Categories
News

City woman faces federal time

A federal jury convicted a Charlottesville woman of conspiracy to commit wire fraud on November 29 in the U.S. Western District Court. City resident Mary Dowdell and California resident Gregory Smyth faced charges stemming from a Ponzi scheme that defrauded investors out of more than $29 million. Smyth pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit wire fraud a day before the jury found Dowdell guilty.

Mary Dowdell is the wife of Terry Dowdell, a Charlottesville man who raked in millions of dollars from investors who he had promised to make rich. In 2004, Terry Dowdell pleaded guilty to 20 felony charges and is currently serving a 15-year sentence in federal prison. Mary and Smyth, as part of the Ponzi scheme, "devised and intended to devise a scheme and artifice to defraud and to obtain money and property by means of materially false and fraudulent pretenses, representations, and promises," according to the federal indictment.

The charges against Smyth and Mary originated from Terry Dowdell’s swindle of investors, when the two helped move money that was part of Terry’s frozen assets, some of which ended up in a Charlottesville bank.

It began in the late 1990s, when Terry started raising tens of millions of dollars from national and international investors, claiming he was investing the money into a fictitious "prime bank securities" trading program. To help encourage investors to part with large amounts of cash without understanding the details of the bank securities, Terry promised a gross return of at least 4 percent each week for a minimum of 40 weeks when they invested in his firm, Vavasseur Corporation, which was based in the Bahamas.

But inventors’ funds weren’t put into any investment programs. Terry pooled the money into his AmSouth accounts. It was from these accounts that he sent investors checks for their fictitious "profits," even as the pile of new investments grew.

But in 2001, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission froze Terry’s assets as it continued its investigation into the scheme. After those funds were frozen, the indictment claims that Smyth wrote checks drawn on accounts that contained Terry’s frozen assets, and that Mary Dowdell cashed seven of those checks, totaling $42,500, and depositing them into her Charlottesville Bank of America account.

C-VILLE welcomes news tips from readers. Send them to news@c-ville.com.

Categories
News

Bloomfield brings science to masses

While the guitar has been around since the days of Chaucer, it took some guy in Tennessee to make an innovation that, in retrospect, seems wholly obvious. And some years after that, it takes UVA physics professor Lou Bloomfield to explain it to the nation.

Bloomfield is the co-host of the Discovery Channel‘s "Some Assembly Required," a show that travels to factories and plants—like the Gibson plant in Tennessee—to take a closer look at just how everyday things, most of which we take for granted, work. And like most everything that he focuses his mind on, the Gibson guitar holds a degree of wonderment for Bloomfield.


Physics professor Lou Bloomfield has long told UVA students how things work, but now he’s taking the show on the road as a co-host for a new Discovery Channel series.

"It’s got all the strings pulling on the top of the neck, trying to bend the neck forward," he says. "That was a technological challenge for the people first making guitars. They made very thick necks, to keep the neck from bowing. One of the innovations that Gibson came up with was to insert a metal rod in the neck in a way that tends to bow it the other direction."

It seems simple now, but for hundreds of years, no one thought to reinforce the neck of a guitar.

"Lots of innovations look very straight-forward in hindsight," says Bloomfield. "But when they were first invented, there was a reason why it took people a long time to come up with them. It’s not so obvious."

From guitars to Wisconsin cheddar cheese to ice-making Zambonies, "Some Assembly Required" has taken Bloomfield across the country in search of the not-so-obvious hidden in everyday objects that have surprising scientific and technological beauty. Bloomfield is an atomic molecular and optical physicist ("I study the physics of atoms and molecules and their interaction with light") with a genuine curiosity about nearly everything.

Bloomfield landed the Discovery Channel gig when a former student auditioned for the role of the show’s host. He didn’t get it—it went to Brian Unger of "The Daily Show" fame—but while there, he recommended Bloomfield for the co-host spot. The show’s producers contacted Bloomfield, who is a natural fit.

"I really do like playing with things," he says. "I grew up taking everything apart. I spent so much time with my chemistry set, which was hardly a set, it was the kind of thing that was totally illegal. I was into all parts of science. Now I get to branch out and do all this crazy, wonderful, very practical science. It’s probably what I love best."

For 16 years off and on, Bloomfield has taught a course at UVA called "How Things Work." The class is one of the most coveted at UVA, despite a 2002 plagiarism scandal during which Bloomfield turned in 158 students for Honor Code violations. In that instance, he applied his energy to a program that analyzed papers for repeating six-word strings.

The job of conveying the science of everyday things to those without scientific backgrounds in class prepared him to explain complicated principles to a broader audience while entertaining them. The ongoing popularity of "How Things Work" suggests that Bloomfield shouldn’t have trouble with either.

"I have a lot of enthusiasm for a lot of the things I’m talking about," he says. "But it’s a human enthusiasm. I hope it’s not a geeky enthusiasm, where other people can’t identify."

C-VILLE welcomes news tips from readers. Send them to news@c-ville.com.

Categories
News

Energy expert warns about peak oil

As you’re hopping into your car, gearing up for the holidays, driving every which way to pick out shiny gifts, think about this: According to Robert Hirsch, a past senior energy program advisor for world oil production with Science Application International Corporations, the one resource that provides all those things could soon be in dangerously short supply.

Hirsch delivered a lecture at the UVA School of Engineering and Applied Science about the bleak prospect of "peak oil," the tipping point where the worldwide production of oil starts to fall short of world demand. From that point forward, said Hirsch, the entire world (not to mention all of its economies) is in for some serious trouble.

In the model that Hirsch presented to a roomful of UVA graduate students and professors, once oil production peaks, shortages will increase around the world. These shortages will drive prices up.

