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Money woes

For years, the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail has been plagued by a host of health and sanitary issues, including black mold, faulty wiring, leaky ceilings, poor plumbing, freezing temperatures, and bug infestations. Jail leadership has begun taking steps to renovate the 48-year-old facility, which serves the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle and Nelson counties. But the project’s $49 million estimated price tag—plus over $20 million in interest—has sparked division on the ACRJ Authority Board.

“[I] urge you to think long and hard before approving this project,” jail board member Lisa Draine, Charlottesville’s citizen representative, told City Council during its January 17 meeting. “Is this expenditure a good investment in our future? Does this align with our stated community values of equity and opportunity for all? I would answer, ‘No.’”

In addition to upgrading and replacing the HVAC units, electric systems, lighting, and air filtration, the proposed renovations will create an outdoor recreation space, larger visitation area, and dedicated mental health unit, as well as add more classrooms, programming space, and administrative offices. Housing areas will be revamped with larger common spaces, natural sunlight, sound-deadening materials, plexiglass, and more showers and private toilets. 

Last week, Davenport & Company, the board’s financial advisor, detailed the project’s proposed finance plan to the councilors. The Virginia Board of Local and Regional Jails—as well as the jail’s member jurisdictions—has recommended the state cover 25 percent of the renovation costs. The General Assembly should approve or reject the funding request by late April.

Jail board member Lisa Draine asked city councilors to find more cost-effective ways to improve the ACRJ. Photo: Eze Amos.

In May, the member jurisdictions and authority board are expected to approve the project’s interim financing, which will fund architecture and engineering services to fully design the renovations and prepare it for the bidding stage. In summer 2024, the jail authority will issue an estimated $35.5 million bond—with a 5.5 percent interest rate and 27-year term—to fund the remaining project costs and pay off the interim financing loan. The authority will also take out a grant anticipation note to fund costs eligible for the state reimbursement. The note will be paid off with the reimbursement, which the state will not issue until the renovations are completed. 

When the bond is fully paid off in 2051, the project’s total estimated cost will be nearly $72.9 million. Each locality will pay a portion equivalent to their jail bed usage—Albemarle will pay around $33.3 million, while Charlottesville will pay nearly $30.1 million, and Nelson almost $9.5 million.

Draine urged the councilors to find more cost-effective ways to improve the jail’s poor conditions, such as by replacing or repairing “mechanical systems causing problems.”

“You would be saddling our children and grandchildren with a debt of over $1.1 million a year for the next 27 years,” said Draine. “The criminal legal system disproportionately affects Black and brown people and those in the lowest income brackets. I urge you to put money into areas that address racial inequity and poverty in our community: affordable housing, education, food insecurity, lack of opportunities for our youth, and especially access to mental health treatment.”

Though the renovations will not expand the jail’s capacity, it will increase its square footage. However, the jail’s newer wing is not currently in use, largely due to the facility’s low population and staffing shortage. 

“[Why would we] want to spend millions on a facility with space that’s not being used and where the population has decreased below the rated capacity of 329 to its lowest level in 25 years?” said Draine.

Former jail board member Cyndra Van Clief also expressed concerns about the project’s hefty price tag. In March, the board passed a resolution asking the state jail board to consider approving the renovations, and requesting state reimbursement. Van Clief, a Republican and self-described fiscal conservative, was the only board member who voted against the resolution, citing a desire for more public input. In April, the Albemarle Board of Supervisors voted to remove her from the board for her “failure to act in the county’s best interest,” she told C-VILLE in May. (Though Draine voted in favor of the March resolution, she told C-VILLE in December, “If I could do it all again, knowing what I know now, I would change my vote.”)

In response to concerns about costs, Mayor Lloyd Snook says he has “no way to judge” whether the proposed renovations are too expensive, but trusts the jail board “will be on the lookout for unnecessary expenses.” He stresses that the city is in a “really bad spot” regarding the jail. 

“We are required to have a jail, and we are required to have a jail that meets the needs generated by forces over which we have no control. … We have no control over who chooses to commit which crimes in Charlottesville. We have no control over the prosecutors … [or] the judges,” says Snook. “What we do have some control over is whether we have programs available that offer alternatives to incarceration,” such as the drug court, therapeutic docket, and pretrial release. 

“One major change in the new jail plans is to have more space that is dedicated to rehabilitative programs,” adds Snook. “We want to make it easier for rehabilitative programs to be successful.”

