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Know Your Neighbor

I SAW YOU – Last week at the Downtown ACAC. You: buff business type, reading GQ on treadmill. Me: petite brunette wearing UVA sweatshirt. You caught me peeking at you over my Shape magazine while you were talking with your friend about real estate. Later, you drove by me in your BMW. Take me for a ride?

The above encounter never happened. But it could have, because the characters in the fictional personal ad represent two of Charlottesville’s most common stereotypes, at least according to Claritas, a California marketing firm. Specifically, the hotshot guy is what Claritas calls an “Executive Suite.” He makes around $70,000 a year and watches “Will & Grace.”

One of 66 detailed American caricatures described on the Claritas webpage, the Executive Suite is a white-collar professional “drawn to comfortable homes and apartments within a manageable commute to downtown jobs, restaurants and entertainment.”

The smitten gym vixen is an “Up-And-Comer.” A 20something who likes to party, she drives around “second-tier cities” in her Mitsubishi Eclipse, watches MTV and rents a swinging bachelorette pad—perhaps she’s moving into one of the newly refurbished apartments at Norcross Station?

Reducing Charlottesville to a handful of caricatures might not be the most politically correct way of gauging our gaggle, but it works. Claritas and many other market research firms produce reams of information about the habits, hobbies, brand affinities and socioeconomic realities of virtually every segment of society. The thinking goes that the huckster ethnography, termed “neighborhood lifestyle segmentation” by Claritas, is possible because people are easy to pigeonhole.

Claritas dips deep into the cliché well to describe the central theory behind “You Are Where You Live,” the free, stripped-down version of the company’s marketing models, available at claritas.com. Claritas claims that the system works because “birds of a feather flock together.

“It’s a worldwide phenomenon that people with similar cultural backgrounds, needs, and perspective naturally gravitate toward one another,” Claritas says.

Therefore, every neighborhood can be divvied up like a high school hallway. The cliques stick together, and are as easy to spot as the hoods, jocks, nerds and the foreign exchange student in an ’80s movie. A real-life example of this human tendency is when immigrants congregate in specific enclaves, such as the Ethiopian communities in Los Angeles or Washington, D.C., or the Hmongs in the Twin Cities.

Upscale gym lurkers aren’t the only Charlottesville residents Claritas funnels into categories like cows in a chute. For instance, the company has identified the working class paragons of Americana, dubbed “Red, White & Blues,” who hang out in the 22911 ZIP code, which encompasses a chunk of Albemarle County east of town, including Pantops. A good perch from which to spot this cluster might be a table at the Tip Top during the lunch rush.

“Red, White & Blues typically live in exurban towns rapidly morphing into bedroom suburbs. Their streets feature new fast-food restaurants, and locals have recently celebrated the arrival of chains like Wal-Mart, Radio Shack and Payless Shoes,” Claritas says.

Despite their affinity for strip mall retail chains, these folks are into protecting the environment and like to paint and draw. They read Hot Rod magazine and often drive Chevy Trackers.

Another nearby stop on a Charlottesville stereotyping safari might be the Everyday Cafe, also in 22911, where one can observe the so-called “Country Squires” in their natural environment. This group and their Wal-Mart-loving brethren account for two of the five most common people “clusters” in the area. In the illustration that accompanies the marketing profile—Claritas includes cute drawings of each stereotype doing their thing, the better to help retailers envision their clientele—the Country Squire is wearing a riding cap and standing in front of a horse and white picket fence. If you look long enough, you might spot a Country Squire when she pulls up to the Everyday Café in her GMC Denali to pick up a latté and a copy of USA Today.

“In their bucolic communities noted for their recently built homes on sprawling properties, the families of executives live in six-figure comfort,” Claritas says of Country Squires, adding that their turf is “an oasis for affluent Baby Boomers who’ve fled the city for the charms of small-town living.”

Sound familiar?

 

Claritas first developed its demographic analysis 30 years ago. And though a well-known progenitor of the market research field of “geodemographics,” the company is hardly alone in compiling detailed information about Americans. Market research in the United States is a $6.2 billion-a-year industry, and is gaining in clout each year, according to Euromonitor International, itself a market research firm.

Marketers track and scrutinize virtually every move a consumer makes. The Washington Post’s webpage now requires the age, profession and all-important Zip code from readers before granting access to Web versions of news stories. The Los Angeles Times asks about online purchases and requires Web readers to disclose their household income. These readers’ specs likely find their way to Claritas, which also gathers information from media audits.

Though the freebie data from Claritas doesn’t say who reads C-VILLE Weekly, the firm’s profiles include several local characters who match up with our auditing data. The “Greenbelt Sports,” who are usually college educated and like to backpack and mountain bike, are likely candidates to pick up a copy of this newspaper. But somewhat surprisingly, from a stereotyping point of view, research suggests that the Greenbelt Sports might appreciate a column on professional wrestling—they love their wrasslin’.

The root source for market research is the U.S. Census, which is conducted every decade, most recently in 2000. This work is then refined by the surveys and research of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, most notably in the Consumer Expenditure Survey, which provides data on the incomes and buying habits of Americans. Marketing firms subsequently pile on the research with phone and Internet surveys, as well as data collected from the customer rolls of companies. Claritas draws from 1,600 private and public sources to develop its neighborhood profiles.

The result is that advertisers and businesses can know, in astonishing detail, who they are targeting at in a neighborhood or any other place where people come together, such as an airplane, sporting event or morning commute. Market research isn’t necessary in every situation: It should be self-evident that a Banana Republic billboard featuring androgynous models (why does he look so sullen?) might not have the intended effect if placed beside a rural Texas highway. But for subtle consumer preferences, such as whether Ivy residents like pizza from Papa John’s, Claritas has the skinny.

For example, the “Boomtown Singles,” a young set who rent apartments on the west side of town, would be good targets for a liquor promotion. But where can you catch this crowd? Sure, these entry-level office workers like to stay active, and can be found in soccer leagues or jogging on the Mall—such as in the Claritas illustration, where a woman in a yellow sweat suit is seen scooting along with her trusty Dalmatian. But a Guinness toast doesn’t seem like a good fit during a soccer game. Fortunately, Claritas knows the Boomtown Singles like to rock out to alternative music—a tip that could lead the savvy liquor promoter to place a call to Starr Hill or the Tokyo Rose.

Market research is about making safe bets. An example of this strategy is the play lists for New York City radio stations. In such a giant media market, the stations want to appeal to the greatest number of possible listeners. That means the quirky programming you might hear on WNRN 91.9 FM would never fly in the big city, where Nelly’s “Hot In Herre” can dominate the airwaves for an entire summer.

The Claritas stereotypes for Charlottesville, though not inclusive of all residents, are calibrated to the most common types of people you might see around town. The six most prevalent Claritas stereotypes in Charlottesville’s 22902 Zip code, which includes the area east of Ridge-McIntire and south of the Rivanna River, are the Executive Suites, Suburban Pioneers, Hometown Retired, Family Thrifts, Bedrock America and the hard-luck Mobility Blues, whose name is in reference to their transience. On the other side of town, south of 250 and west of Ridge-McIntire, including UVA and some of Ivy, you’re most likely to run into the so-called City Startups, New Beginnings, Boomtown Singles, Mobility Blues, again, and the gym cruising Up-and-Comers.

Remember the guy who was sitting at the next table at Duner’s last weekend, the one who was yakking about the story he’d read in Rolling Stone? And though he was somewhat stylish, he had the sheen of someone who might hit a Hooters or watch “That ‘70s Show”? He was definitely a “Young Influential”—a common resident of 22901. Claritas says his tribe “reflects the fading glow of acquisitive yuppiedom.”

Scottsville residents: Like fast cars and fast women? Have a small apartment and gloomy service industry job? Perhaps you’re a member of the “Young & Rustic” segment. Though Scottsville may be sprucing itself up with money from the State and with talk of new subdivisions, the Claritas specs say the town has retained its old-school core. For instance, joining the Young & Rustics are the “Crossroads Villagers,” who own handguns and like to order videos by mail (no word on what type of videos).

Perhaps these two Scottsville groups enjoy socializing with the “Bedrock Americans,” a prevalent posse in Charlottesville, who are seen wearing tank tops and Daisy Dukes in the Claritas illustration. With a median household income of $25,692, a third of this group fail to graduate from high school, and a full quarter of them live in mobile homes.

 

Clear Channel Communications, the media mega-conglomerate that owns radio and television stations, billboards and performance venues—including six radio stations in this market—has often drawn on Claritas’ expertise. In one particular success story cited by Claritas, Clear Channel used the market research to help sell tickets to a Minneapolis performance of a traveling children’s show that included life-size characters from a Bible-based cartoon. Claritas helped Clear Channel target clusters from among the group’s fan club. Clear Channel’s then e-mailed these likely attendees and generated $70,000 in advance ticket sales.

Many other companies from a variety of industries are on the Claritas client list, including BMW, Eddie Bauer and the L.A. Times. Claritas helped a “family dining” restaurant chain, whose name Claritas has kept on the down low, expand beyond its 300-plus franchises around the country. By targeting clusters of likely customers in every metropolitan area in the United States, Claritas developed a “Game Plan Matrix” for the chain that pinpointed the best markets for expansion, as well as a plan for where to place specific restaurants within those cities.