According to economists, this wouldn’t be such a huge problem. Using a purely economic model, such a shortage in supply and unusually high prices are nearly always negated by a surplus introduced into a market starved for product. One little problem, said Hirsch. Oil is a finite resource, and there won’t be any of it to put into the market to restore balance.

"Many economists," said Hirsch, "just don’t get it."

Opponents of peak oil write it off as a theory. To do so is misguided, said Hirsch.

He pointed out that while transportation gets a large share of attention when it comes to oil use, 99 percent of all lubricants depend on oil, as do 95 percent of all goods in stores and 99 percent of all food production.

"Peak oil is not a ‘theory,’" he said. "This is an actuality. We’ve been using much more than we’ve been adding in the way of reserves."

Predictions of when oil will peak vary widely. The International Energy Agency (IEA) forecasts that oil production will peak after 2030—one of the most conservative estimates. T. Boone Pickens, who at one time ran the U.S.’s largest independent oil company, has said that oil had already peaked two years ago.

Colin Campbell and Chris Skrebrowski of the federal Energy Information Administration (EIA) claim that spare oil production capacity will disappear around 2010-2012, Hirsch said.

So, we’re all dead, or if not dead, then running around in a postapocalyptic world with hunting knifes in our teeth looking for rusting cans of corn, right? Well, maybe not, said Hirsch.

He is advocating "crash programs" such as those used by the country during World War II to mitigate the effects of worldwide oil shortages. These include increasing fuel efficiency, using more unconventional (or "heavy") oil, moving forward with gas-to-liquid fuel technology and using enhanced oil recovery methods such as steam.

Hirsch said he sees such mitigation as a sort of temporary bridge to a more sustainable fuel in the future. As it stands now, that future is bleak according to those looking at the peak of oil production. The IEA has said that "we are on a course for an energy system that will evolve from crisis to crisis."

As far as finding a solution, Hirsh said, "we may be too late."

C-VILLE welcomes news tips from readers. Send them to news@c-ville.com.

Categories
Living

Adjusting expectations

Frank Sinatra might have crooned the songs that make the world sing, and Steve Jobs may very well single-handedly create the toys that make the world shop, but nobody (but nobody) can set the price of real estate, not even your agent. That, my friend, is the market’s job.


Buyers may well look suspiciously at a house with a price that is frequently, and incrementally, being lowered.

So with a glut of housing on the market and home sales currently slumping, many would-be home sellers are having to stare down that dirty word: repricing. And even though it may hurt—and chances are that slashing the price of your home is going to—adjusting your asking price may be a necessary evil if you want offers to start coming in.

And if this realization comes after the economic equivalent of watching tumbleweeds blow through your living room for the last six months, well, you might have waited a bit too long to adjust your expectations.

"What I do is essentially redo the market analysis about every 30 days and look at what is sold, and more importantly, what has gone under contract," says Lori Chapman, a Realtor with Real Estate III. Markets change fast, so it’s important to keep an eye on homes similar to yours, to see what they’re selling for and to understand at what price buyers are willing to write contracts.

This is information that is constantly changing, so the more up-to-date the data is, the better. And upon seeing that data, some steely-eyed realism is essential.

"What we try to get people to focus on is that they or we don’t set the price of the market," says Chapman. "You have to look at the market data and price according to that. You can’t look at what you’d like, or what the agent would like, or even what a buyer might like. You need to look at market facts."

Median home prices have essentially remained the same from the second to the third quarter, though according to the Charlottesville Area Association of Realtors, sales are at their lowest point since 2003. But thanks to low interest rates (which just seem to be getting lower), buyers have a growing incentive to move aggressively. The trick to netting a sale, though, is pricing your home right.

And sometimes, this means pricing your home right after you’ve priced it wrong.

After taking a close look at what homes like yours are fetching (number of bedrooms, square footage, acreage, age, etc.) price it firmly in that range. Buyers may well look suspiciously at a house with a price that is frequently, and incrementally, being lowered. As real estate blogger Jim Duncan says in his post on repricing, "Beat the market down, don’t chase it."

Of course, you won’t have to dance with an ever-changing market as much if, as the advice goes, you do it right the first time.

"It’s always more desirable to get yourself close to the correct price the first go-around," says Chapman. "If you misjudged it, it’s more difficult in a changing market."

And no matter what anybody tells you, the market, forever changing, is in charge.

Categories
News

The echo of Vinegar Hill

There is a scene that begins the third act of William James’ play Vinegar Hill Revisited, in which two sisters, Brenda Ann and Mary Lou, stare down their grief over the death of their mother. They are—or were—inhabitants of Vinegar Hill, a 20-acre tract of land just west of what is now Charlottesville’s Downtown Mall, a black neighborhood that was completely destroyed in the 1960s as the shockwaves of Urban Renewal swept across the country.

When James writes the two women’s grief, he does so using the scattershot trajectory that grief often takes, running through his two characters by leaps of association. Their mother has died just as bulldozers and wrecking crews have begun their work.

James turns their grief over to a physical place, one that is, like their mother, gone forever.

"I saw Zion Union as they tore away her bricks," begins a monologue by Mary Lou. "That beautiful Church was like a well-robed Lady, gorgeous. They stripped her naked. We got to see her bared planks. What her bricks had covered for all those years, from 1907 to 1964 was revealed to the world. Then the Wrecking Cranes and the Battering Rams came to rape her! Threw her to the ground and penetrated her! She had stood before them helpless, humble and chaste; and they laid her down to the earth, prostrate and disgraced."


In the mid-1960s, the 20-acre tract of land known as Vinegar Hill was demolished in the name of Urban Renewal, displacing around 600 people. For nearly 10 years, it sat fallow, waiting on its renewal.