Councilor Michael Payne agrees that member jurisdictions should explore ways to reduce the renovation costs. He expects the project’s price to be “significantly higher” than estimated, due to inflation, supply chain issues, and the facility’s age. 

“Is there a way to reduce costs by renovating the newer, currently largely unused wings and closing the oldest out-of-date wing?” asks Payne. “Cost savings should not come from cutting corners and providing unhealthy, low-quality living conditions. … [But] can costs be reduced by decreasing the number of jail cells to reflect decreases in the inmate population?”

The city may also be able to save money by paying its portion of the renovation costs upfront with its own bond, Payne says. “Because we get better interest rates than ACRJ, we’d avoid the higher interest costs that would accrue over three decades.”

“I do support the jail improvements … [and] will always look for ways to make projects more cost effective,” says Vice-Mayor Juandiego Wade.

Councilor Brian Pinkston, who has replaced former councilor Sena Magill as council’s representative on the jail board, says he’ll be “taking a good look … to make sure I understand the costs and what we can do to reduce them overall,” but doesn’t think the 48-year-old facility will be able to repair or replace its systems without “significant architectural renovation work.” He is also wary of reducing its bed count—if Charlottesville or Albemarle ever elect “more reactive” prosecutors, or stricter laws are enacted, the jail’s population could rise one day. 

“It’s unfortunate, but I think for a community of this size, the notion of investing $1 million a year for a jail that’s humane, it’s probably not unrealistic,” says Pinkston.

Jail board chairperson Diantha McKeel stresses that the selected architect will engage with the community, jail’s population, and other stakeholders to design the renovations. Costs can be further discussed throughout the engagement process.

“There is also a required ‘value engineering’ review component to the design, which determines the lowest possible construction cost,” says McKeel. “There will be another RFP to determine the construction company. … The actual cost to build will be determined by that bidding process.”

Additionally, the jail board authority’s bond will “have no impact on the three individual jurisdiction’s CIP programs and debt capacities,” says McKeel. 

Construction is estimated to begin in August 2024 and finish in November 2025.

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Cleaning up

Since the beginning of the pandemic, inmates at the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail have called attention to a host of health and sanitary issues at the facility, including black mold, faulty wiring, leaky ceilings, poor plumbing, freezing temperatures, bug infestations, standing water, and shoddy COVID containment procedures.

The jail’s leadership has begun taking steps to improve the 46-year-old facility, which serves the City of Charlottesville and Albemarle and Nelson counties. Jail Superintendent Martin Kumer and Moseley Architects are in the process of presenting the renovation plan to member jurisdictions.

In addition to upgrading and replacing the jail’s HVAC units, electric systems, lighting, and air filtration, the renovation will create a dedicated mental health unit, outdoor recreation space, and larger visitation area. The upgrades will add more classrooms, programming space, administrative offices, toilets, and showers. The jail’s housing areas will also be expanded and revamped with stress-reducing colors, more natural sunlight, and sound-deadening materials, explained Tony Bell of Moseley Architects during last week’s Charlottesville City Council meeting.

“The measures that will be taken to induce a more trauma-informed designed facility [include] removal of all of the bar grate,” said Bell. “Right now, the windows that open onto the majority of the day rooms are approximately 10 feet from the actual detainees…By removing the bar grate, it will allow [them] to go up next to and receive some direct sunlight from those windows.”

Currently, the older portions of the jail do not allow staff to directly supervise the population. The renovations will remove walls between inmates and staff, which Bell said can help to improve relationships and decrease conflicts.

The renovations will not increase the jail’s capacity, which is currently 329 people. After conducting a needs assessment—which examined crime trends, criminal justice reforms, and other factors in the three localities—jail leadership determined that the facility’s population would not increase substantially in the future.

In January, the jail’s population was 265 people, the lowest it had been in 20 years, in part because efforts to prevent the spread of COVID increased the prevalence of home electronic incarceration—house arrest via ankle monitor.

“Right now is a great time for this construction and renovations project because your population is so low,” said Bell. “You can vacate day rooms, renovate those day rooms when they’re vacated, and move those detainees back into [them] upon the completion of the renovation.”

The renovation is expected to cost about $49 million. The state will contribute $12.5 million, and the three localities that use the facility will be on the hook for the rest.

Before the renovation can move forward, each member jurisdiction must pass a resolution in favor of the project, and the General Assembly has to sign off on the state funding allocation. Construction is expected to begin in August 2024 and finish in November 2025.

Jail leadership ultimately hopes improving the rundown facility will promote rehabilitation and reduce recidivism.

