Adult Drug Court in a ceremony held this morning at the Charlottesville Circuit Court. The 12-month supervised drug treatment program, which is an alternative to time in prison, is entering its seventh year of operation. After receiving his graduation certificate, Elder said, “It’s the best day of my life.” Only 9.5 percent of graduates of the Drug Court, which has struggled to retain its funding, are arrested again within a year after completing the program, while 50 percent of other Virginia drug offenders land back in the hands of police in the same time frame.

Friday, May 28
Four TV stations?

As first reported by Patrick Hite of The Observer, a new ABC affiliate is coming to Charlottesville, meaning that locally produced newscasts could be running on four Charlottesville TV stations in coming months. Gray Television, which also owns WCAV, the CBS affiliate slated for Channel 19, will launch WVAW, the new ABC affiliate and will run both stations out of studios in the Frank Ix building, according to Bill Varecha, WCAV’s general manager. Varecha says the launch date for the forthcoming ABC station is “unknown at this time,” but that Gray is shooting for August or September.

Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports

 

Tag team
Charlottesville Players’ two locations bring 50 Cent fashions to the Keswick crowd

The new line of $27 t-shirts from G Unit, the clothing company founded by the muscle-bound rapper and shooting survivor known as 50 Cent, features gleaming automatic weapons with the phrase “Peace to all my street soldiers killed in the ongoing conflict.”

 The message is probably a little lost in Ivy or Keswick, but that’s where you’re likely to see the shirts.

 “We can’t get them in here fast enough,” says Sherri Robinson, who on weekends runs the Charlottesville Players store at Fashion Square. While black customers hesitate to buy clothes decorated with guns, white kids, she says, want “anything with 50 Cent’s name on it.”

 For seven years, Charlottesville Players has peddled hip hop fashions on W. Main Street. In March, owner Quinton Harrell did what few local retailers do—opened a store at Fashion Square Mall to augment his neighborhood shop and compete with the big chains.

 Harrell and Robinson, his girlfriend, say the Albemarle branch has attracted a new multiracial clientele to Charlottesville Players. “I’ve seen people come through that I’ve never seen before,” says Harrell. “Blacks, Hispanics, Orientals, Caucasians—it seems like a larger market [in Fashion Square].”

 Harrell’s 1,500-square-foot W. Main store relies mostly on walk-ins from the surrounding neighborhoods; he opened the 850-square-foot branch in Fashion Square to find more shoppers.

 “The parking [on W. Main] is horrific,” Harrell says, echoing the complaint of many a Downtown shop owner. “At Fashion Square, it’s a whole other environment. It’s built for consuming.”

 Harrell’s Fashion Square branch is tucked into a corner of the Mall near the Red Robin restaurant, flanked by bubblegum machines in a space inhabited previously by a Christmas shop. Harrell won’t say how much rent he pays, but before he could move in he had to send financial statements to the Fashion Square’s parent company, Simon Property Group.

 “I had to prove to them I was not just a fly-by-night business,” says Harrell.

 Right now, his biggest advantage may be the chain stores’ tardiness in catching on to urban fashion trends. Belk, for example, carries Sean John, a prep-hop brand. And a salesclerk at the Fashion Square branch of Sears sniffed that the giant retailer “doesn’t carry the big baggy things.”

 Most retailers tend to abandon Downtown Charlottesville when they open up shop at Fashion Square, but Harrell says he’s still true to W. Main.

 “This is home base,” he says, leaning on a glass display case full of hip hop CDs in his W. Main store. He founded this store in 1997, after spending three years selling t-shirts and baseball caps in a Cherry Avenue parking lot.

 “I used to drive to New York City every week to pick up merchandise,” Harrell says. “I’d leave Charlottesville at 2 or 3am, shop all day and be back here the same night.”

 Saying this, Harrell points out his most popular items—blue jeans and colorful collared shirts by Akademiks, a brand popular with rap stars. After hitting prices of $300 or more, the “throwback” sports jerseys from the ’60s, ’70s and ’80s that dominated the market are giving way to a cleaner, more mature—and slightly more affordable—look, he says.

 On a recent Saturday, Harrell himself wore a white linen outfit and a gleaming watch the size of a chicken egg that gives the time for Charlottesville, Las Vegas and Houston. “I consider myself a walking advertisement for the store,” he says.—John Borgmeyer

 

Rent control
Rose Hill neighborhood and PHA keep apartment building cheap

African-American teachers arriving in Charlottesville in the ’60s taught at newly integrated schools. Housing, however, remained a problem, particularly at a teacher’s salary.

 “At that time, there was residential segregation,” says Kendra Hamilton, president of the Rose Hill Neighborhood Association and an incoming City Councilor. “The African-American teachers who moved to Charlottesville from other areas had no place to live.”

 That’s where Virnita Court came in. The squat brick apartment building at 800 Rose Hill Dr., which was built in 1966, became a haven for black educators. Stu Armstrong, the executive director of the Piedmont Housing Alliance (PHA) says the apartment complex has been “a portal for African-American professionals to come into the community.”

 Armstrong says past and present local black leaders have lived in the building, including Alicia Lugo, Claude Worrell and William Lewis. But black teachers were the primary renters of the 16 two-bedroom apartments.

 “At one time, if you did not teach, you did not live here,” says resident Catherine Harris, herself a teacher’s assistant.

 Though James N. Fleming, Virnita Court’s owner, was African-American, Hamilton says the building’s status as an affordable outlet for black educators was due to word of mouth rather than a deliberate marketing effort by Fleming. However, when Fleming died last December, Virnita Court’s affordable rents seemed likely to expire with him.

 BB&T, the bank named executor of Fleming’s will, set the sale price for the building at $1 million. A developer would have to raise rents from the current monthly level of $440 per unit to recoup the investment, particularly with significant rehabbing of the building looming in the near future.

 “That apartment complex would empty out and students would come in,” Hamilton says, noting that a developer told her that after renovations, monthly rents could be as high as $850.

 In another scenario, as Hamilton says, the entire complex might have been razed and replaced with swanky condos that could have capitalized on Virnita Court’s prime location and hilltop views.

 The news of Virnita Court’s likely demise came to Hamilton and other members of the Rose Hill Neighborhood Association when the group was searching for a project on which to spend the last of three $200,000 grants from a Community Development Block Grant. The neighborhood association and the Piedmont Housing Alliance, a private nonprofit organization, began working on a plan to save Virnita Court. Armstrong expected the deal to be closed by press time.

 Armstrong says his organization plans to “hold the rent stable for at least a year, hopefully forever.”

 Bolstered with the $200,000 from the neighborhood association, PHA acquired the building for $850,000. Armstrong says the complex needs at least $400,000 in refurbishments, the money for which he hopes will come from several other grants.

 “We have about a year window to make that happen,” Armstrong says of scoring the grants.

 PHA and the neighborhood association have sought to allay worries from Virnita Court residents, some of whom expressed concerns about PHA’s involvement in the project. PHA, which builds and renovates affordable housing for renters and lower-income homeowners in the region, has been criticized for gentrifying certain neighborhoods.

 Though she says she has concerns about her building’s future, resident Catherine Harris says a meeting among residents, PHA and the neighborhood association bolstered trust about the project.

 “I’d like to think that it’s good thing. Most of us expected some change,” says Daisy Ross, another resident. “It could’ve been worse.”

 But Hamilton, who placed emphasis on affordable housing during her successful campaign for City Council, says the collaboration to retain Virnita Court’s character and demographic is a perfect example of “helping neighborhoods to find their own solutions.”—Paul Fain

 

To death row and back
Earl Washington’s DNA case makes waves

Depending on how you look at it, Earl Washington, Jr. has had the best luck or the worst. Either way, he’s got quite a story to tell, one that raises serious questions about capital punishment and DNA testing in Virginia.

 In 1983, Washington, who is black and mentally retarded, was arrested in Fauquier County for the rape and stabbing death of Rebecca Williams, a white Culpeper woman. He spent 17 years in prison, nine and half of them on Virginia’s death row, and he was just nine days away from execution before a team of lawyers caught wind of his plight and eventually proved him innocent. Although former Governor Jim Gilmore granted Washington a full pardon in 2000, he has never received an apology or compensation for his lost years.

 Now Washington, who currently lives in Virginia Beach, is suing law and enforcement officers in Fauquier County and the town of Culpeper. The suit, currently pending in U.S. District Court in Charlottesville, alleges that police coerced a confession from Washington, who functions at the level of a 10-year-old, then ignored evidence that might have exonerated him in order to get a conviction and “solve” the case.

 The suit also revealed that the State crime lab in Richmond botched DNA tests that would have cleared Washington and pointed the way to the real killer. New DNA tests done as a result of the lawsuit confirm Washington’s innocence and identify Kenneth Tinsley—a former Albemarle resident currently serving a life sentence in Sussex County for multiple rape convictions—as the prime suspect in Williams’ rape and murder. Tinsley has yet to be charged.

 “It’s 100 percent certain that Washington is innocent,” says Steve Rosenfield, a Charlottesville defense attorney who is assisting in the lawsuit. “So why would he have confessed to the murder? And what is the role of law enforcement? That’s at the heart of this case.”

 Rosenfield says that the State lab’s incompetence should cast doubts about other DNA tests performed in Richmond. “It raises questions about their reliability,” he says. (Last year, an investigation of a Houston crime lab found that poorly trained technicians misinterpreted data, kept shoddy records and allowed evidence to be lost or contaminated. Death penalty activists would like to see a similar investigation in Richmond.)

 Charlottesville Police Chief Tim Longo, who has sent dozens of local DNA samples to the lab in hopes of tracking down the local serial rapist, says he hasn’t heard of the Washington case. “I’ve never had a reason to question [the State lab’s] competency or skill in anything involved with our department,” Longo says.

 The Commonwealth executes more people than any other state except Texas—91 since the death penalty was reinstated in 1976. Death penalty activists are mildly optimistic that Washington’s case will spur reform in Virginia.

 There’s already been some change—the 2004 General Assembly eliminated a Virginia rule that prohibited courts from hearing new evidence more than 21 days after a conviction. The new rule removes the time limit, but it restricts prisoners to one claim of innocence on any conviction.

 Death penalty activists would like a moratorium on executions in Virginia, similar to one imposed in Illinois in 2000 when evidence showed that the state might have executed innocent people.

 “In any other state, there would be a moratorium on executions and people would start looking at the death penalty,” says Marie Deans, a Charlottesville activist who helped assemble the team ofpro bono lawyers who freed Washington.

 “But I worry,” she says, “because we have legislators who believe Virginians really want the death penalty. I don’t think they do.”—John Borgmeyer

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News in review

Tuesday, May 18

Turn out the lights

Thunderheads rolled through the area around closing time this evening, bringing violent wind and lightning that knocked down power lines. About 9,340 customers of Dominion Virginia Power were without electricity for several hours, according to The Daily Progress. The power outage was practice for Dominion crews, who, according to a release from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), may face bigger problems this fall. NOAA is predicting an “above-normal” hurricane season that should create six to eight Atlantic hurricanes, as many as four of them major.

 

Wednesday, May 19

MLK honored at CHS

Two days after the 50th anniversary of the Supreme Court’s Brown decision, the City officially celebrated the renaming of the Charlottesville Performing Arts Center as the Martin Luther King, Jr. Performing Arts Center with a party tonight at the Center. Among local luminaries speaking at the event were Reverend Alvin Edwards, Mayor Maurice Cox and George Tramontin, a former City schools superintendent who shepherded the schools through early integration in the 1950s. The Martin Luther King Community Choir also performed at the shindig. The next change for the Center is a statue of MLK, which is planned for the lobby.

 

Thursday, May 20

29N meeting draws a crowd

Around these parts, nothing sparks civic engagement like big-box development. Tonight, around 400 people packed the gym at the Hollymead Elementary School to hear developers and Albemarle planners discuss plans for the massive Hollymead Town Center and North Pointe developments. Attendees of the meeting, which was arranged by County Supervisor Ken Boyd, politely applauded each developer’s speech, prompting Steve Runkle, who has a share in Hollymead, to remark, “This is the first time I’ve ever heard a crowd clap for a group of developers.” But the meeting wasn’t a lovefest, as concerned residents grilled the presenters over the developments’ likely additions to transportation, water supply and environmental woes along 29N.

 

Friday, May 21

Vote, or else

Chris Nowinski, a Harvard grad who mixes it up on the mats for World Wrestling Entertainment, was in town today to encourage voter registration. The wrestler, who checks in at 6’4", 270 pounds, spoke to students at Monticello High this morning, then flashed across town in a stretched limo to speak to the media and later sign up voters at Fridays After 5. Nowinski, whose finishing move in the ring is reportedly called “The Honor Roll,” came to Charlottesville as part of the WWE’s Smackdown Your Vote campaign and to help launch the UVA Center for Politics’ National Symposium on Youth Civic Engagement.

 

Saturday, May 22

Foiled break-in and robbery

A young Charlottesville woman awoke early today to an apparent attempted break-in, Charlottesville police told The Daily Progress. The attempted crime, which occurred in the 400 block of Brandon Avenue, follows several break-ins to apartments and homes in recent weeks, many occupied by young women. In other early morning crimes, two men were reportedly held up at gunpoint on the 1200 block of Gordon Avenue today. After the victims ran into a house without giving up any money, the two assailants, who were wearing t-shirts around their faces, apparently threw bottles at the side of the house.

 

Sunday, May 23

UVA lands championship trophy

The UVA women’s lacrosse team today won the national title by knocking off two-time defending champion Princeton 10-4 on Princeton’s home turf. The win was UVA’s first championship since 1993 and first under coach Julie Myers. It avenged last year’s 8-7 overtime title game loss to Princeton. Amy Appelt of the Cavaliers had four goals while Caitlin Banks tossed in three. Goalkeeper Andrea Pfeiffer, who battled off a flurry of Princeton shots early in the game, earned the tournament’s Most Valuable Player award.

 

Monday, May 24

Goode gets the nod

WINA today reports that Rep. Virgil Goode has a big fundraising lead over Democratic challenger Al Weed for the November race for the 5th District seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. Goode had $450,000 in his coffers by the end of March, while Weed had only $25,000 by mid April. Goode was officially nominated for the race in a party convention at UVA on Saturday. Bob Gibson of The Daily Progress reports that during his address Saturday, Goode defended his support for the Bush Administration’s tax cuts. He also touted his focus on the 5th District, saying, “If you want someone who’s going to be ponying up to The New York Times, the L.A. Times and the other liberal national media, then you should be pushing Weed and not Goode.”

—Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports.

 

Unarmed services

Local man travels to Iraq to support peaceAt the end of April, Louisa resident Brian Buckley, 32, and four fellow peace activists traveled to Iraq to spread the word that not all Americans support the war there. Buckley was able to deliver this message while visiting the southern Iraqi cities of Karbala, Kufa and Najaf, where American soldiers are surrounding renegade cleric Muqtada al Sadr and his militia of supporters.