In June 10, 1963, William James, not yet 16 years old, stepped off a bus from Fork Union into the station just south of where Vinegar Hill stood, already half gone. If, in his writing, James circles back again and again to the destruction of the community and spiritual heart of Vinegar Hill that was Zion Union Church, perhaps it is because the image of its unceremonial razing will not leave the 59-year-old writer be.

Forty some years later, James and I sit down over coffee at a spot on the Mall. Around us, the random afternoon caffeinator yacks into a cell phone. Another is bent over the lit keys of a laptop. James pulls out page 37 from the manuscript of his newest play and starts to read what he calls "a poem"—Mary Lou’s monologue.


The Zion Union Church was one of the last structures to be demolished. "There were people in the community who knew that what Vinegar Hill represented to the African-American community would not exist anymore," says James.

He fills some words with fire, pumping them up as if with bellows, skipping across others like a flat stone over a pond. What looks to me from across the table like a chuck of text slowly, as if by some sort of glacieral alchemy, starts to breathe with life, the cadence and rhythm of James’ voice walking through the words, opening doors to hidden emotion.

He stops, raises his eyes from the page and settles his gaze on mine.

T.S. Eliot, some years ago, talked about the "objective correlative," the fictional vessel poets must pack with personal emotions to distance themselves from their original emotions. Not to do so, argued Eliot, would be too overwhelming. Freud might call it projecting.

Looking at William James right now, speaking the words of one of his fictional characters, two things become clear. First, though the emotional transfer between James and his creation Mary Lou in some ways is short, Eliot’s objective correlative is alive and well. Second, the pain James felt that day watching Zion Union being smashed up, UVA students waiting to snatch its bricks as souvenirs, has not diminished after 40 years. In fact, James has brought those feelings of outrage and loss—over Zion Union, over Vinegar Hill as a whole—into sharp focus through his work.

Forty years later: a voice

When James shows up at the coffee shop, he’s dressed in a sweater and sport coat against the autumn cold that’s just hit the city. He carries a briefcase, which he sets down to shake my hand, a generous, open pop at the meeting of our palms. In his other hand he holds a stack of manila folders stuffed full of newspaper clippings and photos from the ’60s, the time when the city decided it best to clear what white community leaders saw, or at least said they saw, as a blighted slum.

If Vinegar Hill still has a voice in this new century, 40-some years after its last building came down, that voice belongs to James. He’s written two plays about the Hill, a scholarly and personal essay called "Vinegar Hill Remembered: Eminent Domain, Urban Removal and the Demolition of a People’s Soul" and novels set in the Hill: Living Under the Weight of the Rainbow and Ace Blackman and the Blues He Sings.

But perhaps his most personal work is his roman a clef In the Streets of Vinegar Hill [C-VILLE review], a novel based on James’ own experience arriving in Charlottesville as a teenager. It is a book in the vein of Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man and Richard Wright’s Black Boy. Its protagonist, Gabe, serves as a stand-in for the young James, and the story chronicles the years immediately before Vinegar Hill was turned into what is now a fading memory in the city.

For James, though, the memory of Zion Union’s destruction is fresh, raw. As he talks, he punctuates his points with rhetorical questions aimed at me. Zion Union and Vinegar Hill came down 24 years before I was born, up north, in Indiana. I’ve come to James to understand something that, to me, is the province of books and memory.

"Having been taught to respect the church above all, I just could not fathom that," says James over his mostly ignored cup of coffee. "And I stood there on the corner, and the ferocity—it’s probably in my mind—but it just looked furious. And before you know it, it was rubble, man."

James shifts in his seat. "It’s probably in my mind, man." To watch him remember all of this, to see something flash across his face when he talks—frustration, sadness, maybe anger…who can tell for sure what each of us carries?—is like catching a man in an unfettered, private moment. It feels almost an invasion to hear this, and of course there is no way for me not to be an outsider looking in. Then again, it’s probably in my mind.

"Then to watch those students come get their souvenirs…to get a brick from Zion Union. …That stayed with me. When that church was coming down, the noise that those boards made" and here James tears his hands apart and mimics with surprising accuracy the sound of wooden boards breaking under tremendous pressure. "It was like a person screaming, man. And I said to myself, ‘Those people driving the cranes, do they at all see this, hear this, feel this?’"


For James, understanding what happened to Vinegar Hill meanings talking about it openly. "Don’t just blame, but analyze what really happened," he says. "Don’t sensationalize it, and don’t diminish it."

He stops and thinks.

"Probably not," he says. "Probably not. Just another job."

What’s left of the Hill today takes the form of a movie theater and a few signs around the space that now holds a Staples office supply store, its parking lot, a strip mall, a gravel parking lot for city vehicles and a couple of fast-food chains. Demolished in the name of Urban Renewal, the city used federal funds to tear down the entire neighborhood, including many black businesses, and displaced nearly 600 people, the vast majority of them black.

This, the people in power believed, was progress.

James has done extensive research on Vinegar Hill and the process of utterly removing it from the city. In his essay "Vinegar Hill Remembered," he writes:

When I first arrived in Charlottesville, in June of 1963, Vinegar Hill still existed. Some buildings were abandoned, but the twenty-acre tract was still somewhat intact. 158 families—140 of them Black—were the remnant of a neighborhood that had existed since Black people were first allowed to own property in Charlottesville, dating back to before slavery ended.

Like most black communities leveled by Urban Renewal—and they are legion, from the Bronx to Pittsburgh to Boston to Philadelphia—Vinegar Hill was deemed "blighted," a name that finds its roots in disease. Proponents of redevelopment pointed to what they called unsanitary conditions, houses without indoor plumbing or running water.