“One of the things that I try to tell folks who say, ‘gee we should be cutting the police and jail budget,’ is don’t think that doing it right is cheaper than doing it wrong,” said Mayor Lloyd Snook. “This would give us the ability to take things away from the purely punitive model, towards more nearly a rehabilitation model.”

In response to calls from community members to abolish prisons, Kumer claimed that renovating the jail is the only way getting rid of it would be “remotely feasible” in the future.

“Investing in the facility is conducive to just that—reducing crime,” he said.

Council is expected to pass a resolution authorizing the renovations by September.

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Out of control

For nearly two years, the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail has been hit hard by the pandemic. While the virus shakes up life outside the jail’s walls, those incarcerated at ACRJ have reported poor COVID containment procedures and unhygienic living conditions. Now, with the highly-contagious omicron variant spreading across the country, coronavirus cases have reached an all-time high at the jail.

On January 18, superintendent Martin Kumer reported that 65 incarcerated individuals and 10 staff members had tested positive for the virus. Around 66 percent of the jail population—currently 265 people—have received at least one dose of the vaccine. As of February 1, the ACRJ data on the Blue Ridge Health District’s COVID dashboard had last been updated on January 21, and showed 42 positives among incarcerated people and another six among staff.

“An outbreak this size is not unexpected given the community positivity rate of over 35%,” Kumer wrote in a press release. “Our infection rate typically follows those within the community. We expect our rates to begin to decline as those in the community decline.”

In response to the outbreak, Kumer claimed the jail would continue to put eligible individuals—especially those who are high-risk—on home electronic incarceration, as well as test and quarantine the jail population and staff, require employees to wear masks, offer vaccines and boosters, and limit movement around the jail. The local courts also agreed to delay those scheduled to begin sentences from reporting to the jail for 30 days, he said.

However, multiple incarcerated individuals report that the jail could be doing more to get the outbreak under control. These claims echo reporting from C-VILLE over the last year.

Terrence Winston claims that the flow of employees in and out of the facility, which is short-staffed, is contributing to the spread of the virus. Staff members have also not been wearing masks consistently, he says, possibly causing the outbreak.

“It’s the staff—they’re the ones that keep coming in and out,” Winston says. “And they may be slacking on testing these people who are coming inside of this jail.”

He also says the jail hasn’t provided adequate cleaning supplies. Throughout the pandemic, incarcerated people have reported black mold, bug infestations, dirty vents, standing water, leaky ceilings, and many other sanitary issues in their pods.

“I’ve been in [my pod] for two and a half months, going on three months—we’ve never seen bleach to clean the pods, the showers. The catwalk is disgusting,” says Winston. “We have to sit here and beg for bleach, and don’t get it.”

Allan Via fears COVID will only get worse at the jail if staff does not stop moving people around to different pods. Meanwhile, the jail continues to bring in new people, claims Ty Gregory.

“I was supposed to come off quarantine on the 23rd, but they brought a guy to our block [last week] knowing that he was COVID positive. They brought him in and took him out,” says Via. “They’ll bring somebody in for about two minutes, turn around, and take him out.”

“They’re constantly moving people around,” he adds. “They do not have it under control.”

Following the announcement of the outbreak, Beyond Charlottesville Policing urged the public to contact the jail board, and demand the jail provide hand sanitizer, cleaning supplies, and medical-grade masks, as well as fix the heating outage in Pod GL. During a January 18 City Council meeting, Councilor Sena Magill, a member of the jail board, said the jail no longer had heating issues, but did not plan on distributing masks because “people just haven’t been wearing them.”

Winston claims the jail population wears masks outside their pods, and would appreciate new ones. “We got to put masks on to go to rec, to go out in the hallway to get mail…If you don’t have a mask on, you can’t go nowhere,” he says.

And on top of the outbreak, the heat is still out in some parts of the jail, report multiple incarcerated people. Gregory claims it has been 40 degrees in his pod for several days. “Nothing’s changed,” he says.

During a January 13 jail board meeting, Kumer claimed the jail had restarted in-person programming during the outbreak, focusing on substance abuse, anger management, domestic violence, financial literacy, and other topics. However, Winston says there has yet to be any programming, leaving people at the jail with little to do.

To bring an end to the outbreaks, Via wishes the jail would test staff members regularly, and use more accurate tests. Winston also urges the jail to adopt proper health and safety protocols, and provide the population with sufficient cleaning supplies.

Most importantly, jail leadership must improve their communication, and immediately inform and quarantine people who have been exposed to the virus, say the incarcerated men.