If the massive amount of retail space in the massive Albemarle Place project on 29N begins to fill up, chains may use the population-sorting methods from Claritas or other companies in deciding whether to move into the center. The low-income Mobility Blues may “excel in going to the movies,” but will there be enough of them spilling out of the proposed movie theater to justify building another Burger King? Furthermore, will the big-spending Country Squires drive to the shopping mall if it includes a Pottery Barn?

There are, of course, people who find the entire premise of “lifestyle segmentation” distasteful. With the nation growing more diverse every year—see, for example, California, which is now home to more minorities than whites—do we all fall neatly into 66 character sketches? Still, the persistence of “birds of a feather” is tough to deny. Opposites don’t attract, even in the melting pot. The black middle class seems to settle in mostly black suburbs, more Jewish families reside in the Maryland suburbs of D.C. than in the Virginia ‘burbs, according to a recent Washington Post article, and other ethnicities continue to clump together in neighborhoods all over the country, despite the efforts of well-meaning city planners.

“The United States might be a diverse nation when considered as a whole, but block by block and institution by institution it is a relatively homogenous nation,” writes David Brooks, in a recent issue of The Atlantic Monthly. Brooks cites the example of newly developed suburbs in Arizona and Nevada, which he says often begin as integrated communities. But as these communities develop reputations and personalities, they gradually shift and solidify into clusters. Eventually, the Young Influentials and Family Scrambles will have their spots, and everybody in town will know where they are. If you’re a Claritas-dubbed Boomtown Single in Phoenix on business, you’ll likely find a bar that caters to your crowd. As Claritas says, that’s just human nature.

In the book The Clustered World, Michael J. Weiss, a journalist who has long covered the geodemographics industry, writes that he finds comfort in the “benign nature of the clusters” and in the fact that marketers are targeting group behavior rather than that of individuals.

“I recognize that the basic clustering concept, that people in the same neighbourhood tend to behave (or at least consume) in the same way, goes back to cave-dweller time. The clusters simply help describe our diverse world today—the good, the bad, the dull, the outlandish,” Weiss writes.

Presumably cave dwellers would fall into far fewer marketing clusters than do Americans today. And even more encouragingly, this trend seems to have continued over the years. Back in the ’70s, Claritas could size up every neighborhood with only 40 clusters. But now we’ve swelled to 66 categories, having accounted for 62 just recently. That’s progress. At this rate, perhaps Americans will eventually outgrow easy stereotypes, and Bedrock Americans will be difficult to distinguish from the City Startups or Mobility Blues.

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Mailbag

Educate yourself

In your February 24 article “Who is the real Rob Bell?” you included a section called “Bell’s bills.” H.B. 675—qualifications for providing home instruction—was one of the bills. You correctly cited your source at http://legis.state.va.us/. Unfortunately, the source is inaccurate. You would think the official site would be accurate concerning current laws. Below you will find a copy of current home-schooling law pertaining to requirements:

22.1-254.1. Declaration of policy; requirements for home instruction of children.

A. When the requirements of this section have been satisfied, instruction of children by their parents is an acceptable alternative form of education under the policy of the Commonwealth of Virginia. Any parent of any child who will have reached the fifth birthday on or before September 30 of any school year and who has not passed the eighteenth birthday may elect to provide home instruction in lieu of school attendance if he (i) holds a baccalaureate degree in any subject from an accredited institution of higher education; or (ii) is a teacher of qualifications prescribed by the Board of Education; or (iii) has enrolled the child or children in a correspondence course approved by the Superintendent of Public Instruction; or (iv) provides a program of study or curriculum which, in the judgment of the division superintendent, includes the standards of learning objectives adopted by the Board of Education for language arts and mathematics and provides evidence that the parent is able to provide an adequate education for the child.

As you see in options three or four of the “requirements for home instruction,” parents who choose either option might only hold a high school diploma. In addition, those filing under a religious exemption may also only be high school graduates. The only difference with Delegate Bell’s proposed H.B. 675 is not requiring a curriculum that includes the Standards of Learning (a whole other controversy).

A large number of parents with a only a high school diploma successfully home school under current law. I personally file under option one but know that a baccalaureate degree is not the be-all-and-end-all of intelligence and capability.

Virginia Dobmeier

Keswick

 

You’re fired!

I am writing to express my extreme displeasure with Ana Marie Cox’s characterization of “The Apprentice” [“Stumping for Trump,” March 2].

Contrary to Cox’s suggestion that “The Apprentice” brings “reality TV to a new low,” I feel that “The Apprentice” brings reality TV to a new high. Cox’s cynical representation of the tasks are way off. The participants in the show need to work as a team to accomplish certain tasks; they need to delegate a leader and then accomplish these tasks within a given time frame, even while knowing that one of the losing team will be fired. The dynamics of having to work together when the contestants are, in fact, competing against each member of the team, are wonderful and exciting.

Cox’s concern about the show’s popularity irks me. What is wrong with people having to be responsible for their results? What is wrong with people working together to accomplish a goal under time constraints? What is wrong with setting goals and then working to achieve them? What is wrong with creative solutions to meet those goals? What is wrong with getting your hands dirty renovating an apartment? (I feel, as a successful supervisor, that I can only be effective when I am willing to do any task that I would ask a subordinate to do.)

Where Cox sees a “loss of dignity” I see people who are not willing to have the courage of their convictions, who are not willing to stand up for themselves, who are not willing to say when they were wrong and suffer the consequences—who turn on their friends rather than honor their loyalty. By seeing these failings, viewers can see where they might improve in their work environments and achieve greater success in their lives

Cox’s final point is that the winning apprentice will continue “to keep suffering humiliation at the hands of The Donald.” WRONG. The winner will be able to study some phase of real estate development under the tutelage of one of the great business stories and successes of our time.

Linda Lloyd

Quarries@aol.com

 

Letters to the editor should be exclusive to C-VILLE Weekly and may pertain to content that we have published. Letters are not to exceed 400 words and may be edited for clarity and length. We accept letters via post or e-mail. To be published, letters must be signed. Please include a phone number for verification.

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Local News

Commons grounded

Council tables controversial project, promising change is on the way

For now, at least, the stretch of Preston Avenue in front of the Monticello Dairy Building will stay as it is—a triangle-shaped island of grass and empty beer bottles, bordered by the convoluted intersection of Preston, Grady Avenue and 10th Street, along with parking lots, cars and shops ensconced in the 1937 dairy building.

On Monday, March 1, a group of Preston business owners effectively thwarted a City plan to turn the 1.4 acre parcel into about 50,000 square feet of condominiums and office space.

Blake Caravati joined fellow Councilors Rob Schilling and Meredith Richards in a 3-2 vote to kill City plans for the project, with Mayor Maurice Cox and Kevin Lynch opposing; also, Council unanimously voted to form a committee that will study redevelopment opportunities on Preston, from the 10th and Grady intersection eastward.

“I hope there’s as much momentum to create something [on Preston] as there has been to stop something,” Cox said after the vote. The lame duck Mayor and retiring City planning director Satyendra Huja had championed the controversial plan, known as Preston Commons.

Contending with opposition from residents and apathy from developers, Cox formed a toothless “Mayor’s Advisory Committee” last year. Its task: to receive responses to a “Request for Qualifications,” a rarely extended invitation from the City that asks developers for their resumés, but doesn’t ask for specific ideas.

Only two developers submitted proposals; both asked to buy the property, and one asked the City to forget Preston Commons and begin redevelopment on sites to the east.

After killing Preston Commons, Councilors agreed that redevelopment would nonetheless come to that area. A 2000 study by the design firm Torti Gallas recommends mixed-use redevelopment for Charlottesville’s “commercial corridors” on Preston, Cherry Avenue, Fifth Street Extended and River Road. But local business owners disparaged the study, because it does not mention extant businesses that could be displaced or disadvantaged during construction.

Cox says Preston is “certainly underutilized,” and said during the Council meeting that Charlottesville must redevelop, given that the swelling City budget relies heavily on property taxes. “If we wait until the market says it’s O.K. to build on Preston Avenue, we’ll have had to make some severe cuts,” said Cox.

Hey, big spender

More than 35 percent of City revenue comes from real estate taxes—that’s too much, said City Manager Gary O’Connell on March 1 as he introduced Charlottesville’s FY 2004-05 budget, adding that there are few places left to turn for money.

The budget totals $105,813,350—a nearly 7 percent jump from 2004. O’Connell says Charlottesville is facing new expenses (namely, school construction projects and Ivy Landfill clean-up), as well as declining revenues from Richmond for the Regional Jail and youth services.

O’Connell has proposed the following to cover the mounting costs:

n Increase cigarette tax to 25 cents per pack;

n Increase the E-911 tax to $3 per phone line;

n Increase trash fees by 5 percent;

n Increase various building permits and fees;

n Increase public safety fees for finge printing, false alarms and copying reports;

n Increase commercial utility rates.