"When I came to Charlottesville, the people in Vinegar Hill went from—like all parts of America—rich to poor, to doctors of philosophy all the way down to totally illiterate people," says James. "The vast majority of the people living on the Hill were menial workers, people who worked at UVA as janitors, cooks, they worked for rich families as maids. Most were very law-abiding, church-going people."

Was Vinegar Hill blighted?

"No, I don’t think so," he says. "The closest thing to being blighted was the 10-year period when there was nothing there. Vinegar Hill was a low-income area. There was some substandard housing. But see, they were not in the majority. The vast majority who owned houses on Vinegar Hill, they had running water, indoor plumbing."

The city castigated the whole Vinegar Hill area by creating new "building codes" so that most homes and businesses on the Hill would be "classed" as substandard. Thus, people were not being considered any longer. The word "SLUM" was used to discount the Vinegar Hill area, just like the word "NIGGER" had been used to discount the worth of those of African descent. Words like "Blighted Area" and "High-Crime Area" further castigated those living on Vinegar Hill. The people were simply be-labeled "Slum-Dwellers," and all of their rights as Human Beings were ignored and or suspended.

Buscake’s blues

What James saw when he stepped off the bus in Charlottesville and what he witnessed in the next years—the destruction of an entire neighborhood, the removal of nearly 600 people from not only their homes but their social networks, their world—drove him to sit down and try to tell the story of Vinegar Hill, again and again, over and over in novels, plays and essays.

"When I first heard there were 600 people there," says James, "30 businesses—and I still haven’t dealt with the 18 white families—I said, ‘Wait a minute, man. Why did that end so quickly?’ There had been a Vinegar Hill from the 1800s until 1958. Why all of the sudden then?"

"Wait a minute, this isn’t just progress," says James. "It’s answering those questions: When, where, who and why?"

Eminent Domain always follows a certain clearly identifiable path. The first phase is Castigation. Here the local government declares loudly that an area is a "Slum" or an "Economically Blighted" area. The area is then Condemned. Local government decides that the "Condemned Property" should, or must be Confiscated. The previous owners of the taken property are forced to accept what local government considers The Fair Market Value for their said property. The money the previous landowners actually collect may be far less than the land is truly worth. The prior occupants of the above property, or properties, are forced to move off their land and are given a pittance for moving expenses. It is the same for businesses as it is for residents. The residential homes and buildings once housing businesses are razed to the ground, or Demolished, by local government.

A few days after we met for coffee, James and I step out on the Downtown Mall, heading west. The Omni Hotel looms in front of us. Standing at the tip of the triangle of land that was the Hill, the Omni was just one of a number of buildings like the Federal Courthouse beside it that sprung up after the area was cleared.

We walk, and James talks about the reaction he gets to his work, some negative. People don’t like the subject of Vinegar Hill to be brought up. A jogger plugged into her headphones bops past us, alone in her foot-long-stride world.

"It’s sort of like a nightmare that they want to be over," James says. "They want to feel like it’s over, it happened and we need to move on. But I’m saying that we’re going to do the same thing, or have the same thing happen again, if we don’t talk about it. If we don’t come to some understanding, if we don’t seek solutions."

I’m trying to imagine the land in front of me without the Omni; I can’t. The building is so ingrained into my sense of place, folding itself over the rolling land. So I ask James if he can show me where Tonsler’s Pool Hall stood. One of James’ first hangouts, it pops out in his novel In the Streets of Vinegar Hill as a catalyst to much of the novel’s action.

He walks us down around the back side of the Omni, just a little north of the outdoor patio. Its tables are empty this early in the afternoon. To our right, a couple of hotel employees sit at a picnic table, enjoying a smoke break. As best as James can remember, we’re standing on Tonsler’s site, decades removed.

"All the down dudes hung out at the pool hall," he says, and his characteristic smile grows wider. "Pool sharks. The guy in the book, Buscake Conner, was one of the top dogs. The guy I called Red was an actual guy. He beat Buscake out of some money. Out-hustled him. He made him think he was a country bumpkin."

James portrayed Buscake in Streets as Bobcat, the leader of a violent group of teenagers that Gabe falls in with after they save him from a beating at the bus station. Themes of violence, and the effect of violence on its victims, run throughout the novel. In it, violence begets violence. The three kids that James portrays in Streets were based on people he called "bad element," the people who befriended him first when he hit town.

"They were street guys who hung out at Tonsler’s Pool Hall," James had said over coffee. "Their idea about life was messed up. Bobcat believed that, basically, because his history and heritage had been taken away, he had a right to take what he wanted. The main part I got out of [Vinegar Hill] was that black folks’ reaction to what was happening to them, even though they didn’t do this in the presence of white folks…"

And here, James broke off. We sat at the table, a 60-year-old black writer trying to explain something to me, a 29-year-old white hack who’d never heard of Vinegar Hill until six months ago.

"Scott," he says, "let’s see how I can put this in a way you can understand."

And here is our problem. Can I understand any of this? We are here together, each with the best intentions, but is there a way to truly communicate what Vinegar Hill was, and more importantly, what it meant to the people who made it home? And if there is, is there a way that I can begin to understand?

"Scott, you hate yourself," he says by way of example. "The way you express that hatred is that you pick someone else that’s the same as you are, and you project on him. And when you’re hitting that guy with all your might and busting his face up"—he smacks his fist into his palm—"and stomping him, you project. And that’s what I saw when I first came to town. It was called being a bad dude. It was called being good with your hands. It was called being a thumpin’ MF.

"But what it really was is ‘I hate who I am. I hate the skin I’m in, and I can’t do anything about it. But I can do something to you.’"