 Buckley, a carpenter who lives in the Little Flower Catholic Worker community in Louisa, says many Iraqis were grateful for the peace offering. Others, however, shared the sentiment of one young man on the streets of Kufa, who told them, “thanks, but just get the hell out of here…we’re about to die,” according to Buckley.

 American military commanders weren’t exactly thrilled about Buckley’s mission either.

 “U.S. citizens entering a place like Najaf, which is in suffering from heavy conflict and is very dangerous, is a distracter and adds another unwelcomed dimension,” says Brigadier General Mark P. Hertling, the deputy commander of the U.S. Army’s 1st Armored Division, via e-mail from a camp near Karbala. “While [Buckley and the other protesters] were conducting their peace demonstration, the forces of Muqtada al Sadr conducted a mortar attack on the base where they were demonstrating, and we had to be concerned with protecting these American visitors as well as our normal duties of attempting to secure the Iraqi citizenry from the insurgents.”

 For his part, Buckley says the group never asked for protection, but knowingly took the extreme risk of traveling to the war zone to “be with the people of Najaf and try to allay an attack” by offering what he calls “protective accompaniment.” Buckley also says a goal of the trip was to show support for U.S. troops by wishing them a safe and “immediate” return.

 “I wanted to make real the war,” Buckley says of his motivation. “I don’t want it being waged in my name.”

 The peace delegation was an ad hoc group of activists from around the country that received funding from friends and supporters. They flew to Amman, Jordan, on April 18, then rented a car and drove to Iraq. At the border, they easily passed through a checkpoint at which Buckley says he saw no Americans. Though the U.S. Department of State strongly advises American civilians against traveling to Iraq—a warning reinforced by the recent beheading of entrepreneur Nick Berg—a U.S. passport will suffice for entry into the country.

 Sadr’s militia seized Najaf and neighboring Kufa, which are home to sacred Shiite mosques, just weeks before Buckley and crew arrived in the city. Having already met in Karbala with a representative of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who is perhaps the most influential of Iraqi Shiites, Buckley’s group was approached by advisors to Sadr after they arrived in Najaf.

 Buckley says his group politely refused an offer of armed bodyguards from Sadr’s representative, claiming that the group didn’t want to “take sides” or associate too closely with the radical cleric. The group never actually met Sadr, nor learned his location—information U.S. forces might want.

 “Not knowing where he is was something we preferred,” Buckley says.

 The peace delegation twice visited coalition troops at a base outside of Najaf, which, according to Buckley, was a requisitioned hospital. Though Buckley says he heard gunfire every night in Najaf, when coalition forces fired a warning shot over his group, it was the only shot fired in his direction.

 “It shook us up, certainly,” Buckley says.

 The peace delegation mingled with American soldiers, hearing how the troops missed pizza and mowing the lawn. Buckley also claims he met soldiers who were fed up with the war.

 “The dissent was certainly fluid, and it did come out,” Buckley says.

 Having spoken with combatants on both sides, and to many Iraqi civilians, Buckley’s group left the country after 11 days. Back in the United States, Buckley promises to continue his opposition to the war.

 “I think the fight certainly is here, for me,” Buckley says.

 Asked if he thinks the trip made a difference, Buckley says, “I can’t really measure the fruits of something symbolic.”—Paul Fain

 

VDOT takes a turn
New rule may speed up the Meadowcreek Parkway

For years, Charlottesville’s progressive transportation activists have been pushing for more local control of State and Federal road money. Now it looks like the Virginia Department of Transportation might give them their way.

 Currently, the State has a lot of control over how, when and where roads get built. Cities can suggest projects, but VDOT has the final word and does all the work.

 VDOT is a conservative agency, however. With the State in the driver’s seat, it’s been hard for Charlottesville to get money for transit improvements and bicycle lanes. Furthermore, VDOT’s engineers see nothing wrong with a one-size-fits-all approach that would address Charlottesville’s traffic problems with superhighways and NoVA-sized interchanges.

 Now the cash-strapped VDOT wants to relinquish more responsibility to the cities. The State would still approve projects, but VDOT would funnel money to local governments, which would design and build the roads. During its regular meeting on Monday, May 17, City Council unanimously voted to tell VDOT that Charlottesville is interested in that idea. Council will likely take a final vote on the issue on June 1.

 Councilors Kevin Lynch and Maurice Cox have favored local autonomy as a way to put more transportation dollars into alternative transportation. But what they also understand is that the change will make it easier to build the controversial road they most despise—the Meadowcreek Parkway.

 “I like the opportunities for transit funding,” said Cox at the Council meeting. “I’m not too thrilled about the Parkway.”

 For example, the Parkway has stalled because only three Councilors support the project, but four Councilors must agree to sell VDOT the right-of-way for the City’s portion of the road through McIntire Park. If the City takes over road-building duties, the right-of-way issue would become moot since the City already owns the McIntire land.

 Further, both Lynch and newly elected Councilor David Brown say they would support the Parkway if it were built with an interchange at its intersection with Route 250 and McIntire Road. Lynch says the City could build the Parkway for less than the $30 million VDOT has allocated for the project. It would use the savings to build the interchange, which would help to ease the massive traffic jams the Parkway is projected to cause along Route 250.

 But Butch Davies, Charlottesville’s liaison to VDOT’s Commonwealth Transportation Board, doesn’t agree that local control means more savings.

 “It doesn’t cost less, it costs more,” he says. Henrico and Arlington counties already have local control, says Davies, and their projects tend to cost more because citizens don’t want their roads and bridges built on the cheap. Whereas VDOT could ignore public outcry if people thought the work was shoddy, local politicians are not so immune to discontent.

 Another danger for the City is that the budget bends both ways. For example, just as the City would retain extra money if it built the Parkway for less than the $30 million VDOT has allotted, the City would also be liable if it spent more than $30 million on the Parkway.

 Davies—who supports both the Parkway and the City’s efforts to revamp its bus system—favors local control, however, because it makes local politicians more accountable to citizens. He says City Council, for example, would no longer be able to put off the Parkway and blame the delays on VDOT. “It makes local elected officials responsible to the community. At some point, you have to complete the projects you have planned,” says Davies.—John Borgmeyer

 

Rollin’ in it
Compared to County, City workers make bank

Charlottesville pays its workers better than Albemarle, which is good news if you happen to work for the City. It’s not so great, however, if you’re one of those who complain the City’s budget is too fat and property taxes are too high.

 The list below shows the 10 highestpaid employees in Charlottesville and Albemarle. The list does not include year-end bonuses the City pays to many of its employees; the County, in general, does not give such bonuses, according to spokeswoman Lee Catlin.

 The City, with a 2004 budget of $100.1 million, pays about 272 of its 900 full-time employees more than $40,000. In the County, with a 2004 budget of $207.9 million, about 226 of its 750 full-time employees earn more than $40,000 (total employee figures do not include school personnel). The area’s median income is $27,780.—John Borgmeyer

 

The two towers
NBC and CBS scrap over new antennas

Before it can begin beaming Dan Rather and Dave Letterman into television sets around Charlottesville, Gray Television, Inc., the owner of a new local CBS affiliate, needs to build a television antenna tower up on Carter’s Mountain.

 On May 11, Gray received approval from the Albemarle County Planning Commission for the new tower. But thanks to a study commissioned by the company that owns NBC 29, Gray’s competitor, fears were raised that the new tower could boost radio frequency radiation from antennas on the mountain to potentially dangerous levels.

 However, those fears don’t seem to be thwarting NBC 29 from itself building a new tower on Carter’s Mountain so it can broadcast digital television. And, according to another study conducted for NBC 29 by the same engineering firm that cited radiation concerns about the CBS tower, the total level of radiation, or RFF, from both current and planned antennas in the vicinity will be well below legal levels.

 In the study filed with the Planning Commission, Donald Everist, the president of an engineering firm in D.C., found that “when the RFF levels that will be generated by the proposed Channel 19 [CBS] television station…are added to the RFF levels generated by existing and authorized transmission sources on Carter’s Mountain, an unacceptable risk of harm to human safety may occur.”

 This analysis differs wildly from Everist’s take in NBC 29’s recent filing to the Federal Communication Commission, which states that radiation around the new NBC and CBS towers would be only 20 percent of the legal limit—even at 10 meters above the ground—and that “members of the public and personnel working around the proposed [NBC digital antenna tower] would not be exposed to RFF levels above the commission’s guidelines.”

 NBC 29’s general manager, Harold Wright, did not return calls for this article.

 Tracey Jones, Gray’s regional vice-president of television, says she did not learn of the second, contradictory filing from NBC 29 until two days after the Albemarle Planning Commission meeting.

 “I would be very frightened to do anything like that,” Jones says of submitting two reports with “completely different results” with two different government agencies. Jones says her company also conducted a radiation study in which the consulting engineer confirmed that radiation levels on the mountain would not be dangerous and would be in compliance with the FCC rules.

 After getting the go ahead from the Planning Commission, the new CBS tower application now moves to the Albemarle County Board of Supervisors for a June 2 public hearing. If approved, Gray plans to have the tower up and the signal live by mid August.

 The CBS tower will join about a dozen other towers, satellite dishes and other broadcast facilities—ranging from 60 to 300 feet tall—in the “tower farm” on Carter’s Mountain. The tower farm sits in the Crown Orchard Company, which is owned by Henry Chiles. Chiles did not respond to several phone calls for this article.

 NBC’s current tower is 250 feet tall, with a 50-foot antenna at the top. Built in 1973, when NBC 29 first went on the air, the tower was upgraded in 1993, making WVIR the most powerful TV station in Virginia. The new NBC digital tower, which was approved in December 2002, will be about the same size as its 31-year-old predecessor.

 The proposed CBS tower would sit about 160 feet away from NBC’s digital tower. The CBS tower would be 190 feet tall, and will replace a low-power television transmission tower Gray currently owns on Carter’s Mountain.—Paul Fain

 

Worst management practices
Of all our water problems, the biggest is the RWSA

Pollution, drought, population growth, government regulations—the Rivanna Water and Sewer Authority must wrestle with a litany of problems to solve our water issues. But the biggest problem of all may be the RWSA itself.

 “It’s not anybody’s fault personally,” says John Martin, an interested citizen who has attended nearly every meeting of the Rivanna Water and Sewer Authority for the past seven years. “It’s the way the RWSA is structured. The board of directors is controlled by its customers. That’s a problem.”

 The RWSA is led by a five-member board of directors comprising City Manager Gary O’Connell, City Public Works Director Judith Mueller, Albemarle County Executive Robert Tucker, Albemarle Service Authority Director Bill Brent and appointed Chairman Michael Gaffney. An executive director heads the RWSA—on May 13, the board hired Thomas Frederick for that position.

 The RWSA sells water to the City and County, and they in turn sell it to local users. The RWSA’s revenues come entirely from water bills paid by City and County customers.

 Because the RWSA board comprises City and County officials who answer directly to City Council and the Board of Supervisors, they face political pressure to keep the RWSA budget small and keep people’s water rates as low as possible.

 That means the RWSA has been run on the cheap, says Liz Palmer, a member of the League of Women Voters who has closely followed the water drama.

 “The Board won’t allow the RWSA to be financially viable, so the RWSA can’t do very much,” she says. “They keep it down to bare bones.”

 RWSA board chairman, homebuilder Michael Gaffney, admits that in the past rates had been kept low and as a result infrastructure deteriorated.

 During the dry summer of 2002, however, a public campaign to conserve water caused rates to jump (as people used less water, the RWSA had to charge higher rates to keep its revenues steady). The board has kept rates higher even after the drought, and Gaffney says the RWSA has used the extra money to repair dilapidated buildings and parking lots.

 In fact, the RWSA budget has climbed recently, to $15.5 million in 2004 from $12.4 million in 2003.

 New money aside, having the Authority’s board stacked with senior City and County officials prompts a broader question: Who’s watching the watershed?

 Martin says the board “micromanages” the RWSA, keeping the Authority narrowly focused on the region’s four reservoirs—Sugar Hollow, South Fork Rivanna, Ragged Mountain and Beaver Creek. The board does not want the RWSA worrying about the larger network of streams and rivers in the Rivanna Watershed that feeds those reservoirs.

 Former RWSA director Larry Tropea, who resigned last year, came into conflict with the board in part because he tried to expand the RWSA’s scope. During the drought, Tropea spoke of the RWSA’s mission as “protecting the Rivanna Watershed,” while board members said the RWSA should simply provide enough water to meet the City and County’s demands. Because the RWSA board is run by City and County officials, it will not take positions on the environment that may conflict with growth plans set by City Council or the Albemarle Supervisors.

 But Martin and Palmer believe that any long-term water strategy must take a broad view of the relationship between growth, development, river and stream health and the reservoirs. It’s not clear, they say, that anyone in local government is taking that view.

 “The people we elect are totally hands-off, even though there are significant policy issues,” Martin says.—John Borgmeyer

Categories
News

How low can you go?

“I flunked,” Marybeth Wagner jokes as she checks out the nutrition facts on a bag of her favorite cookies, Pepperidge Farms’ Double-Chocolate Milanos, finding that they contain more than 20 grams of fat per serving—far more than the three grams or less she’s shooting for. Wagner and her two daughters are checking the nutrition facts on butter, cereal, crackers, meats and more as part of a supermarket tour, hosted by Rita Smith, a registered dietician at Martha Jefferson Hospital. Disappointed, Wagner puts the cookies back on the shelf, moving on to the next aisle on the tour, saying, “That will be my biggest adjustment.”

 In the cereal aisle, 9-year-old Gabby Barnes, after examining the sugar content in her favorite cereal, solemnly says, “Mom, Frosted Flakes go bye bye.” But only minutes later she finds another brightly colored box of cereal with less sugar.

 To successfully navigate the grocery store, you must be part skeptic, part Sherlock Holmes, examining labels, comparing serving size and dismissing sketchy product claims. If cereal bars don’t actually contain real fruit, why are pictures of fruit plastered all over the package? And if expensive low-sugar cookies are as healthy as they claim to be, why are they as loaded with saturated fat as Oreo cookies?

 At the end of Smith’s supermarket tour, she is asked about the trendy Atkins diet. She nods disapprovingly. “Have you ever talked to someone who used Atkins one year later?” she asks. “They usually gain all the weight back, because after they lose it they go back to their old eating habits, never learning how to make permanent changes.”

Smith, who remembers when Atkins was first introduced in the early ’70s, says she’s surprised to see the trend back in fashion, saying, “It’s taken on a life of its own.”

 

Got carbs?

“A life of its own” might be an understatement, judging from McDonald’s new low-carb Happy Meal and bunless burgers. Removing the bun from a 600-calorie Big Mac does not suddenly transform it into a healthy meal. But try telling that to food manufacturers like Coke, Kellogg’s and Coors, who are tripping over themselves to profit from low-carb products before the trend fades. Coca-Cola’s answer to the low-carb trend is a new soft drink, called C-2, that will have half the calories, carbs and sugar of regular Coke. Hershey’s has introduced a low-carb candy bar, Coor’s has introduced a low-carb beer and even Kellogg’s is jumping on the bandwagon with a new low-carb version of Special K cereal and low-carb Keebler cookies.