 

The Commonwealth’s financial woes may also impact the City’s bond rating, which determines the rate at which the City can borrow money. O’Connell says that given the State’s shakiness, the credit rating agencies will look skeptically at Virginia cities now. Charlottesville’s proposed budget suggests issuing $10 million in bonds for capital projects.

The current and proposed budgets are available on the City’s website, www.charlottesville.org. Click on the “Resident” link, locate the budgets, then register your thoughts with the online Budget Forum.—John Borgmeyer

 

Passage to India

Local companies send jobs to South Asia

Senator John Kerry, the newly anointed Democratic nominee for President, has been fulminating over “Benedict Arnold CEOs” who are “sending American jobs overseas.” Kerry and other politicians have leveled these charges at the growing trend of “offshoring,” in which American firms send information technology or other white-collar jobs to developing countries, often India.

International Business Machines Corp. (IBM) recently found itself in the crosshairs when The Wall Street Journal wrote about the company’s plan to move 3,000 high-paying programming jobs out of the United States this year.

Smaller companies are also taking advantage of an increasingly wired globe, including some based in Charlottesville, with at least three local firms now hiring help in India.

Through a contract with an Indian data collection firm, SNL Financial has operated an office of 40 workers in Ahmedabad, India, since last summer, according to Mike Chinn, SNL’s president. And Brad Lamb, the president of InteLex, an academic publishing firm headquartered in Charlottesville, says his company has employed an Indian data entry firm for more than a decade. A third local company, the National Law Library, declined to discuss its work in India, but did not deny hiring help overseas.

InteLex produces electronic versions of scholarly texts, the hard copies of which are scanned by the company, sent to India and then typed-in twice by workers there to create accurate electronic versions. U.S. companies commonly outsource this process, which is called “double keying.” Lamb says that if any American companies are double keying, it’s with offshore subcontractors.

Tim Grubbs, a text editor for InteLex, traveled last year to see his company’s contractor operation in Bangalore, India. Though Lamb and Grubbs say the company took steps to assure that its contract workers were treated well, such as paying them 30 percent more than the local industry standard, Grubbs says he had some worries before the tour.

“I really went into it with some apprehension,” Grubbs says, admitting that he wondered, “Is this going to be a sweatshop?”

The office is located in an upscale suburb of Bangalore, a city of about 6.5 million people. Grubbs says the well-dressed workers were typing on about 50 computers in a room that looked like it could be located on the second floor of a building on Charlottesville’s Downtown Mall. He says the employees took regular Chai breaks on the rooftop.

“[I] was very impressed,” Grubbs says. “It seemed like a dream job for a lot of those people.”

Chinn at SNL stresses that his company’s contractors in India are not replacements for liquidated local jobs, but are part of an overall expansion of the company. SNL trained the employees, who are hired through a contractor, even bringing several of the “team leaders” to Charlottesville. He says the data analysis done in India is “largely still manual” and is most helpful when SNL crunches data around the quarterly reporting cycles of the financial corporations it analyzes, a time when “the sheer volume of information that becomes available is overwhelming.”

The appeal of hiring help in Ahmedabad, a city that is home to more than 5 million people and massive pollution problems, is that the English-speaking population includes “a large pool of people with accounting skills,” Chinn says. Also, the time difference between the two countries can be helpful, because, as one Indian data processing firm says on its website, “While the U.S. sleeps, India works, and vice-versa.”

Cost is obviously an important factor in offshoring. Chinn says that for the work in India, SNL spends about 25 percent to 30 percent of what it would to hire comparable American employees for the job. Furthermore, Chinn says the cheaper skilled labor is important for SNL to stay competitive, particularly because he says industry rivals such as Bloomberg, Thompson and Reuters are also engaging in offshoring.

“In order to sort of stay ahead, we felt like we had to do this now,” Chinn says, adding that he feels that most local SNL employees “understand why [offshoring] should benefit them in the long run.”

Chinn says SNL’s operations in India have been a success, and that “we expect the office to grow.” The company is also looking at new offshore locations in countries such as Pakistan and the Philippines.

Analysts predict that many U.S. companies will join SNL in ramping-up overseas outsourcing. A recent report from Forrester Research estimates that 3.3 million U.S. jobs and $136 billion in wages will have moved to developing countries between 2000 and 2015.

Charlottesville resident Ariel MacLean has been a private job search consultant for almost 15 years. She says the skills of many of her tech-oriented clients are becoming obsolete, partially because of offshoring. However, she stops well short of blaming that trend for local and national employment woes, calling the protectionist rumblings from Kerry and others “just rhetoric.”

“It’s a one-world economy,” MacLean says. “It’s the way of the dollar. It’s nothing personal.”

Grubbs of InteLex says he hopes the backlash caused by offshoring doesn’t fall on India.

“It’s a very intelligent culture that’s just starting to shine now,” he says.—Paul Fain

 

Popular click

Meet George Edward Loper, gentleman journalist

Aquick Internet search for any Charlottesville newsmaker is likely to yield dozens of links to www.loper.org/~george. For example, Google finds a whopping 63 links for City Councilor Rob Schilling on the site, which is run by George Loper, 57, a local liberal and media maven.

“I saw things I’d forgotten I’d even written,” says Lloyd Snook, local Democratic Party chairperson, of the links his name turned up on the Loper page.

With deep archives stretching back to 1996 and beyond, and a daily drumbeat of content, some of it original, the Loper webpage has become a repository of information on local politics and personalities, as well as national issues that are hot in progressive circles.

“It’s completely arbitrary,” Loper says of the material on his site, most of which are links to news articles and letters from readers. On a recent sunny morning at his office, which is on the second floor of his home in the Greenbrier neighborhood, Loper points to a two-foot-tall stack of newspaper clippings that is to be scanned and uploaded to his website.

Loper sporadically hires two writers to help him write for the free webpage, and regularly sends e-mails to a list of about 350 people who signed up to receive updates. And though Loper works with and has served on the boards of several local groups, including Planned Parenthood and the Piedmont Housing Alliance, running the giant website is his chief calling.

Loper may be the site’s editor, but he says he doesn’t personally agree with the majority of its material.

“If you’ve got a good discourse, then things will come out right. My contribution is not about advancing agendas,” Loper says.

So what drives Loper to be the de facto archivist of local politics?

Loper, who has a master’s degree in social work, says he created the site in part because he missed the “intellectual dialogue” of the UVA community, which he had not been directly involved with since he finished postgraduate work there in 1982. (Loper’s wife, Ann Booker Loper, is a professor and director of programs in clinical and school psychology at UVA’s Curry School.)

“I had some time on my hands and I wanted to see what was going on,” Loper says of his decision to start the website about a decade ago. “By giving other people voice, it also gives me voice.”

Loper’s political ideology has shifted a great deal since his teenage days in San Antonio, Texas, where he says he was a “Barry Goldwater conservative.” While at the University of Texas at Austin during the Vietnam War, Loper, a conscientious objector, decided that certain situations require Federal involvement, and a devout Democrat was born.

When asked if he ever wishes he’d become a professional journalist, Loper says, “Oh absolutely.” But though his site, which he admits is about what interests him, might not qualify as pure journalism, it certainly pursues several journalistic goals, including holding local figures accountable. When a noteworthy statement is made in Charlottesville, it likely lands on Loper’s site—and stays there.

“If you ever thought that e-mail is not a permanent thing, you’re sure wrong where George is concerned,” Snook says.—Paul Fain

 

High expectations

Independent Vance High wants to drop science on City Hall

The notion that Charlottesville is getting too big too fast isn’t uncommon. Nor is it unusual, as election season draws near, for squeaky wheels to get louder.

Vance High isn’t mad mad. Irked is more like it. When the City began considering plans for a new residential development in a wooded area near his home on Cleveland Avenue, High realized he would lose the sound of horned owls at night and the sight of blue herons in the morning. Charlottesville can’t afford to keep paving natural areas, he says.

“Green space needs to be protected, and the neighbors need to be addressed when developments are coming,” says High. “That’s what got me off the bench.”

That the City needs better public relations is an oft-heard complaint—witness last week’s demise of Mayor Maurice Cox’s plans to redevelop Preston Avenue [see “Commons grounded,” p. 9]. Local business owners opposed that project, Preston Commons, and decried the City’s “arrogance.”

High, who is 46, doesn’t seem like a ruckus raiser. Bespectacled and slight, he fits the image of a science teacher, a job he’s done in both Charlottesville and Snohomish, Washington. High’s scientific background (he has masters degrees in epidemiology and science education) earned him the support of Council-watcher Peter Kleeman.

“He wants to know: How much pollution is in our waterways? Is the City concerned about it?” says Kleeman. “He’s willing to take his camera and his chemistry set out and ask, ‘What’s really going on out here?’”

Last week, as High struggled to obtain the 125 registered voter signatures he needed by Tuesday, March 2, he posted a message on George Loper’s website (http://george.loper.org) offering to buy dinner at C&O for whomever helped him round up signatures. High got help from both Kleeman and Dudley Marsteller, but High says neither accepted the dinner offer. [For more on Loper, see page 13].