With this, James points directly at my chest.

Eventually, James quit his job as a janitor at UVA, went to Job Corp, earned degrees from Piedmont Virginia Community College and Virginia State University—including a master’s—and has done graduate work at UVA. Still, he stands at the foot of the Omni and points to buildings and community institutions long past—the Blue Diamond Café where the Water Street bus stop is now, Inges Grocery, now home to West Main Street Restaurant, and in a way, James never left the city that Charlottesville used to be. By coming back to it in his writing, circling his subject, he won’t let himself leave. Some things, though they may not exist anymore, are too important.

"Everything good about Vinegar Hill"

I want to see where Zion Union stood. The way James has described it, I imagine it as a sort of social anchor, the gravity of a neighborhood, a pillar that had to be destroyed if the city wanted to completely erase the Hill. James walks down around the north side of the Omni, and we end up in the parking garage, right next to a column with the graffiti "SURE" tagged on it.

It’s a parking garage, meaning it’s industrial, empty save for rows of parked cars and utterly without meaning. And as James begins to talk about Zion Union, I write down the types of cars he’s standing next to, a cream colored Prius, and Mercedes station wagon.

"It was everything good about Vinegar Hill," says James. "It was its soul. It was a small place, but there was so much life within that place."

For some reason, as he’s talking, it’s hard for me not to feel malice toward these cars, as if they somehow represent the people who precipitated the Zion Union’s destruction simply by sitting on this spot. It not only seems irreverent; the fact that these people pulled into these spaces today wholly ignorant of what this land meant to so many strikes me as the utmost disrespect.

Young people were very interested in church. It was a place of worship, but was more a nice place for them to socialize. Thus, Zion Union became a center for social and political interaction for all of Vinegar Hill. This is how the whole neighborhood became so close-knit. They looked out for one-another’s welfare, and for the safety of all the neighborhood children. Parents would often correct each other’s children, and this was greatly appreciated.

Dr. Mindy Thompson Fullilove, in her book Root Shock, gives name to the uprooting of a group of people from their environment. Using three cities’ demolition of black neighborhoods under the sweep of Urban Renewal, she defines root shock as "the traumatic stress reaction to the destruction of all or part of one’s emotional ecosystem." She draws distinct parallels with physical shock, the sudden loss of massive amounts of bodily fluids.

As James and I cross Ridge/McIntire Street in front of the Omni and walk into another parking lot, this one in front of Staples, James talks about how, after the Hill’s razing, the land sat fallow for 10 years. It’s something out of a perverse Grail legend, a 20-acre tract waiting on some Fisher King who never comes. 

Our conversation turns to Westhaven, the public housing project where many of the people from Vinegar Hill ended up. The talk now is about the city bulldozing it and building mixed-income houses in its place. Progress, proponents call it, the same proponents who point to the substandard housing, the need to integrate.

When I brought "the" Westhaven redevelopment up with James over coffee, he looked over his glasses at me and said, "Does that sound familiar, Scott?" This time, the question wasn’t just rhetorical. It was loaded, and James’s eyes crinkled as he smiled.

Now, as we stand on the side of Fourth Street, the back end of Vinegar Hill proper, James says, "You’re not going to change things by razing slums. You’re going to move the slums from Vinegar Hill to Prospect Avenue to Westhaven. And then when you raze those, you’re going to move the project out into Albemarle County, but you’re not going to change anything."

When James speaks, his words are artfully chosen and driven by the evident emotion that fuels all of his work. He makes it a point to address you directly, by name. We’re still at Fourth Street, the street that Gabe, Bobcat and two others ran down after a fight at the bus station. When James wrote that book, he says he tried to strip away anything that got in the way of raw feelings.

"I said, let me see if I can put the raw emotions on paper," says James. "Nothing else. Let’s strip all the beauty, all of it. It’s like taking a person and taking off all his clothes. This is what it was really like."

It soon becomes clear that our walk is wrapping up. But as James looks around, his expression changes and he says, "No, no. I made a mistake."

"Zion Union," he walks over to his left, looking at the Omni, the back toward the parking lot in front of Staples. "Zion Union wasn’t over there. It was here. Right here. That’s right," James says as he points to the middle of the parking lot, almost the center of the 20-acre tract. "It was here. My mistake."

James is pointing in the direction of a greenish, compact car with a faint but 3′ scratch down its side, a two-door that sits in the same spot of this lot every day, 9 years old and still fitted with its Indiana tags. William James is pointing to my car.

Categories
News

Is racial profiling a Virginia problem?

Is racial profiling by Virginia police a problem? There is plenty of anecdotal evidence that suggests it is, though no one seems to have enough data to know for sure. But the Charlottesville-based Virginia Organizing Project (VOP) wants that data, and Virginia police and state lawmakers aren’t making it easy to come by.


60: percentage of Virginians of color believe racial profiling is a problem, according to  a survey taken by the Department of Criminal Justice.

As a part of its Statewide Racial Profiling Campaign, VOP is working to get Virginia State Police and all local law enforcement agencies to collect data on all traffic stops. Currently, data is only available for stops resulting in an arrest or summons. VOP wants to know who is being pulled over when those two things don’t happen. More specifically, it wants to know if race or ethnicity is a factor in traffic stops, and whether minority drivers are subject to searches, tickets or arrests more frequently than whites.

"We want to know, for each traffic stop, who gets stopped in terms of race and ethnicity," says Larry Yates, who is spearheading VOP’s campaign. "That’s the race and ethnicity as perceived by the officer, so they don’t have to ask anybody. And we’d like to know what the outcome is. Was there a summons or search? Was there an arrest?"