 Low-carb diets, like mini-skirts and leg-warmers, return to trendiness every few decades [see sidebar]. This time around, however, the low-carb, mass-media, cross-marketing, product-licensing promotional madness is harder to ignore than a supermodel in a barely there dress. Low-carb products are nauseatingly popular and nearly unavoidable in the grocery store.

 Proof that the trend has reached a peak is the existence of Carbiz Magazine, an online publication devoted to the low-carb industry, which debuted less than a year ago. Laurie Kuntz, CEO of Carbiz Magazine, says, “Twenty-eight percent of Americans are controlling their carb intake and another 20 percent are considering the trend.” She points to the more than 1,300 low-carb food items currently on the market, like Hain-Celestial’s new CarbFit product line, specifically formulated in response to the low-carb trend, as further proof that low-carb has taken hold in America.

 

Got brains?

Yet the take-home message from the low-carb buzz is the common misconception that all carbs are bad. This couldn’t be farther from the truth. The Food and Nutrition Board of the National Academies should know. They have been setting our Recommended Dietary Allowances for years, and in 2002, said, “The lowest specific amount of carbohydrate that people should consume each day is 130 grams to maintain normal levels of glucose in the brain. To give you an idea of how much that is, a slice of bread contains about 15 grams of carbohydrates, while a glass of skim milk contains 12 grams. This recommendation is based on the minimum amount of carbohydrates needed to produce enough glucose for the brain to function properly.” That’s right—your brain.

 And if you’re athletic or exercising frequently, you might need more than the minimum. According to Erin Szablowski, a registered dietician and food and diet coach at Atlantic Coast Athletic Center, “Carbohydrates or grains are the best supplement before and after exercise.”

 Before you toss your good sense out with the bun, consider a recent study in The New England Journal of Medicine that compared high-protein, low-carb diet plans to low-fat, high-carb diet plans. In the first six months, low-carb dieters were losing more weight than their high-carb counterparts. But by the end of one year, the weight lost by each of the two groups was nearly identical.

 The low-carb frenzy has even prompted the Atkins company to weigh in with a word of warning. In a statement last month, the company encouraged consumers to look at new low-carb foods “with a critical eye,” saying that by “just lowering your carbs with many of the new food products that are hitting the market without correctly following a healthy low-carb lifestyle, you could easily get in trouble.” This unprecedented warning could be a genuine attempt to help consumers make informed decisions, but for a company that makes an estimated $500 million to $750 million a year selling low-carb food products, nutrition bars and books, it could also be a thinly veiled attempt to bring consumers, who might replace Atkins products with any number of new low-carb products, back into the Atkins fold.

 Lest you get the idea that Atkins is in the business of nutrition education, consider the company’s recent decision to enter into a licensing agreement with George Weston Foods, a carb-heavy company that produces baked goods like Arnold bread, Boboli pizza dough and sugary sweet Entemanns pastries. The Atkins logo appears on Arnold brand “Carb Counting” wheat bread, along with a new “Net Carb” logo. The “Net Carb” logo is a food industry creation that would make disgraced Tyco bigwig Dennis Kozlowski proud, involving a questionable equation designed to mask the actual amount of carbs and sugars in food products.

 The U.S. Food and Drug Administration has yet to issue guidelines for what constitutes a “low-carb” product. In the absence of any ruling, food companies, even bread makers, can boldly advertise their product as “low carb” on the label without meeting any regulatory standard.

 Wendy Vigdor-Hess, a local dietician and nutrition counselor, is skeptical of the low-carb diet craze. “Now, you pick up a jar of mayonnaise and it says ‘no carbs’ on the label—but it never had any carbs,” says Vigdor-Hess, calling labels like these “false advertising.”

 Susan Del Gobbo, a registered dietician and manager of outpatient nutrition services at UVA’s Nutrition Counseling Center, says, “In no way would I recommend eliminating carbs completely.” Instead, she says, “every meal can include some nutritious carbohydrates, including vegetables, fruit and whole grains.” The Atkins diet, Del Gobbo says, “is an extreme approach,” adding, “it’s not a wise idea to eat a lot of meats, butter and rich creamy foods.”

 

The real deal

Entire diet crazes, countless books and more than a few careers have been based solely on excluding certain foods from our diet. What then, in this age of en vogue food deprivation, should we be eating? The answer, it seems, is quite simple. “We all need the basics of nutrition: protein, carbohydrates and fats. All of these components help to fuel our bodies like gas does a car,” says Vigdor-Hess.

 If you believe the Madison Avenue-created hype, there’s a secret to good nutrition, weight loss and vitality that only a select few are privy to. But don’t worry if you’re not so blessed as to be among the select few. They’ve created clubs to join, food products to buy and books to read, so that, for a price, you too can know the “secrets” of nutrition. The last thing advertisers want you to know is that there is no secret, and that a little education, a little common sense and a dose of thoughtful choices in the grocery store are all most people need to satisfy their own nutritional goals.

 ACAC’s Szablowski compares learning good nutrition to learning how to ride a bike. “Once you learn to ride the bike, you can ride it through an obstacle course,” she says. But fad diets “are like going down a hill at full speed without knowing how to use the bike.” Her point, echoed by every nutritionist I spoke with, is that trendy diets are unnecessary as long as you learn what your body’s nutritional needs are, set goals for yourself and follow those lessons throughout your life.

 Ultimately, the choices you make about food are personal choices. “Each person is an individual with specific nutritional needs making it difficult to make a recommendation for everyone to benefit [from],” says Vigdor-Hess.

 According to Vigdor-Hess, the best plans are individualized, “with easy tips for incorporating healthful foods into their routine while still receiving the joys of eating, socializing and daily life activities.”

 Developing healthy eating habits [see sidebar] may not be as fashionable as Atkins or South Beach diets, but it can be good for your wallet. Learning good nutrition allows you to pick and choose among all the products in the grocery store, without limiting you to certain diet brands or expensive new products. Szablowski says, “You can walk into any store, it doesn’t matter where you shop.”

 Part of the appeal of fad diets like Atkins and South Beach is that they do the thinking for you. Even the simplest guides, like the Food Pyramid, can still leave you with difficult choices. For instance, the current Food Pyramid emphasizes cereal-based foods. As Del Gobbo points out, “Frosted Flakes could qualify as a cereal-based food, but they are full of sugar and not whole grain.” If you’re following the Food Pyramid guidelines, Del Gobbo says, it’s easy to make “consistently poor nutrient choices.”

 A simpler approach, suggests Del Gobbo, is to view your diet as you would a meal—by what’s on your plate. According to Del Gobbo, a plate should have “two thirds or more plant foods and one third or less animal foods.” Plant-based foods, like vegetables, fruits, whole grains and beans, “protect us from disease and are also naturally low in calories,” says Del Gobbo.

 Rita Smith concurs, “No matter what the fraction, the majority of your plate should be vegetables.”

 Here in Charlottesville, you might ask yourself, “What would TJ do?” Our favorite founding father, Thomas Jefferson, had a few things to say on the subject of nutrition.

 “Look at Thomas Jefferson,” says Smith. “He lived to 83 and he has written about eating a primarily vegetarian diet, with meats served only as a condiment.”

 Whether you agree with Jefferson or with Dr. Atkins, Del Gobbo reminds us, “Eating should be pleasurable, comforting and nurturing.”

Lost in time
Dieting fads through the ages

1960s:

In 1961, Jean Nidetch started a women’s weight-loss support group called Weight Watchers in Queens, New York. The company now has millions of followers and operates in 30 countries.

 In 1964, for just $1, you could buy Robert Cameron’s pamphlet The Drinking Man’s Diet, a self-proclaimed “no-willpower diet for teetotalers and women too” that promotes a low-carb diet consisting mostly of meats and, of course, alcohol. Cameron turned the original pamphlet into a small book and by 1966 had made millions in sales. A new edition of The Drinking Man’s Diet was issued in 2001.

 In 1967, Dr. Irwin Stillman wrote The Doctor’s Quick Weight Loss Diet, which emphasizes lean protein, low carbs and plenty of water. However, the low-carb plan has some unpleasant side effects, including constipation, that caused Stillman’s diet to fall out of fashion.

1970s:

In 1972, Dr. Robert Atkins first introduced his low-carb Diet Revolution to an unfriendly audience, including critics in the American Medical Association and other health organizations. Atkins was forced to testify in front of Congress and his diet received negative publicity, eventually leading to its decline and replacement with fashionable low-fat diets and more moderate low-carb plans.

 In 1973, short-shorts aficionado Richard Simmons became famous for his sassy fitness advice and emotional support for overweight Americans. After overcoming his own weight problem, Simmons sold his weight-loss plan—focused on low-fat eating and exercise—in the form of popular exercise videos such as Sweatin’ to the Oldies, Dance Your Pants Off and Disco Sweat.

 In 1978, Dr. Herman Tarnower, a New York cardiologist, wrote The Complete Scarsdale Medical Diet, a high-protein, low-calorie, low-carbohydrate diet that gained popularity for being less restrictive than Atkins.

 In 1979, Dr. Nathan Pritikin introduced the Pritikin Program for Diet and Exercise, a trendy low-fat, high-fiber diet based on his observational research and studies as a practicing physician.

1980s:

In 1981, actress Judy Mazel introduced the Beverly Hills Diet, a fruit-only diet that includes consuming mostly pineapples, mangoes and papayas. Many followers developed serious side-effects, such as diarrhea, after several days on the diet.

 Also in 1981, millions consumed a steady diet of low-calorie liquid protein drinks on the Cambridge Diet, which was banned following the death of several people on the diet who suffered fatal heart attacks.

 In 1985, Jenny Craig brought her Australian weight loss program and counseling centers to the United States.

 In 1987, the extremely low-calorie Rotation Diet was introduced. The diet lost followers who found it difficult to keep up with the diet’s strict and ever-changing calorie limit.

 In 1988, liquid diets were all the rage and the Optifast diet plan received critical attention after Oprah Winfrey successfully lost weight, but fell out of favor after she soon gained all the weight back.

1990s:

In 1991, Robert Pritikin, son of Dr. Nathan Pritikin, published The Pritikin Weight Loss Breakthrough, and opened several treatment centers in Florida in an attempt to reinvigorate his father’s weight-loss program.

 In 1994 , Dr. Dean Ornish introduced a low-fat, vegetarian diet, the first veggie diet to go mainstream, in his book Eat More, Weigh Less.

 In 1995, Barry Sears wrote The Zone, featuring a low-fat, low-sugar, high-protein diet, that was soon followed by several other best-selling Zone diet books. Sears started selling Zone food products to accompany his book and in doing so intensified a cross-marketing diet trend that was started by Weight Watchers and is still followed today.

 In 1996, Judy Mazel gave her fruity diet another try with The New Beverly Hills Diet.

 In 1996, Michael Eades jumped on the Zone bandwagon, with his own high-protein, low-carb diet plan called Protein Power.

 In 1997, diet pill Fen-Phen (fenfluramine-phentermine) was recalled after more than 20 percent of takers experienced heart problems.

 In 1998, Klaus Oberbeil’s book Lose Weight with Apple Vinegar advised using healthy doses of vinegar on foods, claiming it could help “burn” fat.

 Also in 1998, Dr. Bob Arnot introduced his Revolutionary Weight Control Program, in which he compares sugar-heavy foods to illicit drugs and eliminates nearly all starches from his diet plan. He was widely viewed as an extremist.

2000s:

In 2001, Rachel and Richard Heller took their cues from Arnot and wrote a series of diet books for the carbohydrate addict.

 Also in 2001, a mass-market paperback of the Atkins’ diet, only slightly revised from 1972, was released and encouraged followers to replace carbs with full-fat dairy products, steaks, bacon and eggs.

 In 2002, the Eat Right for Your Type Encyclopedia was released, which uses evolutionary history to determine what types of foods are appropriate for your blood type.

 In 2003, Dr. Arthur Agatston introduced the best-selling South Beach Diet as a low-fat, low-carb diet administered in three phases.—K.W.

 

Tipping the scales

A few general pointers on how to eat healthierToday’s most popular diets are about doing without. Strip your diet of carbs! Avoid bad fats! Restrict your sugar! Don’t look at that Krispy Kreme! Finding the truth behind the low-carb hype entails learning which sources of protein, carbohydrates and fats are beneficial and healthy.

 For instance, a lean source of protein for vegetarians can come from soy products and other meat substitutes, like veggie burgers. For meat eaters, ground turkey breast and chicken can often replace red meat. Even fats, once thought to be evil in all forms, have a role in healthy diets, such as substituting olive or canola oil for corn or palm oil. And carbohydrates, the important food source everyone loves to hate, can be healthfully consumed in whole grains and vegetables.

 Small changes, even in the foods you snack on, can often make a big difference. “Choose popcorn that doesn’t contain large amounts of saturated or transfatty acids,” says Susan Del Gobbo, a registered dietician at UVA’s Nutrition Counseling Center. For example, brands like Orville Redenbacher “Smart Pop” and Healthy Choice have less hydrogenated oils and make a healthier snack than brands containing trans-fats or partially hydrogenated oils.

 If you have a sweet tooth, “my recommendation is to use more natural sugars like honey, agave, or brown rice syrup and slowly replace the artificial ones,” says nutritionist Wendy Vigdor-Hess. “Everyone can benefit from reduction of and eventual omission of artificial sweeteners as well as adding healthy fats in the form of omega-3 oils such as flax seeds or quality flax oil or quality fish oil.”

 Del Gobbo also suggests substituting nuts and seeds that “are high in omega-3 fatty acids” like walnuts, in place of processed snack foods, in part because “omega-3 fatty acids can reduce the risk of coronary artery disease.” Similarly, Erin Szablowski of ACAC suggests “making your own trail mix with almonds or walnuts and dried cranberries,” and, smiling, adds, “but without the carob chips or candies.”—K.W.

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News in review

Tuesday, May 11
Free Clinic has it covered

To mark “Covering the Uninsured Week” in Virginia, Del. Mitch Van Yahres today presented a proclamation signed by Gov. Mark Warner to the Charlottesville Free Clinic. Among Virginians ages 18 to 64, 14.2 percent do not have health insurance, according to a study cited by the Free Clinic, which is one of 49 Virginia clinics that offer free or discounted health care.

 

Wednesday, May 12
Antiabortion tour hits town

Around lunchtime today, drivers on Route 250 near Pantops passed a gauntlet of demonstrators hoisting giant anti-abortion placards, most of which featured gruesome photos of aborted fetuses. The huge pictures seemed to depict fetuses that had been aborted late in pregnancies—a rare procedure. The demonstration, which included about 80 people, many of them children, was one stop on an 18-city tour by a group called Missionaries to the Preborn. Pastor Matt Trewhella of Milwaukee’s Mercy Seat Christian Church founded the traveling group. Trewhella is an extremely militant fundamentalist Christian who calls gays “sodomites” and is vehemently pro-gun. Trewhella befriended Paul Hill, who was recently executed for killing a doctor who performed abortions. Additionally, Trewhella has a son-in-law who, to protest gay marriage, was among a group that tried to forcibly block a door in San Francisco’s City Hall. While holding a sign by the road in Pantops, the affable Trewhella was asked why he brought his group to Charlottesville. “We wanted people to see what pre-born babies look like after they’ve been in the hands of abortionists,” Trewhella said. Also holding a sign on the steamy afternoon was Evan Murch, 10, of Brookneal, which is south of Lynchburg. Wiping sweat from his forehead, Murch said he would be along for the whole tour.