With no party apparatus to help raise money and mobilize voters, High is at a clear disadvantage compared to the other five candidates. No independent has won a Council seat in recent elections. James King ran as an independent in 1998, and won 34 percent of votes cast in the four-man race for two seats. He finished fourth, 140 votes behind Republican Michael Craifac. In 2000, independents Kevin Cox and Stratton Salidis earned 14 percent and 6 percent, respectively, of 5,220 votes cast.

Cox, who ran to oppose “the City’s long neglect of working class people who pay their own way, and public policy that treats renters as second-class citizens,” says he feels the other Council candidates ignored his ideas, in contrast to the voters.

“I think people took some satisfaction that there was a voice there,” says Cox.

High’s message to preserve green space may indeed resonate in neighborhoods that oppose Council plans to increase density and building heights. As a newcomer to politics, High can afford to ignore, for now, the fact that the City’s budget is demanding a wider real estate tax base.

All that will come later, says High, who adds he’s studying the issues and fine-tuning his platform. “Right now I’m just happy I had a chance to get on the ballot. It’s nice to be able to get involved on this level,” he says.—John Borgmeyer

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News

Air apparent

Q: Dear Ace, what is going on south of the airport on Earlysville Road? More runways? And there’s a lovely tree with a fence around it, so whatever is happening, I assume the tree stays. Thanks for any info.—Anne Arbor

A: While business at the Charlottesville- Albemarle Airport has certainly taken off since it was first built in 1955, Anne, the answer to your question is: No, the airport folks are not adding runways at this time. They’re just trying to keep The Man off their backs.

Airport Executive Director Bryan Elliott explains that the project in question is to bring the airport up to code with Federal Aviation Administration guidelines requiring safety areas off the ends of runways. The requirements, revised about 15 years ago, Elliott says, call for an additional 1,000 feet of space to be cleared at the ends of landing strips, 500 feet in width. It’s all just in case something goes wrong with an aircraft overshooting its target, to make sure it can’t cause any real damage to people or property.

Trouble is, right now State Route 606 winds through the space in question. That’s what they’re trying to fix. The project will relocate the intersection of 606 and State Route 743 about 825 feet to the south of the required area, Elliot says. Once that’s completed—sometime around summer 2005, Elliott figures—additional sections of 743 will get a similar treatment.

As to the second part of your question, give yourself some credit for your eagle eyes—there is indeed a tree fenced off in the workzone that Elliott says has been deigned off-limits to construction guys and their machinery. In a turn sure to make nature lovers warm and fuzzy, Elliott says surveyors discovered the flora in question was one of the oldest known oak trees on the East Coast—although he couldn’t give Ace exact details on its age. Ace would suggest cutting it down to count the rings, but realizes that’d kind of defeat the purpose.

And as if the 606/743 revamps didn’t provide enough construction fun, the Virginia Department of Transportation has scheduled another overhaul to the airport-adjacent roadways in the near future. VDOT apparently wised up to the fact that traffic between 29N and the ‘port on Route 649 has gotten awfully heavy of late, and the State plans starting late this summer to turn it into a four-lane road. The project should be completed about a year after that and should include a new complementary traffic roundabout at the airport.

Yes, yes—safety, better roads—it’s all very good. You may now return to your in-flight movie.

Categories
News

Stumping for Trump

If you or I were to enter Donald Trump’s apartment—or, as Trump calls it, “the most beautiful apartment in the whole world”—we would at best stifle a burst of helpless laughter. It is testimony to the combined power of television and greed that the contestants on “The Apprentice”—NBC’s new internship reality television show, airing Thursdays at 9pm—enter the apartment in a state of awed supplication, cooing and giggling over the gilded door knobs and the too-obvious-to-even-be- considered-metaphorical mirrors. And then they start to suck up. It says a lot about both the show and Trump himself—who is co-producer and star—that the apartment tour was that week’s prize.

“The Apprentice” is now in its ninth week, and its relative success in the crowded field of amateur hour productions—from “American Idol” to “Fear Factor”—hinges upon its ingenious grafting together of “Survivor” with ’80s teensploitation flick Risky Business.

The contestants—who have been carefully selected to represent a wide variety of stereotypes, from the scrappy loud-mouth salesman to the slick, bitchy consultant—are split into teams of men and women. The teams then go head-to-head in entrepreneur-themed tasks. The first week, they sold lemonade. The next, they designed an ad campaign. Another competition was a kind of conspicuous-consumption scavenger hunt, in which teams hunted for the best prices on a shopping list that included gold bullion, a high-end “Big Bertha” golf club and a leg waxing for a member of the team, including the men. (An altogether painful form of hilarity ensued.)

The losing team sends the three members deemed “most responsible” for the failure to “the boardroom,” where Mr. Trump himself decides, along with his toadying pair of corporate advisers, who will hear “You’re fired.”

 

What does it mean that a show that asks us to root for someone to lose his or her job has found an audience in the midst of a jobless economic recovery? Are we that callous, or that unselfconscious? Or maybe, like the contestants—and like our president—the audience is focused on the prize, not the punishment that’s meted out along the way.

The winner of “The Apprentice” will get the “dream job of a lifetime” with the Trump Organization and a salary of $250,000. It’s never spelled out any more clearly than that, though while watching the show, I often wonder about what this “dream job” might be. The young contestants talk as if it were some combination of a winning lottery ticket and a papal dispensation, alternating between statements like, “If I get that job I’ll be set for life” and “I’ve got to let Mr. Trump see that I’m the one who really deserves that job.” But what if the job is to arrange The Donald’s toupees in alphabetical order? Or polishing the stripper poles in his casinos?

Even if the job is official fluffy bed inspector or chief chocolate-covered-strawberry taster, it is probably better—from the show’s producers’ point of view—to keep the specifics from the contestants. Because once a job’s duties are delineated, you can reasonably ask yourself, “What would I do to get it?” But if it’s some imaginary “dream job of a lifetime,” how do you put a limit on what you’ll sacrifice? And make no mistake: The sacrifices made by the contestants on “The Apprentice” go much farther than simply unsightly leg hair.

There are the relatively minor indignities of the tasks themselves, but then there’s what they do to win. The women’s team has resorted to flashing their bellies at fishmongers to get a better price on squid on the luxury-item scavenger hunt. A member of the men’s team openly begged Trump—and asked if it would help if he got on his knees—to keep his place on the show.

I suppose the drawing and quartering of an individual’s dignity is at the heart of the appeal of all reality shows. What makes the shamelessness of the “The Apprentice” contestants so engrossing is the poverty of the stakes they are competing for. The competitors on other shows win money. But some poor saps on “The Apprentice” are going to have to keep suffering humiliation at the hands of The Donald, long after the final credits end.

 

This story originally appeared in In These Times.

Categories
The Editor's Desk

Mailbag

Royal flush

You know what the water bureaucrats have been doing in the two years since the drought of 2002? [“Hard water,” December 2, 2002] Revising drought numbers left over from 1930. No new pipes, no new pumps, no new dams. Just fiddling with numbers.

That’s what they told City Council in their report on Tuesday, February 17.

It seems the water bureaucrats have been sitting around twiddling their thumbs, watching the gauges drop and the reservoirs fill with silt year after year, decade after decade, generation after generation—secure in the knowledge that our water supply is safe, based on numbers compiled in the time of F. Scott Fitzgerald. Numbers from the time before Roosevelt was President, before Hitler was Chancellor of Germany, before Churchill was Prime Minister, before The King of England abdicated to marry Wallace Warfield and move to Nassau.

Twiddling their thumbs complacently throughout the entire 20th century—and all that time we paid their salaries. And we continue to do so. Then in 2002 the bureacrats slapped their foreheads and said, Oh, a drought. We’re out of water. Imagine that.

And there’s nobody in the entire water bureaucracy competent to decide what to do. They have to go out and hire consultants, because none of these in-house water bureaucrats has the faintest idea what to do.

And the first thing the consultants say is: Gosh, maybe we should revisit numbers left over from when the Next Big Thing was air travel by rigid frame dirigible. Let’s revisit the numbers, they say, trusty dusty old numbers compiled by ancestor bureaucrats, flappers who danced the Charleston.

And then we’ll go back to twiddling our thumbs.

If next summer there is another desperate drought, what has changed in the two years since the last desperate drought? Updated numbers. We can drink numbers. Flush our toilets with numbers. Fresh new numbers that are only 2 years old rather than 75. Then, by the time we actually get a decision, maybe we can teleport water from Mars. Surely there is enough water there?

My thanks to Councilor Kevin Lynch, who asked the right question, which is: What are we actually doing? Wish he’d gotten an answer.

Jock Yellott

 

 

 

Divine intervention

I just read and enjoyed Kent Williams’ recent write-up on the Academy Awards [“And the award goes to,” Film, February 24] and I wanted to point out something: City of God (Cidade de Deus) takes place in Rio de Janeiro, in Brazil. It’s a Brazilian, not Argentinean, movie. I thought you’d want to know!  

Rick Britton

Charlottesville

 

 

Bell chimes in

 

I enjoyed reading the comments of my friends and neighbors in your article last week [“Who is the real Rob Bell?” February 24]. One correction: I like the Criminal Laws Subcommittee because it is not my committee with a lot of lobbyists or lobbyist interest. (It is another of my committees where all the lobbyists hang out.) Because it doesn’t involve large private interests, the Criminal Law Subcommittee is usually attended only by a handful of prosecutors, Aimee from the ACLU, some defense attorneys and a longtime Capitol observer named Roy. Much more than on other committees, we work cooperatively to improve the criminal justice system.