According to a study done by the U.S. Department of Justice, black drivers nationwide were more than three times more likely to be searched than white drivers, and Hispanics were three-and-a-half times more likely to have their vehicles searched. Both blacks and Hispanics were about three times more likely to be handcuffed. Searches and detentions don’t necessarily show up in traffic stop data if no tickets are issued or arrests made.
 
"Generally speaking, most law enforcement officials are pretty good about things," says Joe Szakos, the executive director of VOP. "But not all of them. And this would help to identify where the problem is, and it would drive toward a solution of what we could do about this."

Yates says that there’s been significant resistance to collecting such data, though there are 20 other states, including North Carolina and Maryland, where state police or all law enforcement collect traffic-stop data.

After North Carolina collected its data, says Yates, it found disparate results. After law enforcement officials underwent more Fourth Amendment training, they saw what Yates calls "a lot of improvement over time."

Despite the number of states that currently collect data, Yates says Virginia law enforcement, on a state level, isn’t exactly willing to start collecting data itself. VOP has been calling for data from all local agencies for almost five years. While getting Virginia State Police to begin collecting traffic-stop data would be easier, Yates says getting all local agencies to collect data would most likely require state legislation.

"There’s resistance, or at least there’s an unwillingness to do it," says Yates. "The General Assembly has taken its direction from law enforcement. Legislation has been introduced a number of times. It never got out of committee. And, basically, it didn’t get out of committee because of the objections of law enforcement."

Those objections, says Yates, are over the expenses and logistics of such data collection.
"There are plenty of other states that are doing this," he says. "They don’t go broke, they don’t stop enforcing the law, so those seemed like weak objections. I think to some extent none of us like to have somebody looking over our shoulders. And they don’t feel the evidence is there that this is a major problem. We believe it is. Sixty percent of Virginians of color believed it was in a survey taken by the Department of Criminal Justice. We run into very few people who deny it exists."

Another of VOP’s goals is to pass legislation for a new Department of Criminal Justice position that would train police across the state in anti-biased policing. Szakos says he’s had good experiences working with Charlottesville Police Chief Tim Longo.

"We’ve had conversations with Chief Longo," says Szakos. "He’s been incredibly cooperative in terms of us thinking through how we can get more resources for local police departments and sheriff departments to do that kind of training. He’s very supportive."

In an e-mail, Longo says that before he could support such a collection of traffic-stop data, he would want to better understand the scope of the data, how it would be collected, and under what circumstances.

"I would then want to ensure that the data would be collected from all jurisdictions within the Commonwealth using the same collection criteria," he says.

C-VILLE welcomes news tips from readers. Send them to news@c-ville.com.

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Public pool priorities are changing

As the city juggles its pool options—to renovate city pools or to approve a YMCA aquatic facility—one of the most vocal contingents throughout the process has been city and county residents who regularly use the lap lanes at Smith and Crow pools. But the way citizens are using pools is changing, as evidenced in proposed designs, and that change is causing the city to rethink its pool priorities.


A renovated Smith Pool, at a cost of $9.8 million, will have six lap lanes, but also will include a play zone, complete with an 80′-long "lazy river" and a two-turn water slide.
Previous coverage:

City, YMCA negotiate agreement
Swim lanes, school priority seen as potential deal breakers

City not happy with proposed YMCA pool
But likes free membership for residents below poverty line

Without facility, local YMCA cramped
Staff have high hopes new home will connect community

Council asks for draft lease for YMCA
Wendel not alone—anti-YMCA arguments connected to national organization

Whom would YMCA serve?
ACAC questions whether a Charlottesville Y would serve its mission

City must decide on YMCA
Councilors debate implications for Parks and Rec

At the November 19 City Council meeting, councilors approved the renovation of Smith Pool, even as the future of a proposed McIntire Park YMCA—and its eight to 10 lap lanes—is still unclear. Both pools would include cold-water lap lanes, the precious commodity that councilors like David Brown and Kendra Hamilton have fought for.

But both the designs for Smith Pool and the YMCA aquatic facility include warm-water pools. These facilities could have amenities such as water slides, play equipment and enough open water for things like water sports and aquatic therapy. The new Smith Pool would have a play zone with equipment and a maximum depth of 18", an 80′-long "lazy river" and a two-turn water slide.

Smith and Crow pools, as they stand now, reflect the priorities of the 1970s, when both were constructed. Both devote most of their space to lap lanes. But modern pools are beginning to reflect a change that emphasizes warm-water aquatics, open-water space and features that are more attractive to a younger crowd.

"This enhanced, modern aquatic facility will touch more people of more ages, more interests and more abilities," Mike Svetz, director of Parks and Recreation, told councilors.

Later in the meeting, Brown agreed with that assessment: "The group of kids we’re always trying to find activities for doesn’t come to the pool to swim laps."

Svetz was able to come back to City Council with a revised Smith Pool proposal that managed to both slim costs and increase usage. The new proposal cut the estimated cost of a renovated Smith Pool by more than $6 million, down to $9.8 million total. It also upped the lap lanes by two, from four to six.

Six laps lanes at Smith could be music to the ears of YMCA President Kurt Krueger. Last month, Krueger raised some councilors’ ire when he broke the news that the city would have to shell out an additional $1.25 million to up the pool to 10 lanes from eight lanes, even though the city had already agreed, in principle, to lease park land to the YMCA.

Svetz said reducing square footage and narrowing the scope of building material helped bring down costs. But he also warned Council that he reworked the cost containment escalation, which means the city needs to move relatively quickly before construction costs rise over time.

C-VILLE welcomes news tips from readers. Send them to news@c-ville.com.