 

Thursday, May 13
Water czar hired

Thomas Frederick’s appointment as the new director of the Rivanna Water and Sewer Authority and the Solid Waste Authority was announced today. The City-County agencies oversee local reservoirs and water treatment plants as well as the Ivy Landfill and recycling operations. Neither agency is in great shape—the Solid Waste Authority faces escalating costs to clean up the Ivy Landfill, which has polluted nearby groundwater. The Water and Sewer Authority has been struggling for years to implement a water supply plan. “We won’t be afraid to change,” said Frederick, who managed the water supply for Asheville, North Carolina, before joining a consulting firm. “But we won’t change just for change’s sake.”

 

Friday, May 14
Guv hits Mudhouse

Gov. Warner today held an informal chat with reporters in the conference room above Mudhouse. In town to speak at PVCC’s commencement, Warner said he was traveling the State to explain the newly passed budget and to thank people for “hanging in” during lengthy wrangling in the General Assembly. Warner said the plan achieves 80 percent of the tax adjustments he had sought. Though Warner listed many services that will benefit from the $60 billion budget, including public safety, mental health services, jails, higher education and a $1.5 billion boost for K-12 education, he also stressed that the tax plan would not mark a return to the “tax burden” of the mid-’90s. Of the long, cantankerous standoff in Richmond, Warner said, “It felt good at the end, but it was hell getting there.”

 

Saturday, May 15
Video for Quanmetrice

In a collaboration between Light House Youth Media and the Music Resource Center, renowned music video director Sam Erickson was in town today from New York City to help local students create a video to back a song memorializing Quanmetrice Robinson, the Charlottesville High student who was accidentally shot and killed in February.

 

Sunday, May 16
Adios, Charlottesville

More than 5,000 UVA students snagged their diplomas today. The graduation ceremony on The Lawn was expected to draw 30,000 attendees.

 

Monday, May 17
Case closed—case open

Charlottesville Police today announced the arrest of Daniel A. Hudson of Esmont for the April 29 assault of a woman at a residence on Stribling Avenue. Hudson, who has a lengthy rap sheet including sexual assault and battery, was linked to DNA evidence from a cap left at the scene. Police Chief Timothy J. Longo also announced a sexual assault that occurred early today on the 1200 block of Wertland Street. Longo said a description from the morning assault did not appear to match the serial rapist.

Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports

 

Small world
Guaranty’s sale leaves two community banks

Earlier this month, Union Bankshares Corporation closed a $54.4 million deal to buy Guaranty Bank, a 23-year-old community bank with seven local branches. Guaranty’s $200 million in assets bolstered Union’s assets to $1.5 billion, making it the second-largest Virginia-based banking company. Though Union Bankshares announced that it was eliminating “certain back-office positions” at Guaranty, the biggest impact of the sale is the loss of one of three independent community banks—leaving only Virginia National Bank and Albemarle First Bank.

Currently, the top four banks in Charlottesville, as determined by deposit volume, are mega banks Wachovia, Bank of America, SunTrust and BB&T. Wachovia, with 300 branches in Virginia, is the biggest bank in the City and the State, and is a $400 billion company. In contrast, Albemarle First Bank’s total assets as of March 31 were $115.7 million.

The local dominance of banking conglomerates is not unique. It is due to a long period of bank mergers dating back to the deregulation days of the Reagan Administration. The drawback of overreliance on big banks, according to community bank supporters, is that Wachovia and others are less likely to go the extra mile for small customers. As an example, Wachovia might pass on a loan for a local entrepreneur looking to open a restaurant on the Downtown Mall, deeming the loan not worth the hassle despite the fact that Wachovia could undercut community banks with a cheaper loan price.

“Big banks, the bigger they get, the less it’s in their interests to invest around town,” says Matthew Hirst, who, in addition to writing reviews for C-VILLE, edits SNL Financial’s Bank & Thrift News, a subscriber-based publication.

 Instead, larger banks often work with big fish, such as retail chains, leaving community banks to focus on consumer and small business loans.

 “Banking the big-box retailer…can offer a challenge to a smaller bank,” says Thomas M. Boyd Jr., president and CEO of Albemarle First. “I think people look to us as a local lender, and come to us for advice.”

 Boyd cites the speed and quality with which customers can negotiate loans as evidence of an advantage community banks have over the biggies in local investment. Rather than dialing 800 numbers and negotiating automated systems to perhaps talk to a bank rep in another state, “you can talk to a person when you call Albemarle First,” Boyd says.

Union Bankshares, citing a larger lending capacity, has promised that Guaranty’s buyout will benefit locals.

 “We look forward to providing the Guaranty customers an expanded menu of products and the exemplary service that our customers have come to expect from us," said G. William Beale, Union’s president, in a press release.

 Despite Guaranty’s sale, Boyd thinks there remains strong demand for community banking in Charlottesville. Albemarle First had a rough 2003, in which it lost $1.9 million, mostly due to the Ivy Industries check-kiting scheme. But the bank is bouncing back, and boosted its assets by 20 percent between the first quarter of this year and first quarter of 2003. Virginia National, the larger of Charlottesville’s two remaining community banks, had a strong 2003, in which its assets grew by more than 25 percent.

 However, even with Albemarle First’s recent performance, Boyd says the bank’s directors would be obligated to review any reasonable buyout offers. But, if possible, they would try to make the case that the bank could stand as an independent.

 “Our bank looks forward to a long future in this market,” Boyd says.—Paul Fain

 

Wooden soldiers
Enviros decry voluntary logging “rules”

Virginia’s Department of Forestry has a long list of suggestions on how loggers can prevent water pollution. The DOF publishes a hefty 216-page manual “Best Management Practices for Water Quality,” which explains the most effective strategies for preventing soil erosion and water pollution on logging sites, plus a 90-page pocket-sized version of the same information. None of these best management practices (BMPs) is mandatory, however, and a recent survey by the Department of Forestry indicates loggers, including some in Albemarle, don’t always comply.

 That’s why environmentalists say the guidelines should be mandatory.

 In a recent random survey of 30 logging sites in Virginia, the DOF found that 26 sites did not use all the recommended BMPs, and 22 sites had inadequate water protections. Erosion was occurring, or just a hard rain away, on 10 sites. In 2003, the DOF listed 585 statewide violations, including 145 in Region 3. Albemarle, Charlottesville and 26 other cities and counties comprise Region 3. Also in 2003, the DOF found 25 sites in Albemarle with compromised water quality due to improper logging practices. (To view the record of water-quality citations, see www.virginiaforestwatch.org.)

 What do these statistics mean? The debate over Virginia’s forest typically plays out as a shouting match between an environmental group called Virginia Forest Watch and the Virginia Forestry Association (VFA), a group of loggers and paper manufacturers.

 Not surprisingly, then, Forest Watch says the survey indicates Virginia needs mandatory regulations to govern logging on private lands. “The voluntary program is simply not working,” says Gerald Gray, director of Forest Watch. “The DOF needs to mandate compliance with BMPs.”

 “Forest Watch continues to bleat the same old worn out and unproven propaganda,” counters VFA vice-president Paul Howe on the group’s website (www.vaforestry.org). “As long as [loggers] adhere to already existing laws, it is not appropriate to require them to seek approval for government or private groups before implementing forestry plans and operations.”

 The DOF mediates this ongoing argument. The agency’s current board of directors is slightly skewed to favor industry—seven of the 12 board members represent industrial interests. In contrast to the western United States, where environmental activists have made more gains in local government, regulatory agencies in Virginia and the rest of the Southeast echo industry’s claims that rules are an affront to private property rights.

 Virginia’s current rules say that loggers must notify the DOF before beginning a job, or face a fine. Many don’t, however. Virginia Forest Watch says that last year at least 145 loggers didn’t tell the State about their operations.

 Matt Poirot, Water Resources Program Manager, says the DOF usually finds loggers who try to duck the rules anyway. “We’re going to see a logging truck, or somebody’s going to call us,” he says.

 Once the DOF knows about a site, they inspect it for potential water pollution. The DOF first asks the loggers to fix water problems, and then fines them up to $5,000 per day if the loggers don’t comply.

 Many of those fines never get collected, however. Last year, the DOF assessed $155,000 in fines but collected only $29,000, according to a Forest Watch press release that cites DOF statistics. In the past decade, only $184,000 of the $685,000 in fines has been collected.

 Poirot says that if loggers don’t pay, the DOF can get a court judgment against the land on which the violation occurred. The DOF will collect the money when (or if) the land is sold.

 More strict laws would only maketimber sales more cumbersome, and “probably wouldn’t improve anything,” Poirot says.

 Of the 15.5 million acres of forest in Virginia, about 12 million acres are held by private landowners. Paper companies own 1.5 million acres, and another 1.5 million acres are in the National Forest System.—John Borgmeyer

 

Talking Pointe
County to huddle with neighbors and developers on next big-box project

The Forest Lakes neighborhood to the east of 29N sits just across the road from the Hollymead Town Center currently under construction, and to the south of the proposed North Pointe Community—a 269-acre development set to include 893 housing units and three “big box” retail buildings. Surrounded by inevitable and likely development, some Forest Lakes residents think it’s time to chat with developers and County officials about the “progress” rapidly coming toward their door.

 After receiving an e-mail from Forest Lakes resident John Oliver, Albemarle County Supervisor Ken Boyd arranged a community meeting for 6:30pm on Thursday, May 20, at Hollymead School. The meeting, which will be attended by County staff, officials from the Virginia Department of Transportation and developers, will include presentations on Hollymead, North Pointe and the widening of Airport Road.

 Though Hollymead will likely draw some heat at the meeting, the project has already been approved and bulldozers currently chug around the site. North Pointe, however, is still in play, as primary developer Great Eastern Management and County Supervisors continue to negotiate the project.

 Barbara Fehnse is the president of the Forest Lakes Community Association. Though she says the organization is neutral on North Pointe, Fehnse says her neighbors attending the May 20 meeting are likely to air gripes about the development’s potential impact on traffic, water supplies, schools and the environment.

 Forest Lakes residents won’t be alone in raising concerns at the meeting, as members of Advocates for a Sustainable Albemarle Population (ASAP) and the Piedmont Environmental Council say they’re likely to attend, too.

 “We are generally unhappy with a development of the size and scale of North Pointe,” says Richard Collins, a founding member of ASAP and professor of urban and environmental planning at the UVA School of Architecture.

 Charles Rotgin Jr., president and CEO of Great Eastern, will bring visuals of the latest North Pointe plans to the meeting. Though Rotgin says negotiations concerning the development “should have been done quicker,” he acknowledges that “very positive adjustments” have resulted from the four years of haggling with County staff. In defending the development, Rotgin stresses the $3 million in net revenue the project will generate for Albemarle and the $25 million worth of infrastructure—such as roads, a school and a storm and wastewater management plant—included in the latest batch of proffers, or voluntary perqs, Great Eastern has offered to the County.

 Furthermore, Rotgin says the relatively dense, pedestrian-friendly North Pointe plan is in line with County’s neighborhood model. For example, Rotgin says, a section of North Pointe “bears a lot of similarities to Downtown Charlottesville.”—Paul Fain

 

Mane attraction
Keswick’s Marilyn Boyle has been the “horse lady” for 50 years

Nine ponies crowd the gate. To the right of the barn, a broken down school bus sits, overgrown with weeds, and behind the bus are a couple of coops full of clucking chickens. Inside the barn Marilyn Boyle, or Mrs. Boyle as her riding students for the past 50 years know her, talks to one of her protégés, 30something Tracey Diehl, visiting from Wyoming.

 “Do you think he’s real young?” Boyle asks Diehl about a horse who’s recently arrived at the barn. “He’s 5,” Diehl responds. “He’s just never been fed, I guess,” says Boyle. “His feet are awful looking and his knees are too close together…and he has a U-neck, but I think a lot of it’s nutrition.”

 When it comes to horses, Boyle knows knees and U-necks. Growing up in Richmond, she started riding at 4 years old. She collected bottles to pay for lessons and has been hooked ever since. Her obsession with horses landed her at Brecon Stables, the barn she and her late husband built in 1974 on 107 acres of prime Keswick property.

 The square barn is built around an outdoor riding ring with stalls on one side, tack and common rooms on another, hay storage opposite and a covered riding area across from the stalls. The aisle by the tack room is piled high with junk from mice-eaten jodhpurs to canned artichoke hearts to a box of toy trucks, and dogs seem to materialize from bales of hay.  

 At one point, she walks over to an especially decrepit dog. “This dog is 22 years old. Dr. Pangloss is his name…because when he was a tiny puppy he was very optimistic, and I think it’s…in Candide that this guy has everything falling down around him…and he says, ‘Oh! This is the best of all possible worlds!’ But,” she laughs, “he turned out a rather grumpy dog.”

 In the mid-’50s, Boyle was a young, married French major at UVA. “I was very lonely,” she remembers. “There weren’t many girls…My husband was eager to be a fraternity, party guy…so I got a job at [The Blue Ridge School],” which kept horses. While teaching French, she began teaching riding as well.

 Boyle left Blue Ridge in 1959 with Ginger, the “one old mare I could not leave,” and who became the grand dame of Boyle’s herd. She moved from from barn to barn until she settled at Brecon and has taught riding ever since. From 1972 until 1995 she offered classes through the Parks and Recreation Department, raising generations of horse-crazy city kids, until liability concerns cancelled her gig. Today, for her 27 horses, she has only about 15 students, relying on her Social Security to pay the bills.

 “I have far too many horses. I don’t get rid of horses unless there’s a real serious reason, like it’s a rotten horse. And when have I ever had a rotten horse?” she asks. “They’re just magic. And it’s wonderful to have people share that magic…[Horses] are just great geniuses, you know.”

 Boyle’s devotion to her horses and to her students does not go unnoticed. Twelve-year-old Jordan Pye, one of Boyle’s current students, remarks that, “She knows her horses a lot better than other people do because she spends all her time around them.”

 It gets to be dinnertime. The little appaloosa Boyle and Diehl were talking about earlier needs to be fed separately, but out in the field, Boyle realizes she has forgotten his halter. “Come on, guy,” she says and he follows her docilely to the barn.

 Done feeding the appaloosa, she returns with a wheelbarrow full of hay for the others. Pausing at the gate, she surveys the night. “There comes the moon,” she says. “It’s a great sky.” She then unlatches the chain and steps into the pasture, carefully distributing the hay among the horses as they circle around her. —Nell Boeschenstein

 

The gripes of wrath
SUUVA calls State grievance system biased

Elizabeth Coles isn’t rude, she just doesn’t hear well. It took one year and $3,800 to prove it to UVA, though. Now Coles, a 25-year UVA employee and vice-president of UVA’s Staff Union (SUUVA), says employees need a better way to challenge their supervisors.