Regarding Pat Benatar, Mr. Borgmeyer betrays his age by referencing “Love is a Battlefield,” when everyone knows her best song was “Heartbreaker,” from her first album. “Love is a Battlefield” is especially inaccurate for an article about politics, given that Benatar sings about “no promises, no demands”!

 

Rob Bell

Albemarle County

 

 

 

Correction

 

In last week’s coverage of some State leaders’ push to force the construction of the Western Bypass [“My way or the highway,” Fishbowl, February 24], Butch Davies’ comment was presented in the wrong context in the pull quote that accompanied the article. “Local needs indicate the road ought to be built,” said Davies in reference to the Meadowcreek Parkway, not the Western Bypass. Davies’ remarks were presented accurately in the body of the article.

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Uncategorized

Local News

The South shall rise
Downtown goes modern with newest building projects

During contemplative moments, John Gibson looks up from his desk on the fourth floor of the City Center for Contemporary Art on the corner of Water and Second streets, and gazes out the window at the bricks of the Jefferson Theater’s fly loft. During the vaudeville days of the early 1900s, scenery backdrops arrived there by train, and workers loaded them into the pulley system via that strange door high in the back of the Jefferson.

“It’s meaningful for me,” says Gibson. “Two theaters, side by side. The first ‘theater alley’ in the history of this community.”

The two buildings couldn’t be more different. Built in 1901, the Jefferson Theater’s Ionic columns and rusticated brickwork reflect the Greek Revival architecture dominating much of Downtown Charlottesville. The City Center for Contemporary Art opened last year to a buzz of controversy over its unabashedly modern design and periwinkle/orange/ metallic color scheme. Some have clucked that the building doesn’t “fit in,” but Gibson loves the contrast.

“It shows that Charlottesville is not a monolithic uniculture,” he says. “Thomas Jefferson is an important influence, but not the only identity for this community.”

Gibson also sees meaning in the fact that the Jefferson Theater faces north, while the C3A, as the building is dubbed, faces south—toward the Friendship Court public housing block (formerly known as Garrett Square) and the warehouses lining the CSX tracks. “It’s like we’re opening up to the community,” Gibson says.

Indeed, the stylistic divide between North and South Downtown is ultimately a reflection of the social, economic and racial divides. “The cultural divide on Water Street is at least as strong as the stylistic,” says Jeff Bushman, who designed the C3A building. Gentrification, Bushman says, is intertwined with the stylistic changes afoot south of Water Street.

The C3A building represents a radical change for Downtown architecture, and its appearance heralds the increasing importance of Downtown’s south side. The area roughly bordered by E. Main, Avon and Ridge streets and Elliott Avenue is poised to become Charlottesville’s hip new district, where a modern, playful style of architecture will offer a contemporary counterpoint to the staid historicism in North Downtown. Along the way, the Mall’s “Jeffersonian” tradition will be redefined.

When Shannon Iaculli first walked into the Glass Building on Second Street S.E., she knew it would be the perfect home for the funky clothing store she hoped to open. The open ceiling in the refurbished warehouse reveals steel I-beams and shiny heating ducts, complemented by the cinderblock walls that Iaculli painted silver when she opened her store, Bittersweet, in the Glass Building more than two years ago.

“For what I wanted to sell, it made sense to be in a funkier, lofty industrial space,” Iaculli says. Her store sells retro clothes, cheeky t-shirts, trucker caps and other apparel with a vintage look and modern price tag. “I couldn’t get that on the Mall. Everything there had that ‘office’ look. Yuck.”

When Iaculli moved in, Charlottesville’s South Downtown was “like tumbleweeds,” she says. But since then, the area’s transformation into Charlottesville’s SoHo has picked up speed.

“I can’t think of a time when Downtown has been more exciting,” says developer Bill Dittmar. Naturally, he’s stoked—in January he and partner Hunter Craig began leasing apartments in Norcross Station at Fourth and Water streets. Dittmar and Craig renovated the 1924 grocery warehouse into 32 apartments, adding sleek steel kitchen appliances while retaining the building’s original old-growth pine beams and the maple floors that still bear scratches from handcarts. Next door to Norcross, Dittmar is putting up another 32-unit warehouse-style apartment building.

Norcross Station is one of several “adaptive reuse” projects coming to South Downtown, including Phil Wendell’s plan to move his ACAC fitness club into the Ivy Industries building on Monticello Avenue, and Gabe Silverman’s reoutfitting of the former Frank Ix & Sons textile factory (Silverman has three partners in that massive venture—Dittmar, Ludwig Kuttner and Allan Cadgene). On these sites, abandoned relics of Charlottesville’s bygone industrial age will be reintegrated into the urban fabric as homes, businesses and stores. Frank Stoner’s Belmont Lofts condo project on Graves Street is a brand-new construction, but the design reflects the hip warehouse look.

“We’re capturing feels from other urban areas, that Tribeca loft feeling,” Dittmar says. “We’re getting away from staid Jeffersonianism. That had it’s place. Where we have it, lets protect it then let’s make an urban statement.”

The epicenter for Jeffersonianism is North Downtown’s Court Square district. The 1781 Albemarle Courthouse, where future presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and James Monroe each began his legal career, is a textbook example of the North Downtown style—the brick-and-column architectural motif that Monticello and the Rotunda popularized, to which Charlottesville seemed forever wedded.

Many of the buildings and homes in North Downtown display the brick facades and standing seam metal roofs that mark the Federal period. But the most relevant aspect of North Downtown architecture is its small scale, says Chad Freckmann, who has lived on Northwood Circle for five years with his wife Jacky Taylor and their three children.

“It’s very pedestrian friendly,” says Freckmann. “It allows residents to walk through the streets, to spend time in their yards and meet their neighbors. We’re able to access the Mall very easily on foot. It provides a great sense of community.”

Although many architectural styles have come and gone since the 19th century, Charlottesville has never lost its love for Jeffersonian architecture, writes UVA professor K. Edward Lay in his 2000 book Architecture of Jefferson Country. North Downtown is thus full of 20th-century buildings designed to look older.

The Palladian windows in the high-rise still known to some as the Monticello Hotel and located on the south side of Court Square, for example, are indeed very Monticello-esque. Built in the 1920s, that project demolished historic buildings and was greeted with great fanfare, Lay says.

“I think everyone was happy about it. Now attitudes have changed about history,” says Lay. “Some people still have the old attitude that progress is worth anything, but most people don’t anymore.”

Indeed, in the late ’80s and into the ’90s the City’s Board of Architectural Review (BAR) seemed so fiercely devoted to tradition that many developers complained the body wouldn’t approve a new building unless it was built with bricks and Palladian windows—consider, for example, the Queen Charlotte Square Apartments on High Street. More recently, developer Lee Danielson wrangled with the BAR over his company’s designs for the Charlottesville Ice Park and the Regal Cinema, complaining to C-VILLE at the time that if City planners didn’t “get out of his way,” he’d “never build in Charlottesville again.”

When the BAR approved the Bushman Dreyfus design for the C3A building in September 2001 by a margin of 6 to 2, it signaled that a change was underway—but it wasn’t painless. Some BAR members weren’t going gently into the realms of terne-coated stainless steel and purple-hued, ground-face concrete block.

“These decisions shouldn’t be seen as noncontroversial,” says Lynn Heetderks, vice-chair of the BAR, who describes herself as “probably the most traditional member” of the board.

“I favor buildings that use more traditional materials, and I’m sensitive to things that are more human in scale,” says Heetderks. “Some huge modernist buildings seem more evocative of machinery than people.”

Still, Heetderks says, the BAR’s membership increasingly favors modern designs. That change led to an unexpectedly warm reception recently for Danielson, the BAR’s onetime nemesis, when he returned to Charlottesville from California this fall announcing plans for a nine-storey boutique hotel on the Mall’s former Boxer Learning site. When he appeared before the BAR on December 16, chair Joan Fenton actually encouraged Danielson’s architects to experiment with the hotel’s design.

“We want you to be creative,” Fenton told Danielson. “Don’t design it a certain way because you’re afraid we won’t approve it otherwise.”

Mary Joy Scala, a City planner, says there’s a new theory abounding as to how modern buildings can fit into traditional surroundings. “New buildings take their cues from historic images,” Scala says. “They reinterpret designs of traditional decorative elements.”

For example, an important feature of historic design is articulation—tiny details that make a building more inviting. Plans for Danielson’s new hotel call for it to be built with a limestone base and bricks laid in an alternating “Flemish bond” style; the yoga studio in the old Grand Piano building incorporates transoms and sidelights to spruce up its orange façade. Even the C3A building borrows from traditional forms, Scala says. The modernist metal façade, in her interpretation, recalls the standing seam roofs of many North Downtown structures—sort of. “Maybe that’s a stretch,” she concedes.

“I think it’s delightful that someone would make those kinds of connections,” says Bushman.