“They don’t tell us nothing at all,” adds Winston. “We just eventually find out.”

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Still active: Students work to change culture from the periphery

By Ben Hitchcock

At 10:30pm on May 4, 1970, approximately 1,500 UVA students gathered on the Lawn to protest the murder of four student activists at Kent State University earlier that day. On April 28, 1983, a group of 100 students marched up to the office of Student Affairs Vice President Ernest Ern and presented a list of demands, including the admission of more black students, the hiring of more black faculty, and an increase in the amount of financial aid for black students. In 1991, a Cavalier Daily opinion columnist wrote: “The world around us is buzzing with black political activism.”

The University of Virginia has a reputation as a hidebound and conservative place, where seersucker reigns supreme and change comes slowly. But progressive political activism has always been present on Grounds. For decades, UVA students have banded together to protest against all manner of injustices.

Today’s students are building on the activism of their forebears.

“Some of my friends were at the big bicentennial celebration on the Lawn, with a big banner that just says ‘200 years of white supremacy,’” says UVA student Corey Runkel, a member of the Living Wage Campaign at UVA. “We found an image from 1970, when they were trying to do co-education… They had a sign that said ‘150 years of white supremacy.’ It was interesting to see that history.”

Runkel, a third-year, has been a part of the Living Wage Campaign since shortly after his arrival at the school. Founded in the late ‘90s, the group has advocated for the rights of workers around Grounds, lobbying the administration to raise the minimum wage for the university’s employees. In 2006, 17 students occupied Madison Hall for four days before President John Casteen had them arrested.

The campaign scored a significant victory earlier this year, when President Jim Ryan announced that 1,400 full-time employees would receive $15 an hour by January 2020.

“When I was a first-year, people that didn’t know about Living Wage directly would never talk about it,” Runkel says. The group kept pushing, though, and managed to force the university into action.

Other students fight for different issues. The Virginia Student Environmental Coalition “engages in political advocacy, education, and direct action around environmental and social justice,” says leader Joyce Cheng. Recently, VSEC organized to slow down the Atlantic Coast Pipeline. Before that, the group lobbied the university administration to divest from fossil fuels.

“When the Atlantic Coast Pipeline opposition was really heightened, a couple semesters ago, we were really close with the people in Buckingham County,” Cheng says. “We have tried to strengthen the bonds between the university and the community.”

Many of UVA’s activist groups focus on issues beyond the university’s walls. Political Latinxs United for Movement and Action in Society concentrates on “having really close ties with the community,” says Diana Tinta, one of the group’s members. That could mean anything from hosting an open mic night to organizing dinners and donating profits to refugees in Charlottesville.

Recently, PLUMAS painted Beta Bridge to protest the Albermarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail’s relationship with ICE. Activities like painting the bridge can galvanize students, and “that’s given us a lot of momentum,” Tinta says.

The Living Wage Campaign, VSEC, and PLUMAS represent just a small sample of activist organizations at the university. UVA Students United has organized around a variety of social justice issues; the Queer Student Union advocates for UVA’s LGBTQ+ population; the Black Student Alliance has been a catalyst for political activism since its founding in the 1960s. The list of activist organizations at UVA goes on and on. The school is chock full of passionate and innovative students.

Nevertheless, UVA’s activists themselves remain generally pessimistic about the role of political activism in the university’s culture. Despite the long history of action and the proliferation of progressive groups, some organizers still feel like the stereotypes about UVA’s apathetic political climate hold more than a little truth.

“I think it’s probably apt to say that this is not a place that is known for political activism,” Runkel says. “We’ve found it a very difficult place to organize.”

Runkel ascribed this difficulty to the less-than-revolutionary politics of many UVA students. “Part of it is a sort of self-separation from the rest of UVA life. We’re fairly radical, relative to other groups.”

Cheng echoes Runkel’s lament. “[Mobilizing students] is something, to be honest, I think we struggle with, just because UVA students are so busy and so involved in all their different commitments,” she says. “UVA is very closed off to student activism.”

Tinta, too, believes most UVA students are insufficiently engaged. “I don’t think that students are active enough in advocating for issues, especially when it comes to advocating for the Charlottesville community,” she says. “There are a bunch of groups that do great work, but I think that all these works need more collaboration and more support, which I don’t think that UVA students really give.”

So while many groups are working hard for a wide variety of progressive causes, student activism continues to exist on the periphery of the school’s consciousness, and that relationship shows little sign of changing. As long as that remains true, UVA’s activists know they have more work to do.