 Coles most recently worked in UVA’s internal medicine department. Most of her co-workers know that Coles is hard of hearing, and that’s why she talks so loud. Two years ago, however, a secretary and her supervisor filed a complaint that could have put Coles on probation.

 “They said I was disruptive and rude,” says Coles. “A lot of times, when a black person talks loud, it comes off as being aggressive.”

 To get her probation overturned and her record cleared, Coles first complained to UVA’s Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which denied her request. So Coles began the grievance procedure—a process similar to arbitration by which State employees can contest punishments handed out by supervisors, or address other problems in the workplace. Coles first met with the supervisor who filed the complaint against her, and then with the chair of the Internal Medicine Department. Both upheld her probation.

 Finally, after a year, Coles argued her case before the Virginia Department of Employee Resolution (DER) and—with the help of a Richmond attorney to whom she paid $3,800 —the DER hearing officer ruled in Coles’ favor and her record was cleared.

 “You shouldn’t have to spend that much time and money to prove yourself innocent,” says Coles. “But that’s how it works. The good ol’ boy system is still in place.”

 It’s not unusual to hear UVA and Medical Center employees claim that supervisors promote ass-kissers and punish squeaky wheels. Coles, however, was lucky—records indicate that most State workers who file grievances against their supervisors never get relief. Mark Wilson, a SUUVA attorney who has argued three grievance cases, says that in other states, where neutral judges hear the disputes, employees do much better.

 In 2003, two hearing officers at the DER heard 248 cases. Of those, they granted employees full relief only 16 times. That, says SUUVA President Jan Cornell, is evidence that the hearing officers don’t want to rock the boat for State employers.

 “It’s a kangaroo court,” she says. “The hearing officers work for the State. How good can that be?”

 SUUVA provides free legal help to its members, but other State workers don’t have that luxury, says Cornell.

 Last week, Cornell drafted a letter she will send to Governor Mark Warner, asking him to investigate her allegations of bias in the DER. She says she wants the full-time hearing officers replaced with part-time attorneys who Cornell says would be less biased.

 Claudia Farr, director of the DER, says the agency used part-time attorneys until 2000, when the General Assembly approved funds to hire full-time hearing officers.

 “No matter how good a lawyer you are, if you’re only hearing one or two cases a year, you don’t have the experience to decide the cases consistently,” says Farr. She denies bias at the DER, saying it is an independent State agency not subsumed by any other department.—John Borgmeyer

Categories
News

Politics as unusual

There has never been a shortage of partisanship in presidential campaigns, as each party spends millions of dollars to support its nominee and rally its base. Yet while both sides have actively supported their candidates in recent years, there hasn’t been a lot of excitement.

   Wake Us When It’s Over is the title of Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover’s book about the 1984 election between Ronald Reagan and Walter Mondale. In 1996, everyone knew that Bill Clinton would have no trouble trouncing Bob Dole. And while the 2000 campaign was dramatic because it was close, the most suspense-filled part of the election came after Election Day, as the two parties challenged one another in Florida and the Supreme Court.

   This year, however, is different. Due to Democratic anger, Republican determination, a longer general election campaign and an electorate that is closely following the campaign and remains sharply divided, the 2004 election is set to become the most partisan in decades.

   “Everything’s going in the same direction,” says Burdett Loomis, a political science professor at the University of Kansas and the co-editor of the book Choosing a President: The Electoral College and Beyond. “When the winds start sweeping off the Plains, there’s nothing to stop them.”

 

Democratic ire, Republican determination

Thanks to the 2000 Florida debacle and anger over the way the White House is handling Iraq, the economy and other issues, Democrats are determined not to allow President George W. Bush a second term. That was clear during the primaries, when voters rated electability as one of their chief reasons for choosing Senator John Kerry. The rise in grassroots groups and the record amount of money raised—first by Howard Dean last year, then by Kerry in the first quarter of this year—is proof that Democrats are revved up for November.

   Republicans, on the other hand, are just as determined to keep Bush where he is. They’ve sent his campaign record amounts of money. First Lady Laura Bush is becoming more of a presence on the campaign trail, helping to raise money for congressional candidates, according to nonpartisan newspaper The Hill. White House Senior Advisor Karl Rove is reaching out to Bush’s base, determined that the evangelical voters who stayed home in 2000 make it to the polls this year. Bush’s opposition to gay marriage and defense of his tax cuts despite the rising deficit are signs that pleasing GOP diehards is his first concern.

   The involvement of third-party groups, such as MoveOn.org and the Club for Growth, is helping to shrink the middle too. “So many forces are pushing toward a partisan election, not just the Democratic and Republican parties,” Loomis says. Earlier this month, the St. Petersburg (Florida) Democratic Club came under fire for urging that voters should “pull the trigger” on Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.

   Congressional races aren’t immune to the increased partisanship, either. The Club for Growth is supporting Rep. Pat Toomey (R-Pennsylvania) in his bid to unseat Sen. Arlen Specter (R-Pennsylvania), even though a Toomey win in the April 27 primary could cost Republicans that seat this fall. House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Texas) led efforts to redraw the Texas redistricting map and give the GOP an edge in House seats for the next decade. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tennessee) is campaigning for former Rep. John Thune (R-South Dakota), who is challenging Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle (D-South Dakota). As Capitol Hill newspaper Roll Call reported recently, it’s the first time in recent memory that one party’s leader has challenged the other on his home turf.

   “You look someplace for an opposite trend and have a very difficult time finding it,” Loomis says.

 

A split electorate

Another reason for the split is that “We’re in a transitional phase in many different respects,” says Darrell West, a political science professor at Brown University and the author of several books on presidential and congressional campaigns. “The Bush Administration has changed the country’s approach to fiscal and foreign policy. Not surprisingly, that has spurred a lot of controversy.”

   A New York Times/CBS News poll taken in mid-March showed that 65 percent of voters had already made up their minds about whether they would vote for Bush or Kerry (27 percent said it was too early). A Gallup poll conducted in early April showed that 61 percent of voters have already given the election quite a lot of thought (versus 33 percent who’ve thought about it only a little). There’s no doubt that the contested Democratic primary, unstable situation in Iraq and attention-grabbing hearings of the 9/11 commission have made Americans pay more attention to politics.

   “We have a lot of big issues on the agenda,” West says. “People feel very engaged because the stakes are very high.”

   Asked for whom they would vote, 47 percent of those surveyed in the Gallup poll chose Bush and 46 percent chose Kerry. In an early April Newsweek poll, 46 percent chose or would lean toward Kerry while 42 percent chose or would lean toward Bush. Those numbers, which are in the statistical margin of error, haven’tmoved much in the last few months. That’s because the electorate remains split almost down the middle between the parties, as we saw in the 2000 presidential campaign and in a Senate that’s now 51-48-1. Although party identification may be declining, it’s still a strong indicator of how people vote on Election Day.

   “A small difference in the electorate can produce major political ramifications,” West says.

 

Playing hardball

A number of factors contributed to this perfect storm of partisanship. Since Republicans gained control of Congress in 1994, they’ve adopted hardball tactics—such as limiting Democrats’ ability to offer amendments to bills—to shut Democrats out of the legislative process. Then came Clinton’s impeachment and trial. “When you politicize impeachment, all bets are off,” Loomis says.

   The Florida recount and Vermont Sen. Jim Jeffords’ decision to leave the Republican party in 2001—handing control of the chamber to Democrats for 18 months—exacerbated tensions between the parties. Democrats also felt cheated by Bush’s claims in 2000 that he would change the tone in Washington and govern as a “compassionate conservative.” When they backed him on the No Child Left Behind bill in 2001, Bush undercut the legislation by inadequately funding it. Democrats are determined not to repeat that mistake.

   With the candidates offering clearly contrasting images of where they want to take the country and the parties reaching out to their bases rather than the middle, where does that leave voters who haven’t made up their minds? “It’s going to be a nasty campaign, so there’s the risk that by November, people could hate both presidential candidates and be disengaged in the process,” West says. In other words, even though there’s a lot of voter mobilization going on, those people may decide to just stay home come Election Day.

   Voters may also punish the party they see as being too partisan. In 1998, for example, House Democrats bucked the trend of the president’s party losing seats in a mid-term election after voters became angry that Republicans pressed for Clinton’s impeachment.

   With the tone of the campaign already set, there’s no turning back. That may get core Democrats and Republicans to the polls, but it’s going to make it harder to govern once the election is over. Legislating happens because lawmakers compromise in order to get bills passed. If neither party is willing to yield, not much is likely to get done. And that result—rather than an exciting election—may be the lasting legacy of the 2004 campaign.

 

Mary Lynn F. Jones is online editor of The Hill.

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News in review

Tuesday, May 4
Chain saws in Jefferson National Forest?

The Charlottesville based Southern Environmental Law Center (SELC) today released a report claiming that 313,00 acres of Virginia’s forests could be available for logging and road-building if the Bush Administration reverses a 2001 conservation law, as many enviros are predicting. The forestland at risk, which is approximately 50 times the size of Charlottesville, is in the George Washington and Jefferson national forests. “It’s a short-sighted view of natural resource management that will harm future generations,” says SELC senior attorney David Carr, in a press release, of the Bush Administration’s moves toward opening national forests to logging.

Wednesday, May 5
Everybody loves fire trucks

Hordes of kids descended on the parking lot of the Albemarle County Office Building today to hang with County employees and their work gizmos. The event, held in honor of National County Government Week, included dozens of elaborate displays from government agencies. Big draws for kids were a fire truck, with its long ladder extended, and the more sinister police crime scene unit truck and paddy wagon from the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail. One mother was overheard saying to her little boy, who was playing in the jail van, “Why are you in jail?” Another boy was clearly enjoying his seat atop a police motorcycle, and all around the event kids were digging into the free bags of popcorn.

Thursday, May 6
School superintendent hired

The Charlottesville School Board today announced the hiring of a new superintendent, Dr. Scottie J. Griffin, who will replace the retiring Ron Hutchinson. Dr. Griffin, who is an area superintendent for the New Orleans public schools, will be the first African-American superintendent for Charlottesville’s schools. In an introduction ceremony today at Walker Upper Elementary, Griffin said “academic achievement will be first and foremost” among her priorities. One challenge Griffin will face is controversy over the Standards of Learning (SOL) tests, a problem raised today by Sheila Bowles, a former Charlottesville public school teacher. Bowles, who joined an impressive panel assembled by the Stillwater Institute for Social Justice to mark the 50th anniversary of the Brown v. Board desegregation decision, said the focus on standards testing contributed to the “burnout” that led her to quit after four years of teaching in Charlottesville.

Friday, May 7
The next Grisham

WVPT, Central Virginia’s Public Television, today announced the 15 winners of the 2004 Reading Rainbow contest. The winning novelists and illustrators, all students in grades K-3, included six kids from Albemarle. Billy Livermon, a kindergartner at Virginia L. Murray Elementary in Albemarle, took first place with his entry, “The Lego Robot and Baby Mystery.” The lone Charlottesville winner was Lane Easterling, a first grader at Burnley-Moran, who snagged second place for “Life on Mars.”

Saturday, May 8
Community leaders lauded

The Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority, a 96-year-old organization founded by black women, today presented its 2004 SPIRIT Awards at a brunch at the Doubletree Hotel. The winners, who were honored for their “outstanding contributions to our community,” were Jonathan Spivey, the choral music director at Charlottesville High School, developer Chuck Lewis, Mozell Booker, the former principal of Walker Upper Elementary School, Holly Edwards, a registered nurse and member of the City School Health Advisory Board, and Alvin and Barbara Edwards, the “first family of Mt. Zion First African Baptist Church.”

Sunday, May 9
UVA baseball to make a run?

The UVA baseball team today dropped the tiebreaker of a three-game series with Florida State University by a score of 4-1. On a hot day at the UVA Baseball stadium, the Cavs’ bats were cold. The pitchers’ duel was decided, in part, by overly aggressive base running by UVA that led to runners being thrown out at second and third bases. UVA avoided the sweep by drubbing FSU 15-2 on Saturday night. The Cavs still hold a slim lead in the ACC coming into the last stretch of their season.

Monday, May 10
Al Weed fires up campaign

As one local campaign concluded last week, the race for the 5th District seat in the U.S. House of Representatives begins in earnest this week. Democrats on Saturday nominated Al Weed of Nelson County to take on four-term Republican incumbent Virgil Goode in the November 2 election. During his acceptance speech, Weed, a former runaway, a Yale and Princeton degree holder, farmer and Vietnam vet who served in the Army special forces, said “the Democratic Party does not believe in the sort of fiscal irresponsibility that sticks coming generations with trillions in debt to reward its better-off supporters.”

written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports

 

Blue skies
Democrats own City Council and they have Republican Rob Schilling to thank for it

“We cleaned their clocks!” exclaimed Mary MacNeil on Tuesday, May 4, as reports of a Democratic landslide victory arrived via cell phone to the party’s headquarters on the Downtown Mall.

   With the City’s electronic voting machines providing results just minutes after the polls closed at 7pm, the Democratic celebration was in full swing by the time the three winners—Kendra Hamilton, David Brown and Kevin Lynch—arrived.

   “When the first precinct came in, Walker [School], I could tell instantly we had it in the bag,” said Dem chair Lloyd Snook.

   In 2002, Democrat Alexandria Searls lost the Walker precinct to Republican Rob Schilling by about 50 votes. This year, the Democrats won Walker by 179 votes and fared even better in the City’s seven other precincts.

   Schilling’s victory in 2002 loomed large over this year’s contest, and ironically his win seemed to help Democrats more than Republicans. For the past three months, the Democrats organized, raised money and rallied voters with a newfound vigor, clearly fearing that Republicans Kenneth Jackson and Ann Reinicke’s “throw the bums out” message would resonate.

   “I was seeing a nightmare,” said sitting Democratic Councilor Blake Caravati, admitting to worries that both GOP candidates would win and dominate Council for the first time in decades. Democrats usually have a lock on City elections, but during the campaign Republicans seemed to gain traction by painting Dems as elite cronies who spend too much time and money doing much too little.

   “When you listen to the drumbeat of all the things we’re doing wrong, you start to wonder,” said Hamilton. “Then the votes come in.”

The prelude

“The party as a whole was embarrassed by what we did not do in 2002,” Snook says.

   That year, Searls and Caravati, the two Democratic candidates, seemed like they belonged to different parties. Searls was a Green-ish progressive, in contrast to the centrist incumbent Caravati. The party’s campaign slogan, “Keep a Good Thing Going,” excluded Searls, a first-time candidate. The pair often disagreed, and seemed to dislike each other. Moreover, Snook and other party leaders underestimated Schilling’s candidacy.

   This time around, the Democrats’ desire for a unified ticket compelled them to oust two-term Councilor Meredith Richards at the party’s convention in February [see sidebar]. Outgoing Mayor Maurice Cox recruited neighborhood activist Kendra Hamilton to run in his stead, and she joined incumbent Kevin Lynch and former party chair David Brown on the ticket.