In South Downtown, the City wants architects to play with the sleek warehouse forms, Scala says, and developers are willing to bet they can profit from a new generation of suburban refugees who demand stylish urban housing.

“We’ve got a lot of talented architects here, and the BAR wants them to use their talents,” says Scala.

“I think the reason those spaces are so popular is that they’re stark, streamlined, no-nonsense,” she says. “Young people are attracted to that type of architecture because it’s open and flexible, and it’s right Downtown where people want to be.”—John Borgmeyer

 

The write stuff
Can write-in votes resurrect Meredith Richards?

City Dems may not have seen the last of Meredith Richards. The two-term incumbent bowed out of the City Council race after her party dumped her from the Democratic ticket on February 7, and in her concession speech Richards said she would not run as an independent.

Days after the convention, flyers started to appear on local bulletin boards urging voters to “write in Meredith Richards.” Some flyers were stapled to an editorial photocopied from the February 10 edition of The Daily Progress, which lamented her ouster and floated the idea of a spontaneous “grass-roots write-in campaign.”

Richards says she hadn’t seen the flyers until C-VILLE asked her about them. “I’m not planning to mount an active campaign,” she says. “That would be hard for me to contemplate, because I’m a Democrat. Certainly I encourage people to support the Democratic ticket.”

Even so, Richards is not exactly discouraging people from writing her in on election day, May 4. The petitions, she says, are coming from “people who are angry at the party, who just can’t understand how the party could do this.

“I’m not taking a position on it one way or the other,” she says.

Dem chair Lloyd Snook says party rules forbid Richards—who serves on the Democratic finance committee—from approving a write-in campaign. Richards signed the party’s pre-convention pledge promising not to support any candidates opposing Democrats. But she points out that the pledge has been violated “repeatedly,” most recently in 2000, when some Democrats formed a group to support Republican John Pfaltz for Council that year. Besides, says Richards, the pledge only “refers to an intention you have when you come to the [nominating] convention.

“I tried to run as a Democrat, and they turned their backs on me,” she says.

City registrar Sheri Iachetta says there hasn’t been a successful write-in campaign in recent Charlottesville history. But that doesn’t mean it’s without local precedent. In 1993 Sally Thomas staged a last-minute write-in campaign and upset Carter Myers for the Samuel Miller district seat on the Albemarle County Board of Supervisors. Incumbent Ed Bain dropped out of the race seven weeks before the election, leaving too little time to add new names to the ballot. Thomas says she was “the only one foolhardy enough” to run as a write-in.

Thomas’ campaign was handicapped because write-in candidates can’t buy voter registration lists as other candidates can, making it difficult to send out direct mailings (still, write-in candidates must follow the same fundraising reporting rules as other candidates).

Many saw Thomas’ victory as a referendum on the Western Bypass, which she opposed. Could Richards’ support for the Meadowcreek Parkway, which cost her the nomination, similarly energize write-in voters? Richards predicts the write-in buzz will dwindle with the anger over her loss at the party convention.

Iachetta isn’t so sure. “In the past 10 days, we’ve received numerous phone calls on how to write in names. More than normal,” she says. “I’m not making any interpretations. I’m just saying it’s been interesting.”

Criminal past passed?

The Daily Progress on Monday, February 23, reported Republican candidate Kenneth Jackson’s admission that he had been convicted of assault and battery four times, and that three of those incidents involved him wielding a knife.

According to the story, the first incident happened in 1985, when Jackson was 18. Then, in 1990, he was convicted for misdemeanor assault on a police officer.

Records in Charlottesville District Court show Jackson was arrested for felony assault in 1993 after a fight in a restaurant kitchen with Charles Sands—who was arrested for misdemeanor assault in that incident.

The Progress reports that Jackson’s last arrest occurred when he stabbed a man in Richmond—also a felony—in 1994. According to Richmond General District Court records, however, the incident happened in 1995, when Jackson was 28.

“I’m not very good with dates,” says Jackson. The 1993 charge was dropped and in 1995 Jackson pled guilty to a misdemeanor.

Republican party chair Bob Hodous tells C-VILLE Jackson acknowledged “some run-ins with the law” when the two first met. When Jackson came forward as a candidate, Hodous says he didn’t ask for details about his past.

“That stuff was in the early part of his life. He’s turned himself around,” says Hodous, although he could not give specifics about the turnaround.

Jackson, who stresses public safety in his campaign, says he’s “learned” from the experiences. “It helped me see I was too intelligent to be getting in this kind of trouble. Situations still arise that could become violent, but I’ve learned to walk away from them.”

As for the other Council candidates, C-VILLE finds that Democratic incumbent and cycling advocate Kevin Lynch has two driving convictions—one for improper driving and one for failure to obey a highway sign. Democrat Kendra Hamilton also had a bit of driving trouble—two parking tickets and a speeding ticket. David Brown has three speeding tickets. Ann Reinicke has a spotless record, according to Charlottesville and Albemarle general district courts.—John Borgmeyer

 

Company man
UVA professor wrote the script for indie drama troupe Offstage

If you’re an aspiring playwright living in Central Virginia, you probably know Doug Grissom. If not, you should. Having written dozens of plays and worked with countless would-be Mamets and Wassersteins as a professor in UVA’s Drama Department, head of the Southeastern Theater Conference’s playwriting division and co-founder of Offstage Theatre, he knows a good script when he reads one.

“I kind of backed into it,” Grissom says of his career in theater. He had planned to study journalism, but got bitten by the stage bug instead. After earning degrees at the University of Tennessee and Brandeis University, he joined the UVA faculty in 1986.

In 1989 he attended a theater conference in Richmond with two playwright friends, Tom Coash and Mark Serrill. While the three waited in a bar for a producer who never showed, an idea took hold among them. After a healthy amount of drinking, they decided to start their own theater company using “found spaces” around town. Voila! Offstage Theatre was born, and a few months later, Chug, its first production, took the “stage” at Miller’s.

Since then Offstage has found homes in bars like Orbit and Rapture for the popular Barhoppers series (plays about bars set in bars) and more abstract locations like studio apartments or in front of the Paramount Theater. Last week Offstage concluded a run of Pvt. Wars at R2, the disco at the rear of Rapture.

Grissom, who remains an Offstage board member, is proud—if a little surprised—at the group’s success. “We’ve been able to go out and take audiences into non-theater locations and open their ideas of where theater can happen,” he says.

More than that, however, he’s proud of Offstage’s success in producing new works by local authors.

“We have to have produced more original works than anybody else in Virginia,” he says. “Most of them, granted, are small 15-minute plays. But still, if we do a list of new plays we’ve premiered, there are few other theaters that have done as much as we have.”

The opportunity to stage work, and Grissom’s mentorship specifically, have been a boon for countless local playwrights. One is C-VILLE theater critic Joel Jones, who, at the urging of several of Offstage’s members, began writing with no professional training. Since then, several of his works have been produced by Offstage locally and in New York.

“My favorite thing Doug ever said to me was after my third play,” Jones says. “Like most beginners I was addicted to blackouts. So Doug was criticizing me for using blackouts at the end of every play, and I was whiningand Doug said, dryly, ‘End the fucking play, Joel. Just end the fucking play.’”

Grissom keeps busy with his own work, singling out as highlights his collaborations with the Sexual Assault Resource Agency, Because I Said No and I Never Saw it Coming. Both plays toured widely, and “I know they had such a profound impact for the people I wrote them for,” he says. Next up, look for a piece tentatively titled Elvis People, which he workshopped last fall with Offstage.—Eric Rezsnyak

Categories
News

If you can make it there…

Q: Hey Ace, I love Charlottesville and all, but sometimes you just need to get out of town and into the real center of the universe. I’m talking about the city so nice they named it twice, New York, New York. What’s the best way to get from here to there?—Manny Hattan

A: The lights, the sights, the peeing in the streets. Ace misses New York sometimes, too, Manny. In fact, on one visit, he waited at a crosswalk next to Dr. Ruth Westheimer herself. That was a sexy trip! In the spirit of giving and receiving, Ace is happy to share with you several current options for getting to the Big Apple, and even happier to tell you about another one on the way.

Ace confirmed with developer Oliver Kuttner (who spearheaded Downtown’s Terraces project, among others) that he’s working on a new fancy-dancy bus line to EnWhySee, which he hopes to get on the road sometime this year. Kuttner says few details have been nailed down, but since he’s a racecar builder Ace can at least guarantee it’ll be a hell of a ride.

Until then, however, there are more pedestrian forms of public transport. For the high-flying set, The Charlottesville-Albemarle Regional Airport sends several airplanes to New York through its main airline, US Airways. You can grab a nonstop flight to New York’s LaGuardia Airport three times daily Mondays through Fridays, at 6:45am, 11:55am and 4:25pm, or twice daily on weekends, at the same morning times. At a mere hour and 40 minutes from takeoff to landing, it’s by far the fastest way to get there. And let’s not forget those nummy peanuts. But it’ll cost ya anywhere from $334 to $700 round trip (depending on how early you book tickets).

Amtrak offers a somewhat cheaper alternative, with two express trains leaving the Charlottesville railroad stop on W. Main Street daily at 7:05am and 4:21pm, both of which pull into a stop at Penn Station. Round-trip tickets run $178 for coach or $505 for a sleeper cabin, which you very well may need for the roughly seven-hour trek.