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Flood of water repairs

Previous coverage:

Water may be low, but blame’s high
RWSA weathers stormy comments on water supply plan

Flowing toward the future
RWSA approves $118M five-year plan to ease strained infrastructure

Uncharted waters
What happened to our water supply plan?

Assuming the maxim "Laugh now, cry later" holds true, city and county residents are in for some serious weeping. Years of wear and tear to the area’s water infrastructure, coupled with reluctance to spend money on maintenance, mean that some serious and expensive fixes to reservoirs, pipelines and water plants are on the horizon.

During a presentation to the Charlottesville/Albemarle League of Women Voters, Tom Frederick, executive director of the Rivanna Water and Sewer Authority (RWSA) outlined some of the work that needs to be done on the area’s water and sewer systems.

"We here in Charlottesville have been guilty of failing to maintain our infrastructure," said Frederick at the meeting.

RWSA is the agency that runs the Charlottesville-area reservoirs, water plants, and sewage treatment facilities. It collects and treats "raw" water, then sells it wholesale to the city and county, which in turn distribute it to homes. RWSA needs a set of new pipelines that Frederick says would give the system "significantly more flexibility."

Its top priority, though, is rehabilitating and expanding the capacity of the Ragged Mountain Reservoir with a new Ragged Mountain Dam. The original dam was built in 1918, the year, as Frederick pointed out, that the Chicago Cubs last won the World Series. Because of its narrow spillway, the dam itself is in danger of overflowing if the area gets more than 15" of rain in a 24- to 30-hour period. If that happens, said Frederick, water could cause the surrounding earth to erode and the dam could fail, flooding the surrounding area. The only time on record that the area has gotten more than 15" of rain in that period was during Hurricane Camille in 1969, which dumped more than 25" in a five-hour period.

"We’ve got to fix this particular issue," he said. "A lot has changed in 100 years in terms of how we build infrastructure."

The price tag for the fix? A little over $37 million. A list of major water system rehabilitation and improvements call for five other projects, ranging in price from $9.2 million for the Route 29 pipeline and pump station to $55.9 million for a new South Fork-to-Ragged Mountain pipeline. The estimated total of needed upgrades is a little over $190 million, and that’s not the final number: Nine other projects are still waiting on estimates.

Those costs will likely be passed on to users in the forms of water fees, as the federal government has been scaling back funding for infrastructure over the last 25 years. The city and county are still in negotiations to determine what percentage each will pay to upgrade the water and sewer infrastructure, Frederick says.

C-VILLE welcomes news tips from readers. Send them to news@c-ville.com.

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Agency says MCP needs another look

A day before the public hearing for the proposed 250-McIntire Interchange, one part of the Meadowcreek Parkway (MCP), Marc Holma sent a letter to the City of Charlottesville arguing that the city had not included enough parties in the project’s planning. This might have been just another angry letter from another principled and vocal opponent of the MCP. But it wasn’t.


The State Department of Historic Resources says that because the Meadowcreek Parkway interchange overpass is so tall, it affects more historic properties than are currently being considered.

Previous C-VILLE coverage:

Pick one: public gets a look at last two interchange designs
A vocal opposition shows up at the MCP public hearing

Council makes final step towards MCP
Norris forced to choose between principle and pragmatism

Meadowcreek Parkway to-do list in city
Council approves two designs for 250 interchange

MCP may have future legal problems
Parkway project’s segmentation could be illegal

Commission approves MCP interchange
Commissioner Lucy frustrated with final review

Parkway interchange design gets support
Committee likes roundabout design as new city gateway

State funding problems affect local roads
Meadowcreek Parkway could be stalled

County approves road priorities
Meadowcreek Parkway tops the list

Holma is an architectural historian who works for the Virginia Department of Historic Resources (DHR). And in pointing out that the city hadn’t been consulting the DHR as it drafted important environmental documents, it appears Holma’s letter has managed to widen the discussion of an interchange that would significantly alter the landscape (and soundscape) of what is now a quiet corner of McIntire Park.

"It’s my understanding that they are getting together and trying to organize a consulting-parties meeting," says Holma.

Angela Tucker, the city’s development services manager, says that city staff are working to set up the meeting. "Perhaps some folks weren’t aware that we were proceeding so quickly with our environmental documents," she says, "so I think it was really just some timing overlaps. I’d like to think at this point, we’re all getting on the same page."

In his letter, Holma recommended that along with DHR, Preservation Piedmont, the Association for the Preservation of Virginia Antiquities, and Charlottesville citizen and longtime MCP opponent, Rich Collins, be included as consulting parties.

The MCP is set to run through McIntire Park. But it’s the interchange at 250 and McIntire Road—and its 40′ overpass—that is raising questions about the interchange’s impact on numerous historical sites.

According to Holma’s letter, the planned interchange will affect two houses designed by renowned local architect Eugene Bradbury. Also affected are the terraced gardens at the Rock Hill estate, McIntire High School and the McIntire Park golf course. All of these properties are eligible for listing to the National Register of Historic Places.

"Part of the consultation with the public is to inform them of what’s out there historically," says Holma. "There was some consultation regarding eligibility of properties. But there hasn’t been any consultation regarding effect."

The area of potential effect—known as the APE—could be greater thanks to the 40′ overpass, plans for which were announced to the public November 1. Once the DHR learned of the overpass, it requested that the city take a second look. Raising traffic 40′ off the ground makes the road more visible and increases traffic noise.

"The area of potential effect is for direct and indirect effects," says Holma, "so depending on how far it can be viewed, it may require the APE to be brought out a little bit more."

Tucker is not so sure about that. "I’m not certain of revisiting [the APE]," she says, "but that may be part of the process. I think that will be determined once we discuss it with consulting parties."