   Snook tapped an all-star lineup to run a hard-charging campaign—former Mayor David Toscano led a fundraising effort that netted more than $30,000; former Councilor John Conover was an aggressive, unabashedly partisan campaign manager; Michael Signer, who interned with Al Gore and worked with Democratic Governor Mark Warner, tailored the party’s message.

   The Republicans, meanwhile, hoped to capitalize on Schilling’s surprising success. Party chair Bob Hodous recruited two candidates: Kenneth Jackson, a charismatic African-American who—as a gay, working-class, native Charlottesvillian—defies Republican stereotypes. His running mate, Ann Reinicke, a recent transplant to the Orangedale neighborhood from Albemarle, was (like Schilling in 2002) largely unknown in the political arena.

   Reinicke and Jackson had a tough challenge: to convince voters that Democrats have mismanaged the City when a recent, well-publicized book ranked Charlottesville as the best place to live in America. They turned to the GOP’s chestnut complaint—government spending.

A rough and tumble race

In April Council passed a $100.4 million budget for FY 2004, an increase of more than 7 percent over the current budget. Although Council did not raise property taxes, rising assessments mean many residents are paying more into City coffers, and Republican campaign literature denounced Charlottesville’s “crushing tax burden.” Reinicke and Jackson specifically attacked consultant spending—more than $1.2 million in 2003—and a multimillion-dollar project to integrate the City’s computer database systems.

   While Republicans complained that Council spends too much, the Democrats complained that Republicans in Washington and Richmond spend too little. Charlottesville needs an active government to pay for education and police, to protect the environment and promote well-designed development, the Dems said, especially now that Federal and State conservatives have cut local funding for schools, jails and social services. “You’ve got to pay for civilization,” Lynch said on several occasions.

   The philosophical differences were clear—Democrats believe in a strong, active City government to balance business interests and the political powers in Albemarle and Richmond. Republicans say City government should cut both services and taxes, and follow Albemarle’s lead.

   Right when the Republican message seemed to be gaining a hold, Reinicke and Jackson proved to be their own worst enemies.

   Jackson admitted to a not-so-distant criminal past that included four assaults, three involving knives. Reinicke said she thought creationism should be taught in public schools as an “alternative theory” to evolution. (Democrats considered the admission so damning that at Tuesday’s victory party Snook thanked Clive Bradbeer, the citizen who at a candidates’ forum asked Reinicke about her views on creationism.)

   As the campaign heated up, Jackson’s credibility seemed to slip as his attacks on Council grew increasingly hostile. At one forum, he called the current Councilors “bold-faced liars” without backing up the charge. While his stance in favor of the Meadowcreek Parkway earned him some support (presumably among business leaders who are hot for the road), Jackson inexplicably argued that Council was wrong for playing political hardball with Albemarle to protect the City’s interests. Also, he didn’t seem to know the difference between an intersection and an interchange—an important element in the Parkway debate.

   Nevertheless, The Daily Progress performed its role as house organ for the Chamber of Commerce and dutifully endorsed Jackson, along with Reinicke and Hamilton, two days before the election. Many Dems were flabbergasted. And very nervous.

Aftermath

It was a resounding victory for Democrats. Hamilton led all candidates with 3,465 votes, followed by Brown with 3,366 and Lynch with 3,183. Reinicke netted 1,782 votes while Jackson pulled down 1,557. The write-in category drew 778 votes—driven by an unofficial campaign for Richards. Independent Vance High (the only candidate to articulate his platform in haiku) won 717 votes.

   Overall, 27 percent of the City’s 19,820 registered voters turned out—up from 22 percent in 2002, but down from 28 percent in 2000. City Registrar Sheri Iachetta said she expected a higher turnout, but the Dems didn’t complain—before the election they created a new list of more than 5,000 local party members, and clearly won the race by getting their people to the polls.

   “There’s a tendency for Democrats in Charlottesville to take these elections for granted,” says communications director Signer. “We told the base that this was a very important election that they couldn’t afford to roll the dice on.”

   A post-election news story reported “rumors of intimidation tactics,” but Iachetta said she received no specific reports of intimidation.

   “It was rumored that people were going to see how long people were taking in the booth,” Iachetta says. People spending a long time at the voting machine would presumably be casting a write-in vote. Iachetta said “a couple” people told her they were going to feel “uncomfortable” voting without curtains around the machines, so the electoral board installed them just before the election.

   While the Dems danced, Republicans struck an optimistic note.

   “I think it’s been an excellent few weeks,” Jackson said at the Republican’s post-poll party at Wolfie’s Bar & Grill on Rio Road. “We put the issues first. We gave the other party a scare and a run for the money.”

   During his time at the microphone, Republican mastermind Hodous told the crowd of about 50 supporters—including County bigwigs like Albemarle Delegate Rob Bell and County Supervisor Ken Boyd—that he was disappointed by the fourth and fifth finish of his two candidates for the three open spots on Council.

   “Losing was not fun, and I’m not going to pretend that it was enjoyable seeing the results this afternoon,” Hodous said.

   News of the Democrats’ election sweep arrived soon after the polling places closed at 7pm, before attendees had begun helping themselves to the buffet of barbecue, baked beans and homestyle mac and cheese.

   Linda McRaven, a County resident and campaign volunteer who recently lost her bid for a seat on the Albemarle County School Board, wore an American flag-patterned sweater to the party, one of several flag-emblazoned apparel items seen at the gathering. Though she thought the candidates did an excellent job, she was frustrated by the outcome.

   “I think the City Council is full of more yuppies,” McRaven said. “They all want to use Charlottesville as some sort of experiment.”

   The candidates themselves expressed no such bitterness after the election, each graciously congratulating the victorious Democrats during their concession speeches. Hodous commended the level of civility by both parties.

   “Most of what was said during the campaign was positive and issue-focused,” Hodous said.

   Not surprisingly given their party chair’s lead, neither candidate cited the creationism or anger-management flaps when asked if they had regrets about their campaigns.

   Jackson’s concession speech, though apparently delivered off the cuff, garnered several enthusiastic rounds of applause. During the speech, Jackson cited the strong morals of his Republican peers.

   “That’s the reason I’m a member of this party,” Jackson said.

   But Jackson has repeatedly stressed that party affiliation is not important to him. A former Democrat who says he came over to the Republican camp after meeting Schilling during his campaign two years ago, Jackson answered a reporter’s question of whether he’d remain active in Republican politics by saying he’d continue to work in “local politics.”

   Questions about Reinicke’s political future also came up at Wolfie’s. In fact, as soon as she stepped away from the stage, Reinicke was asked if she would run for Council in 2006.

   “We’ll see what happens,” Reinicke said of her political plans. “You’ll probably see me around.”

Looking ahead

Despite the Republicans’ decisive loss, Hodous says the election wasn’t a failure, in large measure because of the issues Jackson and Reinicke managed to lob into the limelight.

   For example, when Schilling proposed converting Council from an at-large body to a ward system, Democrats saw it as a Republican attempt to secure a ward loyal to the GOP, and they essentially ignored his request to examine the issue. During the campaign, however, the ward issue earned plenty of airtime and all three Democrats signaled they would be open to a study.

   Republican charges of fiscal irresponsibility could stick, too.

   Mayor Maurice Cox drove much of the consultant spending that Reinicke attacked. The outgoing mayor, an architect and UVA architecture professor, encouraged contracts with outside architects. Lynch is poised to be the next Mayor, and during this campaign he continued his shift toward the political center.

   As a rookie Councilor four years ago, Lynch espoused the liberal “Dems for Change” platform, but over the course of his first term he has supported strategic road building and has sided with Schilling on some fiscal issues. Both Lynch and Schilling, for example, raised hackles in the art community by questioning the City spending on the McGuffey Art Center.

   Schilling’s party may have lost the election, but he’s poised to wield greater influence in the next Council—if he chooses to do so. So far, Schilling’s strategy has been to spout Reagan-esque critiques of the governing process for TV cameras, but he’s come up short with behind-the-scenes legwork. Now that he’s no longer the rookie, he may be able to turn his rhetoric into policy if he decides to roll up his sleeves.

   And what of the oft-debated Meadowcreek Parkway? Lynch, Brown and Hamilton all said during the campaign they will support the Parkway as long as it comes with quality replacement parkland, an interchange where the parkway would intersect the 250 Bypass, and County support for connector roads that would prevent Charlottesville from becoming a cut-through for suburban drivers.

   The Dems say they’re trying to protect the City’s interests, but Parkway supporters suspect the promises are more like attempts to stall and ultimately block the controversial road. If Schilling and his Republican County buddies really want to see the Parkway unveiled, perhaps they could work to meet the Dems’ conditions and hold them to their word.

   “There is one group in Charlottesville that will hold them up to their promises,” Hodous said on Tuesday, “and that’s the Republican Party.”

 

Round three on 29N
County Supervisors discuss North Pointe development

In the last two years, Albemarle planners have wrangled over three major mixed-use developments on Route 29N. Of the three projects, all of which combine residential and commercial elements, Albemarle Place and the Hollymead Town Center have already been green-lighted. But the big daddy of the trifecta, the 269-acre “North Pointe Community” slated for the east side of 29N between Proffit Road and the North Fork of the Rivanna River, remains stuck in limbo at the Albemarle County Office Building.

   Last week, the County Board of Supervisors conducted a work session to begin bridging the gulf between the plan from North Pointe’s developers and the critique from the County Planning Commission, which nixed the project last November. The two-hour work session on Wednesday, May 5, in which almost every comment opened a can of worms, was evidence that the Board can expect trouble in settling the North Pointe controversy.

   One major disagreement is over the quality of “proffers” made by North Pointe’s developer, Great Eastern Management Co., the Charlottesville-based group that built the Pantops and Seminole Square Shopping Centers, among many other local developments. The proffers are, as Charles Rotgin Jr. of Great Eastern says, the “cream” volunteered by developers to sweeten the deal for County government, and include offers of green spaces, road funding, affordable housing and other perqs.

   However, the developers’ proffers have not satisfied County planners. And, as Rotgin noted with irritation, the back and forth over proffers has consumed three of the four years that Great Eastern has spent haggling with County staff over North Pointe.

   A proposed next step for the Board of Supervisors is to compare the proffers made for North Pointe with those made by Albemarle Place and Hollymead’s developers. But even this is difficult, because North Pointe dwarfs both of those projects. The most recent publicly available iteration of North Pointe, submitted last October, included 893 housing units, three big box retail buildings and about 650,000 square feet of commercial and office space. That means North Pointe would include three times the housing units and a somewhat larger chunk of retail space than Hollymead, all on a site that is four times bigger than Hollymead.

   “It’s apples and oranges,” says Mark Graham, Albemarle director of community development, of stacking North Pointe against other developments.

   But according to Rotgin, the comparison might help the public see “that there’s $25 million worth of infrastructure going in there.” As Rotgin says, North Pointe’s developers are forking up big cash to help the project fit into Albemarle’s pedestrian friendly, mixed-use neighborhood model.

   Besides, “both apples and oranges taste good,” Rotgin says.—Paul Fain

 

WCAV, coming to your TV
CBS affiliate and Channel 9 keep rolling toward fall on-air dates

Developments continue in Charlottesville’s shifting TV landscape, a week after news of a CBS television affiliate moving into the old Ix building and of veteran news director Dave Cupp’s plan to leave WVIR-TV, Channel 29 this fall [“Station gestations,” The Week, May 4].

   Gray Television, Inc., which owns the new CBS affiliate slated for Channel 19, has announced call letters for the station—WCAV— and the slogan, “Where Community Counts.” The call letters were obtained from a TV station on Saint Croix, in the U.S. Virgin Islands. Gray has also launched a website for WCAV-TV, www.wcav.com.

   Tracey Jones, Gray’s regional vice-president of television, says the new website is primarily for recruiting purposes. In addition to hiring reporters, producers and engineers, Gray is working on scoring a slot for WCAV on Adelphia, the primary local cable company. Jones says cable negotiations “are not buttoned up,” but “I certainly anticipate cable carriage.”

   WCAV’s recently hired general manager, Bill Varecha, has previously run a new TV station in a small market. Jones says Varecha helped Gray launch an NBC affiliate in Grand Junction, Colorado, which is about the same size as the Charlottesville market, in 1996. At the time, CBS and ABC stations were already entrenched in Grand Junction, but Jones says Varecha shepherded the NBC affiliate to the top rating in Grand Junction.

    Two former Channel 29 reporters think their old newsroom is up to the challenge posed by CBS and the other proposed local television channel—Albemarle entrepreneurs Bob Sigman and Denny King’s planned community station, Channel 9—but that news director Cupp will be missed.

   From her new job as an anchor for a CBS affiliate in Charleston, West Virginia, former WVIR anchor and reporter Brooke Baldwin says, via e-mail, “Dave Cupp is quintessential Charlottesville. Period. His departure will leave a huge hole in NBC 29.”

   “I think their coverage can only get better,” Baldwin says of how WVIR will perform with two challengers. She says because Channel 29 reporters have the “home field advantage,” it will sting when they are bested on stories. “So, they’ll just have to up the ante,” Baldwin says.

   Though Luke Duecy, a former NBC 29 anchor who has just signed on with WRIC, Channel 8 in Richmond, predicts competition will be a good thing for his old station as well as for TV viewers, he says, also by e-mail, “Let’s just hope for all journalists’ sake the competition between them doesn’t produce exaggerated, sensationalistic stories that don’t really impact anybody.”

   While WCAV-TV moves toward a mid-August on-air date, Channel 9’s King says his phone is ringing off the hook. King says he and Sigman have received around 300 calls, e-mails, faxes and letters “from every walk of life” about the new station.

   Many people contacting Channel 9’s creators have submitted ideas for shows, ranging, King says, from “equestrian life” to law enforcement and senior-oriented programming. King also says a “very famous author living in this area” has expressed interest in a show about books.

   King now calls the deal for a studio under the Water Street parking garage “inevitable.”

   “We’re getting real close,” King says of making Channel 9 a reality.—Paul Fain

Raising the glass
The building that almost wasn’t

It’s not often you hear Downtown developers sing the praises of City Hall. When the Board of Architectural Review presented its 2004 “Preservation Awards” during City Council’s meeting on Monday, May 3, Oliver Kuttner and Lisa Murphy took home a “Best Adaptive Use and Revitalization” certificate for reconfiguring the former Cavalier Beverage building into what’s now known as the Glass Building on Second Street.

   “This project never would have happened if we had been in a design-control district, under the BAR’s purview,” Kuttner said at the meeting. What sounded like the preamble to one of Kuttner’s rants against red tape turned into a shout-out to planning director Ron Higgins.

   As C-VILLE reported, the Glass Building spurred a surge of modern architecture in South Downtown [“Split personality,” March 2]. But this keystone site nearly became a parking garage before Kuttner and Murphy put a contract on the building in early 2000.

   Kuttner says Higgins helped with his plan to develop the site with minimum investment.

   The City allowed Kuttner to divide the site into two parcels even as the final sale was still pending. Then, Higgins greased Kuttner’s plans for a 70-car parking lot through the Planning Department. The City’s speed allowed Kuttner to finish the parking lot before actually purchasing the building, thereby increasing the building’s assessed value by about $100,000, Kuttner says. With the increased value, Kuttner was able to secure a bigger loan—about $1 million, he says—from BB&T Bank.