But that ain’t got nothin’ on the marathon trip you’d take on Greyhound. There’s no express service bus available until after Washington, D.C., so expect stops at every ’ville and ’burg between here and the nation’s capital. Three buses headed the New York way leave the Charlottesville Greyhound station on W. Main daily, at 9am, 12:40pm and 8:15pm. The bus line estimates an eight-hour travel time to New York’s scenic Port Authority. As someone who’s taken that trip several times, Ace can tell you to prepare for more like 10 to 12 soul-deadening hours. But the price is right: At only $58 for a round-trip ticket, that leaves plenty of bucks to blow on miniature statues of Liberty and falafel from sidewalk vendors.

Categories
News

Who is the real Rob Bell?

Richmond, Virginia – a history lover’s dream. Did you know the city introduced America to the first canned beer, the Marlboro Man and Pat Benatar? n “Pat Benatar? No way! I’m a huge Pat Benatar fan,” gushes history buff Rob Bell, surprised to learn that the songstress behind “Love is a Battlefield” began her music career at a Richmond club called The Tobacco Company. “My musical tastes froze in high school. I used to know all those stupid songs,” he says. n Although Bell occasionally finds time to relive his teenage years by tuning to an ’80s station on satellite radio, as Albemarle’s delegate to the Virginia General Assembly he spends more time reflecting on Richmond’s more distant past.

“Did you know the General Assembly is the oldest legislative body in the Western Hemisphere?” he asks. “The second-oldest in the world. If the House of Commons in England would just take a little break, we’d have it.

“I hold the same seat as Thomas Jefferson, the seat he held when he voted to secede from the crown,” he continues, sounding like a 7th grader who just shot hoops with Shaq. “The guy next to me is in Patrick Henry’s seat. The guy behind me is in James Madison’s seat. Someone here sits in George Washington’s seat.

“I mean I’m just some guy. I shop at Food Lion.”

Virginia’s representatives speak proudly of their “citizen legislature,” where each year regular people leave their jobs and families, go to Richmond and craft the rules and policies that will govern the Commonwealth for years to come. Until recently, the annual trip to Richmond resembled a two-week getaway for legislators to party as hard as they worked. Now, longtime members say aggressive partisanship is ripping away Virginia’s good ol’ boy network, as a new generation of upright, ambitious young people look to make the leap from Virginia to Washington, D.C.

Mitch Van Yahres, a Democrat who has held Charlottesville’s 57th District seat for more than 20 years, says politics defined as “the art of compromise” is lost on newer legislators trying to make a name for themselves with fierce partisan stances. In the old days, Van Yahres says, State politics was more gentlemanly.

“We used to fight, but we put it on a high plain,” he says. “Now, it’s difficult to have give-and-take because we have a lot of ideologues. They want it their way or no way.”

Bell, a 36-year-old Orange County prosecutor, is one of the young climbers. Sitting in Jefferson’s old seat, he’s situated on the perfect stepping stool. When he was elected in 2001, Bell replaced Paul Harris, who resigned to take a position in the Justice Department. George Allen won the 58th seat four times before being elected governor in 1994. In 2001 Allen became a U.S. Senator who some say could run for the Presidency.

“We’ll see,” says Bell, when asked about seeking higher office. “I think I’m doing good work right now. If I do a good job at this level, people will notice.”

People are already noticing.

Ask “Who is Rob Bell?” and the most frequent answer you get, from high school chums to foes across the aisle, is an “extremely intelligent” fellow. His detailed grasp of Virginia law has earned him a place on powerful House committees, and in his first two years he pushed through a series of bills that closed some loopholes in the State’s drunk driver laws. This year, he’s been even more successful—the House of Delegates has passed several new bills (now awaiting their fate in the Senate) that would make Virginia one of the toughest states on drunk drivers.

With his reputation for reflection, Bell strikes many observers as something of a nonideological anomaly among Virginia Republicans. In recent years, voters have elected more GOP hard-liners, who take strong conservative stances on taxes and social issues. And since Republicans control both the House and Senate, many of these hard-liners can get their way without listening to opposing arguments—without the inconvenience of compromise.

All of which presents Bell with a dilemma. Albemarle elected him for his thoughtful, moderate conservatism. But his party’s hard-line leadership isolates other members who don’t march in lockstep. As his colleagues veer towards deep spending cuts and Christianist legislation, Albemarle voters might want to know: Who is the real Rob Bell?

County voters send mixed signals

Conventional wisdom paints Albemarle as the conservative suburbs to Charlottesville’s liberal urban center. This is only partially true.

Eric and Nancy Haussmann live with their two teenage sons in a cul-de-sac at the end of Buck Ridge Lane, which winds into the foothills four miles north of Free Union. Inside their two-storey home, framed inspirational Bible verses and hundreds of books line the walls. “We both love reading,” says Eric. “It’s what we spend our money on.”

The Haussmanns are like many voters in Albemarle County—white, Christian, upper-middle class, well educated, active in the community. The Haussmanns got to know Bell when he was leader of their son’s Boy Scout troop, and Eric introduced Bell to a crowd at Hollymead Elementary School when he announced his candidacy for the first time.

The Haussmanns generally don’t like to talk politics and religion among friends, but with a little coaxing Eric admits to leaning Republican. “But I will deviate from the party line,” he’s quick to add, “depending on the person who’s running.” Nancy holds conservative views but claims no party affiliation, which the St. Louis, Missouri, native attributes to her “independent-minded Midwestern streak.”

In fact, Albemarle’s voting record indicates a constituency willing to cross party lines—perhaps its growth rate makes for an every-changing voter base [see sidebar, page 16]. Citing counties like Henrico and Greene—which are growing faster than Albemarle but vote strictly Republican year after year—Bell attributes Albemarle’s shifting political climate not just to growth but to the County’s well-educated and well-read voters.

“The amount of public discourse here is really high. There’s a lot of headlines about local politics,” Bell says.

“The good thing about Bell’s district is that it’s pretty diverse,” says Ken Stroupe, a former Allen aide who works at UVA’s Center for Politics. “It’s not as far right of center as the rest of the House of Delegates. The interests of his constituents [are] going to be mixed.”

Bell comes with an ideal resumé for political success in Albemarle. As a Navy brat, he moved often while growing up—born in Palo Alto, California, with stints in Hawaii (while his father fought in Vietnam), Texas, Mississippi and Virginia.

“I always thought of myself as the middle of the middle class,” says Bell. “I remember the ’70s as the height of good-intentioned government paternalism. I was always resentful when I thought politicians were talking down to people who were my family or neighbors.

“I didn’t know higher society until I came to UVA,” Bell says. “I wasn’t very impressed.”

Bell says he has been interested in politics for as long as he can remember, an interest he carried to UVA in 1984. “He was the kind of guy who was always reading a newspaper,” says Bell’s college friend Brian Altmiller, now a patent attorney in Reston. “That’s unusual for a 19-year-old. Rob was always taking things to the absolute limit. In his fourth-year history class he turned in a 106-page thesis—not because he had to, but because he wanted to do it right.

“I’m afraid we were kinda square,” Altmiller confesses.

The secret is out—Bell was a nerd. “We had our share of dates, and there were a few nights when one of us drank more than he should have,” Bell says in his defense. “But we weren’t studs or anything. I’ve never done a beer bong.”

Bell eschewed UVA’s college Republicans and volunteered instead to get out the vote for local, State and national candidates. “I had no interest in student council I hate to say they were sophomoric because they were actually sophomores,” says Bell. “This was the Reagan era. There was fighting in Angola, Afghanistan, Nicaragua. There was serious stuff going on.”

When Bell decided to run for office himself, he was enjoying a successful career as Orange County’s prosecuting attorney, and he branded himself a “law-and-order” Republican. By then he was married to a teacher, Jessica—a fact he frequently mentions to illustrate his support for education.

Bell’s rhetoric left no doubt he would be a conservative, law-and-order Republican—but some voters wondered how Bell’s aversion to spending would play in a County where money for public education is an extremely big deal.

“Virginia ranks 43rd in the nation for education spending,” says Marjorie Shepherd, who teaches 8th grade civics at Henley Middle School. “There’s big shortfalls in the budget, and that affects PVCC and UVA.”

Shepherd, former president of the Albemarle Education Association, says she’s talked to many teachers who favor higher taxes, which Bell opposes.

“The shortfall in the State is so severe, we shouldn’t be messing around with these tightwad stances,” Shepherd says.

Party pressure

With his spectacles, neatly parted hair and youthful aspects, Bell still looks like the Boy Scout he used to be. (He reached Scouting’s highest level, Eagle, in 1982.) He bet that the nice-young-man image that won over the Haussmanns would play well throughout the County, so Bell and his friends knocked on about 14,000 doors during the summer of 2001. It paid off in November, and Bell was off to Richmond that winter.

Bell claims he hasn’t felt much pressure to march in lockstep with party leaders. Outside observers say otherwise, that Bell is likely feeling some heat.