Holma makes it clear that he has every reason to believe the city will work with the new consulting parties and revisit the APE. "Ideally, the city should have provided DHR a draft of the EA [environmental assessment] for its review, and any comments received from us would have been incorporated into the document," Dolma wrote in his letter. "The current EA makes assumptions about the effect that the project will have on historic properties that DHR cannot support at this time."

C-VILLE welcomes news tips from readers. Send them to news@c-ville.com.

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PAC-men pump coins into local races

The elections are over, and the winners aren’t the only ones satisfied with the results. Count among the contented the printers, the website builders and the TV stations—in short, the people who siphon dollars off the ever-expanding piles of money being raised for area elections.


Ken Boyd celebrates his victory with grandson Carson Boyd. "I promise to keep doing the same things I’ve been doing," Boyd told a cheering crowd, "keeping your taxes low, preserving your property rights and making sure we’ve got a good Board of Supervisors."

More election features:

One seat could make all the difference
High turnout key to Mallek victory over Wyant

Democrats retake the state Senate
Shift looks to have most meaning for 2011 redistricting

Challenging Dems for City Council: a fool’s errand?
Kleeman, Haskins reflect on campaign lessons

The race is over, let’s start the race
Fresh Goode challenger tries to get out the ’08 vote

Coloring in the constitutional races
Maps of the the voting trends for Albemarle County Sheriff and Commonwealth’s Attorney

Creigh Deeds or Daffy Duck?
Some voters opt for the ridiculous in uncontested state races

Quoth the voter
C-VILLE conducts exit interviews on election day

How low can you go?
The lessons of election ’07

Video from election night
Local Republicans and Democrats cheer on their candidates as the results come in

The results
Vote totals for Election Day 2007

This year was witness to some of Albemarle County’s largest fundraising efforts. The majority of the contributions came from private citizens in small if respectable amounts. But Board of Supervisors, sheriff and Commonwealth’s Attorney races saw a steady influx of money from political action committees (PACs) and businesses. And as the dust clears from the 2007 elections, the question remains: Just where is the big money coming from?

One source is the Monticello Business Alliance, a PAC whose 2007 donors include NVR Homes ($5,000), the company that owns Ryan Homes; Management Services Corporation ($5,000), owned and operated by local student housing magnate Rick Jones; and Craig Development ($5,000), the company in large part behind the Biscuit Run development. It should come as no surprise, then, that it gave $48,900 to area candidates with pro-growth leanings.

Ken Boyd, who narrowly won re-election, received more from the Alliance than any other Board of Supervisors candidate—$13,500. The PAC also gave $9,500 to David Wyant, who lost, and $8,500 to Lindsay Dorrier, who won. Republican State Delegate Rob Bell got $1,000, and Democratic State Delegate David Toscano also got $1,000 (both ran unopposed). But the PAC really opened its pockets for the Albemarle County Republican Committee, giving it $15,400 to dole out to county Republican candidates as it saw fit.

Democrats had their own dual Daddy Warbucks, the Democratic Road Back PAC and the VA Dem–Albemarle Charlottesville PAC. The Democratic Road Back shelled out $21,000 to local Democrats, $10,000 to Connie Brennan (who unsuccessfully challenged independent Delegate Watkins Abbitt) and $3,000 each to Albemarle Board of Supervisors challengers Marcia Joseph and Ann Mallek. It also donated $3,500 to Denise Lunsford’s winning campaign for Albemarle Commonwealth’s Attorney and $3,500 to Larry Claytor, who ran unsuccessfully for Albemarle sheriff.

The PAC was set up in 2003 by then Democratic Delegate Mitch Van Yahres, but the Virginia Public Access Project does not list any of its donors.

The VA Dem–Albemarle Charlottesville PAC is funded by private donors, and gave $14,648 to area Democrats, as well as $4,150 to another PAC, Democratic Party of Virginia. City Council Democratic candidates—David Brown, Satyendra Huja and Holly Edwards—each received $1,666. County Board of Supervisors candidates got $1,500.

Not all the big-dollar donations were from PACs, though. Private business and citizens channeled money directly to candidates without going through a PAC. Boyd Tinsley, of Dave Matthews Band fame, showed a lot of love to Lindsay Dorrier, giving the incumbent $2,500. Tinsley also gave a total of $45,000 to two Democratic PACs, the Democratic Party of Virginia and Moving Virginia Forward.

On the other side of the ballot, ACAC founder and owner Phil Wendel gave Bell $5,000 and Boyd $2,500. He also cut a $4,000 check to Republican sheriff candidate Chip Harding (who won). Developer Bill Atwood gave $5,000 to incumbent Republican Commonwealth’s Attorney Jim Camblos. WM Management Ltd., a rental property management company, gave $2,000 to Bell, Boyd and Wyant. It also donated $2,000 to Republican sheriff candidate Chip Harding.


Denise Lunsford, left, could kick back at Aberdeen Barn, site of the county Democrats’ party, knowing she had beaten four term incumbent Jim Camblos for Commonwealth’s attorney.

So how much difference do eye-popping donations make? Maybe not so much. As an example, look at the Commonwealth’s Attorney race: Newcomer Lunsford took on Jim Camblos, who’s held the position for 15 years. Upstart Lunsford raised just over $49,000, thanks to the help of a PAC and individual donors (including attorney Debbie Wyatt), but Camblos raised a whopping $58,940. Yet Lunsford won.

Maybe the voters just pick the best candidate after all.

Correction, November 29, 2007:

This story has been corrected. The original version, due to a reporting error, stated that Denise Lunsford raised more money than her opponent, Jim Camblos. While Lundsford did raise a little over $49,000, Camblos actually raise $58,940, not $26,400 as originally reported.