   In March 2000, Kuttner and Murphy purchased the Cavalier Beverage site for $851,000, according to the City Assessor. In 2003, it was assessed at $3,394,900.

   The City allowed Kuttner to develop the building piecemeal as new tenants signed on. The City could have required the developer to submit a new site plan for each piece, and had the site been under the BAR’s purview each new addition would have required the Board’s approval.

   “All the T’s were crossed and all the I’s were dotted on his site plan,” says Higgins. “So I didn’t make him go through the process for each phase. I don’t think he had the cash flow in that project that allowed him to take large delays.”

   Kuttner often clashed with the BAR in the late ’90s as he built The Terraces atop the Downtown Mall’s Foot Locker. In that case, Kuttner started some work on utility lines and internal supports before getting BAR approval, and when the Board ordered him to stop work he echoed a common complaint among developers that the BAR has a chip on its shoulder.

   “The current BAR is a good one, but there was a time the BAR would deny me things just to show me they were in charge,” says Kuttner.

   The City’s revised zoning ordinances have complicated the process of approving site plans as City staff gets more familiar with the new rules, says Higgins.

   “If somebody understands our standards, we can help anyone the way we helped Oliver,” says Higgins.

   Does that signal a new harmony between developers and bureaucrats? “Well, we don’t roll over and play dead, either,” Higgins says. “It goes both ways.”—John Borgmeyer

 

Categories
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News in review

Tuesday, April 27
General Assembly raises taxes

The Virginia House and Senate today agreed to a package of tax increases, more than six weeks after the March 13 scheduled conclusion of the General Assembly. Albemarle Del. Rob Bell, a Republican, voted against the plan, which will boost Virginia’s two-year, $60 billion budget by about $1.6 billion through increases in sales, cigarette and other taxes, and by capping car-tax reimbursements. After passing the tax increase, lawmakers began debating how to divvy up the pot, much of which was put aside for cities and counties to spend on schools.

Wednesday, April 28
Thug life, campus style

Aaron Joshua Robinson, a UVA engineering student, allegedly shot Jamaine Winborne, also a UVA student, in the leg early this morning. Winborne, a football player who had just signed a contract with the New York Giants, was apparently not seriously wounded in the incident. Robinson fled the scene of the attack and surrendered later in
the week. Just 10 days earlier, campus police nabbed a handgun-toting Robinson when they pulled him over for speeding. According to Reed Williams of The Daily Progress, Robinson had a permit, so UVA police let him keep the gun. Robinson’s bond was set at $12,500, and his next court date is May 27.

Thursday, April 29
Cruising to fight breast cancer

A fleet of 18 silver BMWs could be spotted cruising through the east side of Charlottesville today. Though the shiny armada may have looked like Euro cannonballers or a drug lord’s posse, it was actually a fundraising stunt for the Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation. For eight years, BMW has launched two convoys of beamers in a criss-crossing tour of the country. People are invited to test drive the cars at each stop. BMW then donates $1 to the Komen Foundation for every mile driven. The fundraiser has netted $7 million over the past seven years.

Friday, April 30
Schoolin’ the principals

A joint program of the Darden Graduate School of Business Administration and the Curry School of Education today announced that it is the recipient of a two-year State grant to teach 10 school principals how to turn around failing Virginia public schools. The program, part of Gov. Mark R. Warner’s “Education for a Lifetime Initiative,” will select 10 principals for training at Darden. Once schooled in the art of fixing public schools that need help, the principals will be assigned to assist 10 such schools during the 2004-05 school year. Tierney Fairchild, executive director of the Darden/ Curry Partnership, said the program seeks to combine business and education strategies to help “reverse the decline in low-performing schools.”

Saturday, May 1
Early morning shooting

A 26-year-old man was shot twice in the chest early this morning. The shooting occurred near the man’s home, on Swanson Drive, one block west of the Hydraulic Road-U.S. 29 intersection. Hours later, police arrested the alleged shooter, Dominick J. Turner. According to The Daily Progress, Turner, whose nickname is “Freaky,” has been charged with malicious wounding and the use of a firearm in the commission of a felony. The victim was in critical condition.

Sunday, May 2
Break-in alert
Local media today reported that Charlottesville Police Chief Timothy J. Longo has asked City residents to lock doors and windows and, in the case of a possible break-in, to not confront an intruder. The warning comes in the wake of a recent incident in which a young woman fought off an attacker described as a young black male. After the attack, which occurred near Stribling Avenue in the City, the man fled, leaving a plaid Adidas cap at the scene.

Lights out
After tonight’s thunderstorm, several hundred area residents may be without power. According to Dominion Virginia Power, the affected homes are in the vicinity of Charlottesville High School.

Monday, May 3
A new super?

The Charlottesville City School Board hopes to hire a new superintendent of schools before the end of the day. The Board and a consulting firm winnowed the field of 140 applicants from 38 different states down to two finalists, both of whom were interviewed on Friday. Four other candidates were eliminated from consideration last week. Contributing to the final decision and participating in interviews were several parents and representatives from City Council, the NAACP, the Charlottesville Education Association, a school principal and others.

—Written by Paul Fain from local news sources and staff reports

 

The big wheezy
Could development contribute to pollen spikes?

The golden-hued dusting of Charlottesville, the annual spring gift from the region’s trees, is a major irritation for anyone with even a minor allergic sensitivity to pollen. A pollen count of 90 is considered high. On April 22, the tree pollen count in Charlottesville peaked at 2,293.

   According to Thomas Ogren, a California-based expert, development and landscaping can contribute to pollen spikes. Ogren claims that because cities and developers often plant an overabundance of certain types of trees, such as pollen-producing oaks, a new subdivision can jack-up pollen counts. Additionally, Ogren says landscapers depend on male trees, which don’t produce seeds or fruit, but do have a penchant for spreading pollen.

   But several local experts, though not discounting Ogren’s theories, think it’s unlikely that landscaping could substantially boost pollen production in this area.

   “It’s definitely true that what gets planted can affect pollen counts,” says T’ai Roulston, a scientist and the associate director of UVA’s Blandy experimental farm.

   However, Roulston says, “It depends on what people are planting and what they’re cutting down.” He says that in the Charlottesville area, landscapers would be hard-pressed to plant trees that were bigger pollen producers than any natural growth they might be replacing. In fact, the un-greening of Charlottesville could actually reduce pollen.

   “There is already a ton of pollen in the air from what’s natural,” Roulston says.

   Dr. Gretchen Beck of Blue Ridge Allergy & Asthma Inc. is Charlottesville’s pollen guru. Every few days, Beck collects a “rotorrod” from a tower atop the Sperry Marine Center on U.S. 29. She then takes the contraption back to her office and, using a microscope, counts the pollen it collects. Pollen counts are based on the number of pollen grains collected per cubic meter during a period of approximately 24 hours. Beck’s estimate is Charlottesville’s official pollen count.

   “It was wall-to-wall tree pollens,” Beck says of her April 22 count. The main offenders that day were pine, maple and oak. By April 28, the tree pollen count had dropped to a still sky-high 1,463.

   With this much pollen in the air, “if you are even mildly sensitive, you’re going to notice it,” Beck says.

   Dave Rosene is an arborist with the Van Yahres Tree Company, which cares for but does not plant trees. He says he doubts local developments are contributing to pollen spikes.

   “Even if you looked at one of our bigger developments…what they put in is either native or closely related to native,” Rosene says, citing the common practice of replacing Virginia pines with non-native white pines. In this case, both trees pump out a large amount of pollen.

   Rosene says as long as there are trees in the Charlottesville area, there are likely to be pollen problems.

   “If you want the benefits of trees, you’ve gotta put up with other things, and that’s pollen in the spring,” Rosene says.

   Besides, as Beck says, not all of Charlottesville’s pollen is homegrown. From her collection perch above the tree line, Beck has collected sagebrush pollen, which is native to the parched plains of Oklahoma and other western states.

   “Pollens definitely can travel hundreds, even thousands of miles,” Beck says.—Paul Fain

Station gestations
Change is in the airwaves with local TV scene

Don’t touch that dial! Channel 29, WVIR-TV, will have a fight on its hands this fall. And they’ll have to do it without one of their heavyweights. Unfortunately for WVIR, the station will take on two contenders without Dave Cupp, its longtime leader in the newsroom.

   Cupp, who has been WVIR’s news director for more than 25 years, will leave the station “at some point in the fall,” he says.

   During his tenure at NBC 29, Cupp has seen the news team increase from five people and one camera to more than 40 employees and three news trucks.

   In a statement, Cupp says he’s leaving WVIR to join his wife, who is teaching at Harvard University.

   “My primary focus in the time remaining to me at NBC 29 will be to help find and train the next news director and to help put new equipment and strong staffing in place to prepare Dateline 29 News for the exciting challenges of the future,” Cupp says.

   One of those challenges will be from Channel 19, a CBS affiliate owned by Gray Television, Inc., which is slated to begin broadcasting in mid-August. Gray has recently filed permits for studio facilities in the Frank Ix building on Elliott Avenue and for a new antenna tower on Carter’s Mountain.

   According to the Federal Communications Commission, Gray paid the Charlottesville Broadcasting Company $1 million for the Channel 19 license. The company promises “a full complement of daily local news broadcasts” for the new CBS affiliate. On May 11, the Charlottesville Planning Commission will hold a public hearing on Gray’s proposal for satellite dishes at the future studio in the Ix building. Also that day, County planners will hold a public hearing on the company’s plan to replace an antenna tower on Carter’s Mountain with a slightly shorter, 190-foot tower and antenna.

   The other new player on the local TV scene, Bob Sigman and Denny King’s planned Channel 9, an independent community station, also plans a Downtown broadcast studio, which they say is in the works for the Market Street parking center on the Mall. Once fully operational, King estimates the two proposed television stations would create 60 to 75 new jobs.

   The big question is whether the small Charlottesville media market of approximately 70,000 television households, which Nielsen Media Research ranks 186th in the nation, can support three TV stations.

   If like-sized television markets are any indication, the two new stations may indeed find enough viewers to stay afloat. Meridian, Mississippi, which is just above Charlottesville in the rankings, has three local network affiliates, while Great Falls, Montana, which is slightly smaller than this market, has four.—Paul Fain

 

The art of cool
2Fly Designs gives local artists a big-time look

As any up-and-coming musician knows, you need more than just a tight band and a catchy set list to make your mark.

   Unless you want club owners or record executives to flick your demo toward the circular file, your band needs a product—a good-looking press pack, a website with lots of flashy graphics or perhaps a CD-ROM that includes your latest video.

   “I know what I like to look at, but I don’t know how to make it,” says Jamal Millner, a local jazz guru whose rapid-fire guitar lines have added a touch of shred to the likes of John D’earth and Corey Harris.

   Millner’s got the flashy licks, but when he needed a flashy website and video for two upcoming albums, he turned to Scott Wilson’s company, 2Fly Designs.

   Since Wilson founded the company in 2000, he’s been the designer of choice for many of Charlottesville’s local heroes, and for some bigger national acts as well. The company specializes in Web design, but the 32-year-old Wilson also works on videos, TV commercials, photography and graphic design for his clients, which range from the Charlottesville Area Association of Realtors to the shock-rappers Insane Clown Posse.

   “If it’s interesting, or if it’s for a good cause, I’ll do it,” says Wilson.

   His specialties are Flash, a Web format that allows viewers to see audio and video without a media player, and vectorized images, a technique for tweaking photographs.

   “Even though he’s using computers, his artwork always looks very organic and original,” says Millner.

   After arriving in Charlottesville from Breckenridge, Colorado, five years ago, Wilson met music promoter and Dave Matthews Band manager Coran Capshaw at the C&O Restaurant, which led to Wilson’s year and a half tenure at Capshaw’s merchandise company musictoday.com. In the fall of 2000, he started 2Fly, which now includes his partners, Tom Walker and Chris Wilmer.

   “I’ve never had an investor, never took out a loan,” says Wilson, who puts in 12-hour days at his office in the Linen Building at the corner of Market Street and Meade Avenue. The funky industrial space, with its corrugated metal roof, exposed ductwork and Razor scooter leaning in the corner, looks like an Internet company from the boom days.

   In some ways, Wilson’s company reflects the trickle-down economics of DMB. Some of Wilson’s A-list clients, like David Gray and the North Mississippi All Stars, are signed to Capshaw’s ATO Records. Wilson also designed a t-shirt commemorating DMB’s free benefit concert in Central Park last summer. One of Wilson’s newest clients is DJ Sasha, who recently signed to Capshaw’s Red Light Management.

   “They throw me some bones,” Wilson says of his connections to the Capshavian empire.

   Despite the big names in its portfolio, though, 2Fly’s success speaks to a sturdy local music scene, one that’s cool enough to inspire image-makers like Wilson, whose chief product is, after all, coolness.

   “I like filming artists like [singer-songwriter] Devon or John D’earth,” says Wilson. “If I can take someone that has talent and elevate them a little bit, it elevates us all.”—John Borgmeyer

 

Passing of the paws
Batesville resident helps animals and their owners deal with death

Seeking help after the death of a loved one is a fairly regular occurrence. Many pick up the phone for comfort after losing a sister, brother, mother or aunt. But Batesville resident Rita Reynolds gets calls from those grieving different kinds of companions, ones with names like Fido, Rover or Tabby. At her farm, Howling Success, Reynolds cares for her own sick and dying animals, and also assists others going through the process.

   “I receive many calls from people whose companions have just died and their grief is usually tremendous,” Reynolds says. “But people calling to ask whether or not they should euthanize an animal companion experience a greater agony just trying to make the decision.”

   Reynolds, also a writer and publisher of the quarterly journal La Joie: The Journal of Appreciation of All Animals, says that death is not an end, but rather a transition to the next stage in the life of the animal’s spirit. Death, she believes, is also an essential part of the relationship we share with our companions. By assisting them in the transition from the “here” to “there,” we honor them. To be “present” physically, spiritually, emotionally and mentally during this transition is the greatest gift we can give them and also helps us to live to the fullest and richest extent possible.

   Reynolds says it is important to “converse” with dying animals to find out their preferences—whether they wish to die on their own or die through the mercy of euthanasia. She offers three suggestions on how to go about this: “First, I tell the dying creature it is O.K. to die. ‘If you need to go,’ I say, ‘go ahead, I support your journey every step of the way.’”

   Next, she asks the animal to show her how they would like to proceed—for instance, whether or not the pet would like veterinary assistance. Finally, Reynolds suggests entering a calm and peaceful mental state to wait for the answer.

   She also offers some suggestions to ease a pet owner’s grief. Of her hundreds of experiences helping animals of all types—including mice, dogs, cats, cows, and donkeys—transition, she says, “When the death of an animal is complete, I often feel suddenly and desperately alone—it can be overwhelming—but relieved that the animal’s soul is free of pain. Now I can begin to mend my own pain of loss through ceremonies of grieving, burial of the body and establishing a memorial.”