“There is tremendous pressure on members to toe the party line when you get to Richmond,” says Stroupe. This year, he says, Bell will face a conflict between colleagues who oppose new taxes and a constituency that is closely aligned with education. “This is probably one of the most difficult sessions for Bell to balance the interests of his constituents with the interest of his caucus,” Stroupe says.

Virginia Republicans have not always tolerated insubordination. Bob Bloxom spent 27 years representing the Eastern Shore in the House of Delegates. When the Republican began shifting from conservative to moderate on issues like abortion and taxes, his party kicked him off the House Appropriations committee, where he had worked for 16 years, and off the Labor and Commerce committee, which he chaired.

“There’s a trend of a more dominant party leadership, where they say ‘This is our position and you’re supposed to follow it,’” says Bloxom. “New delegates are lined up and told what to do.”

Bloxom calls Bell “a bright young fellow.

“He strikes me as one of those who looks carefully at issues and not just follows somebody else’s lead,” Bloxom says. “I think there will be pressures on him to do that, though, at least from some people. I’m of the opinion right now that everything is being done for reelection, and that’s different than when I first got to Richmond.”

On the job in Richmond

Bell says he’s got one of the best “feedback loops” in the General Assembly.

“Watching the other delegates go through mail, I think I have more direct contact with people than anybody else,” says Bell. His constituency, he says, is very educated, highly energized and benefits from a glut of media outlets covering local politics. “Every article in the paper means I get a letter or two.” (After reading this article, you can contact Bell by phone at 804-698-1058 or via e-mail at Del_Bell@house.state.va.us.)

Bell says Albemarle voters’ comments run the gamut, from advice on the mix of perennials planted along State roadways to questions about why America went to war with Iraq. It’s the classic conundrum of representative democracy—voters elected Bell to serve their interests, but if he tried to do everything people told him, he’d be a rudderless ship adrift in the currents of public opinion.

“It’s a challenge for any member,” says UVA’s Stroupe. “You can’t go to a place like Richmond without some guiding principles. You try to convey your beliefs and ideas, so that constituents aren’t surprised when you get there.

“People are not surprised by Rob Bell,” says Stroupe. “What you see is what you get.”

On Sunday, February 8, Bell met with his favorite subcommittee—the criminal law division of the larger Courts of Justice Committee. “It’s where all the lobbyists are, it’s where the money is. Every little word can be worth hundreds of thousands of dollars,” says Bell.

On that day, he listened intently while Del. Robert McDonnell (R-Virginia Beach) described a bill that would allow the courts to confiscate the cars of drunk drivers after their third offense.

Another delegate suggested adding language to the bill that would protect innocent people—for example, a grandmother shouldn’t lose her car if her grandson takes it on a drunken joyride.

Bell examined the Code of Virginia on his laptop computer. He suggested that the bill simply refer to existing law that governs property seizure by the court.

“In a drunk driving case, the car is like the gun used to commit a murder,” says Bell. “We’re talking about criminal instrumentality. Are we making something needlessly complicated?”

As Albemarle’s delegate, this is Bell in a nutshell—he has a lawyer’s gift for arguments by analogy, and as a general rule he favors “getting tough” on crime. Otherwise, he wants to limit government’s influence wherever possible in people’s lives.

“Rob is probably one of the most focused legislators that I’ve seen,” says David Blount, who lobbies the General Assembly for the five counties in the Thomas Jefferson Planning District. “He puts everything he’s got into the work he’s doing. That’s evident just by watching him when he’s in a committee meeting—he’s reading, he’s thinking, he’s asking questions.”

Republicans divided

Even Bell’s adversaries admit the Albemarle delegate is tough, but fair-minded. He sticks to his principles, says Ben Greenberg, who lobbies the General Assembly on behalf of Planned Parenthood, but he’s no sheep blindly following the party line.

“He looks at a bill, studies it. He assesses the bill on its own merits and makes up his own mind,” says Greenberg. “I’ve always found him willing to listen, although he doesn’t always agree with me.”

While this session’s 20 drunk driving bills have garnered headlines, this year’s General Assembly seems more focused on restricting access to abortion and contraception. Bell’s colleagues in the House of Delegates have been particularly aggressive—especially Republican delegates Bob Marshall, Richard Black and Kathy Byron, who have discovered that angry attacks on liberals, gays and non-Christians get attention and win approval from their suburban voters.

There are currently 21 anti-abortion bills in the House and Senate that would, among other things, force clinics to either close or comply with onerous regulations. Other bills aim to equate birth control with abortion, and ban college campuses from distributing high doses of conventional birth control known as “emergency contraception.”

Bell’s record on these bills is mixed. He voted against H.B. 1414, which would outlaw emergency contraception, saying that college students are adults and should be able to make their own decisions. “I thought it was inappropriate,” says Bell. He also opposed H.B. 1403, which would require doctors to obtain parental approval before prescribing emergency contraception.

“If I were king, I might be able to craft a bill I liked,” says Bell. “But this one doesn’t have enough protection in cases of sexual assault.”

Bell voted for a TRAP bill that would require abortion clinics to meet ambulatory surgery regulations—Bell saw it as a midway point between the fewest regulations and the most. He voted against other TRAP bills.

This makes Bell one of the few Republicans to break rank—last week the anti-abortion bills resoundingly passed the House of Delegates, almost exactly down party lines. While they are expected to die in the Senate, which is dominated by moderate Republicans, the sheer number of anti-abortion bills is “discouraging,” says Greenberg.

While Bell is what Greenberg calls a “swing vote” on social issues, he stands with his fellow conservative Delegates on this session’s most divisive issue—the budget.

Virginia’s budget contains a $1 billion hole that Governor Mark Warner hopes to plug by revamping the State’s tax code. Warner’s plan to increase sales, income and cigarette taxes was killed by the House Finance Committee on February 4, setting up a battle between Senate Republicans who have aligned with Democrats to raise taxes, and House Republicans like Bell, who want to cut spending and revoke tax exemptions the State grants to businesses. On Sunday, February 22, the House and Senate presented drafts of their competing budgets. This week the negotiations between moderate Republicans in the Senate and conservative Republicans in the House highlights the philisophical split in the Virginia GOP.

“The notion that we cut is a misnomer,” says Bell in defense of the House’s budget. He says that Virginia’s budget has risen in excess of its population growth. “Individual agencies do get cut, but in terms of overall government spending, we’re spending more per person every year. We should look at prioritizing,” says Bell.

While this puts Bell in line with his House colleagues, it could cause him trouble in Albemarle, where schools are a popular issue and many residents work for the State as employees of UVA.

Shepherd, the Henley civics teacher, says she wrote to Bell, encouraging him to support tax reform.

“I don’t think he’s going to,” says Shepherd. “It seems like he’s talking from both sides of his mouth,” she says of Bell. “People have no right to call themselves education candidates, then not fund education. I think that’s one thing that Rob Bell does,” Shepherd says.

Considering Albemarle’s conflicting political identity—the mixed party loyalties, shifting voters, the influence of UVA—it’s hard for even seasoned analysts to predict how Bell’s no-tax policy will play among his constituents.

“A lot of members are going to have to go on record for or against tax increases,” says UVA’s Stroupe. “It poses a challenge for any member of the General Assembly whose district is so closely aligned with education.”

Bell says he and his conservative colleagues in the House want to protect education from spending cuts that have gutted other programs. “It’s fair to say there will never be enough money to make everyone happy,” says Bell. “If you look at what got cut and what didn’t over the past two years, K-12 education did better than most.”

Nevertheless, UVA is so upset about what administrators say is a lack of financial support from the General Assembly that it is seeking greater autonomy from the State, and that frustration could trickle down to Albemarle’s myriad teachers and parents. In 2003, Albemarle Democrats must have been satisfied with Bell’s performance, however, since they didn’t field a candidate to oppose him in the November race.

 

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The Editor's Desk

Mailbag

Put away your toys

I am writing to protest vociferously the articles in the issue on sex toys, etc. [“Boy toys,” February 10]. I am not a prude, but I thought them abhorrent. I realize that Charlottesville is a student center, but that stuff needs to be confined to a frat e-mail listserve, if anything at all. Soft or hard porn, I’d call it. Who cares about it? And those who do will surely find it on the Internet. What a waste of time and space. Please avoid such articles in the future.  

Virginia Bethune

Harrisonburg

 

Brass tax

In response to Charles Weber’s letter [Mailbag, February 17], I agree that the rise in property tax costs seem unjustified if you look at them in a vacuum. The proper context to be examining City finances is in relation to losses of State and Federal contributions. Charlottesville is in the same dilemma as most communities across the nation. Irresponsible fiscal policy at the national and state levels have put most communities in budgetary crisis. I can only assume that the reason such a shrewd observer as Weber left out these observations is that he did not want to shed light on Governor Gilmore and President Bush’s financial mismanagement of the public treasuries.

Gene Fifer

Charlottesville

 

Grateful girlchild

Thanks for putting my story in your paper [“Girlchild in the promised land,” February 3]. It was really a meaningful experience for me. My father informed me that I had incorrectly mentioned his title of position. Instead of ”the head of Department of Mining Resources,” I should have said “the head of Department of Mining in Housing Factory—Kabul, Afghanistan.”

Sahar Adish

Charlottesville