   Letting go of any guilt concerning the euthanasia decision, celebrating the animal’s new existence, completing goodbyes, finding a truly understanding person to talk with and creating a tribute—such as writing a farewell letter to the pet—all help relieve our grief and pain. Reynolds says the grieving process takes as long as it needs to take and that people should let grief itself out so that they are finally at peace with the transition that the pet has made.—Jane Morley

 

Pressing effect
Bush-bashing Mall vendor waves flag, t-shirts

Come November 2, Mac Schrader doesn’t want you to reelect Bush, or reject Bush. He wants you to “reeject” Bush, since, Schrader says, he didn’t win the election the first time.

   “When I saw how the election went, it upset me,” says Schrader. “I had to do something.” That something has been a year-long stint on the Downtown Mall, weather permitting, promoting the single-minded notion of “reejecting” Bush in 2004—a slogan Schrader created that he hopes will “infect the nation.”

   Nonargumentative, and supposedly nonpartisan, Schrader, a writer who helps run a nursing home part-time in Belgium, is not looking for controversy. “It’s not anything against the Republicans. They can be a part of this,” he says.

   His beef with Bush? “I have so many reasons,” says Schrader. “Lying about going to war upset me the most.” Regardless of the reason, his message has struck a chord with some.

   “From the very first day, I was very accepted by the community,” says Schrader, now in his third t-shirt printing; he’s sold about 500 so far. Governor Mark Warner took a “Reeject Bush” button. The entourage of the Mayor of Besancon, Charlottesville’s French sister city, gave him a thumbs-up on their recent visit. Allegedly, even Republican Congressman Virgil Goode tried to buy two buttons, but walked away miffed when Schrader wouldn’t give him a discount.

   “If Bush is on TV, I turn him off,” says Rebecca Wood, a local who paused at Schrader’s table while walking her dog. She says she likes his literary approach.

   Schrader has his detractors, too. He says one irate passerby told him, “Have you thought of something easier…like a Jewish fan club for Hitler?” Other Mall walkers don’t get his message immediately. “I can be perceived by some as a nice, young Bush supporter one moment and then a split second later I’ve become some kind of liberal-commie-terrorist.” And then there was the Marine who kicked over his table.

   Schrader says the experience, his first foray into activism, has been educational. He keeps an Oxford Dictionary of Politics on hand for further edification, pointing out one of his favorite words, “hegemony,” a euphemism for empire frequently used by neoconservatives (as in “benevolent global hegemony”), but which the dictionary definition concludes is “a system with a built-in tendency to self-destruction.”

   Another relevant word defined therein is fascism: “A rightwing nationalist ideology or movement with a totalitarian and hierarchical structure that is fundamentally opposed to democracy and liberalism.” Schrader shrugs, “Rich, corporate entities are setting the agenda.”

   Schrader, too, has an agenda. Beside his wares stands a stack of voter registration forms. “Nothing is more rewarding than when an 18-year-old fills one in,” he says, smiling.

   Schrader plans to continue selling his slogan until November 1. On November 2 he will serve as an election official.—Brian Wimer

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News in review

Blood on the tracks
Are the CSX tracks the most crime-friendly spot in Charlottesville?

Every community has its proverbial “dark alleys,” mysterious places where boogiemen live.

   One of UVA’s scary spots is a half-mile leg of CSX railroad that arcs northeast from University Avenue to Rugby Road. The tracks form a popular, but potentially dangerous, shortcut from the Corner bars and restaurants to the houses and apartments in the student neighborhoods north of campus.

   “It’s like an urban legend,” says Jen Silvers, a junior and president of the Delta Delta Delta (“Tri-Delt”) sorority on Virginia Avenue, located just yards from the CSX line. During rush, she says, the older sisters tell prospective Tri-Delts that “a bad little sorority girl got eaten on the tracks.”

   Silvers is joking, of course. Yet there’s a serious undercurrent to the conversation about safety along the popular informal thoroughfare.

   On April 2, three male students were robbed on the CSX tracks in two separate incidents that occurred within minutes of each other. In both cases, the robbers reportedly flashed a silver handgun and demanded money. At 2:30am on Friday, April 16, another male student reported getting robbed near the tracks on Chancellor Street.

   “I can tell you it’s not the pit of Charlottesville,” says Charlottesville Police Department Detective Tom McKean. “But it is an area for crime convenience.”

   He says UVA students walking home from the bars along the tracks make easy targets, and drunken students are unlikely to clearly remember the incident the following day. The setting doesn’t help, as the tracks are dark and vegetation creates shady hiding spots for prospective perps.

   Statistics are unavailable, because officers record incidents on the tracks as happening on one of the nearby streets. Plus most tracks crimes go unreported, McKean says. “They figure they’re not going to get their money back anyway, so why bother,” he explains of the victims.

   Students get mixed signals about hiking the tracks. As they are property of CSX, walking on the tracks is technically trespassing. Since it’s not an official campus walkway, there are no lights or emergency phones. Yet the lack of fences and the absence of visible “No Trespassing” signs indicate a tolerance of pedestrians. Walking the tracks saves about three minutes on the journey from the Corner to student neighborhoods.

   Flotsam of college life litters the tracks—discarded containers from all manner of snacks and beverages, beer cans of every variety, broken bottles, cigarette butts, the nearly decomposed carcass of an old sofa. Beyond Rugby’s famed Beta Bridge, there are rusted paint cans, a smoke detector, tent stakes and the guts of broken televisions.

   Like many students, Silvers frequently uses the tracks as a shortcut. She warns new house members that the tracks can be dangerous.

   “I walk there all the time myself, so I can’t really tell people not to do it,” says Silvers. “I think there’s better ways to keep people safe than just telling them not to do something.”

   Most students, especially women, say the best way to travel safely on foot—along the tracks, or anywhere else—is to walk in groups.

   Senior Stephanie Sanders says news of the robberies and the serial rapist saga has made her more skeptical about safety at UVA, but she still walks the tracks—alone during the day, in groups at night.

   “It’s crazy that these tracks are so open,” says Sanders. “Trains come through here all the time.” Three a day, according to CSX officials.

   Junior Tri-Delt Alexis Geocaris says she’d like to see school and police officials acknowledge that students use the tracks and take steps to make the area safer. A pedestrian bridge, she suggests, or more police patrols.

   “It seems like the police just pick a target, like the serial rapist, to make it seem like they’re doing something,” Geocaris says.—John Borgmeyer

Election? What election?
Media snoozes through campaign season

In two weeks, Charlottesville’s voters will choose among six candidates—three Democrats, two Republicans and an independent—for three open spots on the five-member City Council.

   If this information is a news flash, don’t feel bad. The candidates haven’t seen much attention in recent weeks.

   “It has certainly been very quiet,” says Jon Bright, owner of the three local Spectacle Shops and a Republican Council candidate in 2000, of this year’s election. “I would be interested to know why the local press doesn’t get more into the Council campaign.”

   A notable media washout was the candidate forum hosted by the Fry’s Spring Neighborhood Association on Tuesday, April 6. Joe Mooney of the group says the event “turned out pretty well,” with about 33 residents and all six candidates attending. But no reporters showed up. Other forums have received little or no mention by local media.

   Besides a few issue-specific interview pieces by Elizabeth Nelson in The Daily Progress, the “Hot Seat” interviews in The Hook, a weekly news piece in this newspaper and a smattering of coverage on radio station WINA-AM and in other media outlets, this campaign has been hard to find in the news.

   George Loper, a Democrat activist, says the candidates are not to blame for any lack of interest in the campaign.

   “The candidates are really out there at the forums and they’re accessible,” Loper says.

   Loper thinks the complexity of common campaign topics, such as affordable housing and the education “achievement gap,” as well as the lack of “any defining issues,” could be keeping candidates out of the news.

   Though he admits the candidate forums have shortcomings, such as the lack of follow-up questions, John Conover, who runs the Democrats’ campaign, says the media, particularly The Daily Progress, has a responsibility to cover the Council race.

   “How can people participate if the fourth leg of government isn’t there?” Conover asks.

   Both campaigns are likely to spend cash on advertising in coming days. WINA reported that Republicans were planning to begin broadcast advertisements last week, and Conover says the Dems will buy television ads.

   “It’s expensive stuff,” Conover says of ads on Channel 29, which he says can cost as much as $1,200 a day. Conover says the campaign is still deciding whether to run radio ads.

   Charlottesville Registrar Sheri Iachetta says the election has been slow for her office as well, with only 40 absentee votes trickling in thus far. Iachetta suspects many people are waiting to make up their minds on who to vote for until after the candidate forums. With three forums scheduled between April 20 and April 26, Iachetta says, “I’m expecting a busy week.”

Jon Bright hopes Iachetta is right. He says he’s surprised by the apathy about the Council election, which he likens to a vote for the board of directors of a $100 million corporation.

“It seems like we just don’t care,” Bright says. “It’s sad.”—Paul Fain

Home business
Residents and nonprofits clash over zoning

On the 500 block of Grove Ave., one home has a kid’s playhouse in the yard. There’s a home with plywood boards astride sawhorses, one with a “Say No to War” sign and one with overgrown bushes.

   Viewed from the street, the Victorian house at 506 Grove Ave. is no different than any other home in the neighborhood, except for the wheelchair ramp climbing to the front porch past yellow flowers and an American flag.

   What’s unusual about 506 Grove is its owner, and its occupants. In October, a non-profit brain-injury center called Virginia NeuroCare bought the house for veterans of the Iraq war who returned home with head injuries. Up to eight veterans, whom the company calls its “clients,” live in the house, and two NeuroCare staff work there 24 hours a day.

   Is 506 Grove a business or a residence? The City isn’t exactly sure, and the uncertainty has prompted conflicts over nonprofit group homes moving into neighborhoods zoned for single-family residences.

   Richard Myers, who lives next door at 504 Grove, calls NeuroCare’s group home “a business,” and he says the company shouldn’t be allowed in the neighborhood. Grove is zoned R-2, for single- and two-family residences.

   Technically, Myers is right. Armed with a petition signed by 20 of his neighbors, he asked the City to review the group home. The City’s law is designed to encourage permanent, instead of transient, residents in R-2 neighborhoods. But the law is awkward, and the City seems unwilling to enforce it.

   Section 34-1200 of the City’s zoning law distinguishes between “residential treatment facilities,” which are licensed by the Department of Mental Health, and “adult assisted living facilities,” which are licensed by the State Department of Social Services. Because NeuroCare is licensed by the latter, City Zoning Administrator Barbara Venerus told the company it was prohibited on Grove, and Deputy City Attorney Lisa Kelly backed her up in a letter to NeuroCare on December 9.

   The next day, Kenneth Bucci, NeuroCare’s lawyer, sent a letter to the Virginia Office for Protection and Advocacy, asserting that the City’s zoning ordinance violates the Federal Fair Housing Act and the Virginia Fair Housing Law. In what seems like a legal warning shot to the City, Bucci copied his letter to Kelly.

   Kelly sent the VOPA a letter explaining that NeuroCare had not provided enough information about what exactly would happen at 506 Grove. But after meeting with NeuroCare representatives, Kelly decided the City could not legally prohibit the group home.

   “They got intimidated,” says Myers.

   Kelly says she changed her mind when she learned customers would not be coming to 506 Grove for services.

   “From a PR perspective, [NeuroCare] could have handled things differently,” says Kelly. “But my opinion would have been the same whether or not they threatened to sue.”

   NeuroCare was founded five years ago by George Zitnay. It was known as the John Jane Center until 2002. That year, according to the company’s most recent IRS 990 forms, it was $135,000 in the red, and Zitnay paid himself a salary of $174,694.

    “I did not threaten the City,” says Zitnay. “We didn’t contact the advocacy group until we were threatened.

   “To discriminate against people on active duty from the United States military is absolutely shameful,” says Zitnay. “It’s like what happened after Vietnam.”

   Myers says he’s not discriminating against the injured soldiers. “That keeps getting thrown in my face. It’s bullshit,” he says. “It’s not about the cause. NeuroCare is a business.”—John BorgmeyerEye on Charlottesville

City considers security cameras on the MallIt’s becoming a rite of spring around here—the weather warms up, people of all ages flood Downtown and City officials start fretting about safety on the Mall.

   According to the City police website at www.charlottesville.org, the Mall is statistically no more or less dangerous than any other City neighborhood. (It’s a different story for your car, however. The Mall leads all neighborhoods with 49 towed vehicles in 2003). Yet, every spring, it seems business owners and patrons ask the City to beef up Mall security.

   “You have packs of kids whose language is different than adults. Some people feel intimidated by that,” says City Manager Gary O’Connell, summing up an oft-heard bellyache.

   The City is considering a variety of different security measures, including a neighborhood watch program, citizen patrols, more police officers and—at the more Ashcroftian end of the spectrum—security cameras.

   The City’s 2004 budget, which Council approved by a vote of 4-1 on Tuesday, April 13, shifts control of the Mall to the City’s new Department of Parks and Recreation, and out of the public works department. The change will consolidate maintenance into one department. Along with this shift, the City will consider a host of other changes for the Mall—replacing bricks and trees; revising the trash and maintenance routines; and adding new lights, signs and security measures.

   “We love seeing all the activity, but at the same time it means you have to be able to provide enough oversight to make sure everything is good,” says Bob Stroh, co-president of the Downtown Business Association.

 

Schilling’s budget redux

Last year, sparks flew after Council approved its FY 2003 budget. In a post-vote press conference, Councilor Rob Schilling announced that Council hadn’t worked hard enough to reduce the budget, while Kevin Lynch countered that it was Schilling who was the slacker.

   Although this year’s budget approval process on Tuesday was more civil, Schilling was again the lone nay vote, and an argument over his effort surfaced in interviews afterwards.

   “Basically, [Schilling] doesn’t show up anywhere unless there’s going to be media there,” says Lynch.

   Councilor Blake Caravati says Schilling did even less work on this year’s budget than he did last year, his first budget session. “It’s gotten a lot worse,” says Caravati. “He’s not at the wheel. He’s not even in the bus.”

   This year, Schilling presented City staff with a list of more than 150 questions. Although staff answered them all, it is unclear how Schilling used that information to reduce the City’s budget, which he claims is one of his priorities.

   In an e-mailed statement, Schilling says his work has focused on suggesting ways to change the budgeting process. Council, he says, should tell staff how much money to spend instead of scrutinizing the budget themselves.

   Most of Council’s labor on the budget happened in three work sessions during March. According to the minutes of those sessions—which are still in draft form and have not been approved by Council—Schilling didn’t offer many suggestions for cutting.

   On March 17, Schilling, who sits on the School Capital Projects Committee, asked whether proposed renovations to Charlottesville High School could be postponed. He also suggested cutting funds for improvements to McIntire Park.

   According to the minutes, both Caravati and Lynch proposed various cuts. Schilling said Council “should not micromanage” the budget, and that “it comes down to what we want to do versus what we need to do.”

   On March 10, City Manager O’Connell seemed to agree with Schilling, saying that if Council wanted to significantly reduce the budget, they should have set priorities in the fall.—John Borgmeyer