Attorney General Mark Herring has spent the past few years studying the issue of hate crimes and white supremacist violence across the commonwealth and advocating for new legislation to combat it. On December 5—coincidentally during the state’s murder trial against the neo-Nazi who drove his car into a crowd on August 12, 2017—Herring hosted a roundtable discussion on both topics in Charlottesville.
Approximately 20 local leaders representing a bevy of faith communities, cultural groups, government, and law enforcement gathered in the basement of the First Baptist Church to participate.
Herring, who sat at the head of the table in front of a Christmas tree with big red bows, kicked off his discussion with a few statistics.
“It is past time to acknowledge that hate crimes are on the rise,” he said, noting that Virginia State Police have recorded a 64 percent increase in hate crimes since 2013. There were more than 200 committed in the state last year.
Leaders at every level should condemn the hate and bigotry that “we all sense in our own communities,” he said.
And “the state needs to pair those words with actions,” he added, as he introduced multiple bills already on the agenda for next year’s General Assembly session. Last year, he pushed two similar bills, including one that would punish white supremacists as domestic terrorists, but the Republican-led Committee for Courts of Justice declined to hear it.
One of the new bills would give localities the ability to ban firearms at permitted events, such as the 2017 Unite the Right rally in which paramilitary groups lined the streets of Charlottesville with semi-automatic rifles swung over their shoulders.
But that legislation, if passed, still won’t satisfy some local leaders.
“It’s not the permitted event. It’s the every day,” said Charlottesville Police Chief RaShallBrackney, who wants to be able to prohibit gunsat any time or place within the city, regardless of whether a permitted event is taking place.
She noted that at the Key Recreation Center, for instance, the city doesn’t allow its employees to carry guns, but any guest is more than welcome to come in packing heat. Brackney then called Virginia a “very strong Second Amendment state.”
“I believe people’s minds are changing,” countered Herring. He promised the chief, “We’ll keep working on it.”
At this roundtable, and at three he previously held across the state, he asked participants to give examples of hate crimes that they or other folks in their communities have experienced.
“This year, we have just been flooded,” said Janette Martin, president of the Albemarle-Charlottesville NAACP. She gave an example of a woman who keeps calling the police on her black neighbor for seemingly no reason. “It’s obvious what her motive is,” she added.
Rachel Schmelkin, the rabbi educator at Congregation Beth Israel, said their congregation has faced several anti-Semitic incidents over the past few years. She described an alert the synagogue received on August 12, 2017, in which white supremacists had sent out a message that said, “Let’s go toward those Jewish monsters at 3pm.”
Just a few weeks ago, on the anniversary of the Night of Broken Glass—when Nazis in Germany orchestrated a massive attack against Jews on November 9, 1938—Schmelkin said someone drew swastikas on a shop near the synagogue. At 8:30pm, she and her husband went to CBI to “check every inch of the building” to make sure they hadn’t gotten the same treatment.
“We have to bear the burden of that,” she said, and added that Deacon Don Gathers also walks around the synagogue late some Saturday nights just to check on it.
After the October mass shooting of 11 worshipers at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Schmelkin said she wanted to debrief with the high school students who attend CBI.
“They were all really quiet,” she told Herring. “A number of them said they were relieved because they expected it would have happened here. I think that’s indicative of how unsettled our children have felt since August 12.”
Schmelkin said they now have security outside the synagogue, “almost 24/7.”
At the local mosque, Islamic Center of Central Virginia outreach secretary Noor Khalidi said law enforcement is also present for major events, such as Friday night prayer sessions.
They haven’t received any threats. “We’re sort of holding our breath, though,” she said.
After meditating on that comment for a moment, Herring said, “No one in our commonwealth or our country should feel that way.”
What’s on the table
When Attorney General Mark Herring stopped by Charlottesville last week to talk about local hate crimes and white supremacist violence, he also wanted to offer details on five upcoming bills that address those topics. This is what they hope to accomplish.
Update Virginia’s definition of “hate crime” to include crimes committed on the basis of gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability
Allow the attorney general to prosecute hate crimes through a network of multi-jurisdictional grand juries, instead of at the local level
Prohibit paramilitary activity
Give law enforcement better tools to identify and intervene in the actions of violent white supremacist and hate groups, making it harder for the groups to operate
Close the loophole that allows people convicted of hate crimes the right to possess a gun
Sunlight had just begun to illuminate the candy-colored stained glass windows of First Baptist Church as people filed through the door and slid into the wooden pews.
“This little light of mine, I’m going to let it shine,” the crowd sang louder as it grew larger. When the pews were full, people stood arm to arm against the back walls and in the balcony. “Let it shine, let it shine, let it shine,” they sang in Charlottesville’s oldest black church, asking the lyrics and melody that were sung at sit-ins and marches of the American civil rights movement of the 1960s to carry them through the day ahead. It was August 12, 2017.
A few minutes after 6am, First Baptist Church deacon Don Gathers addressed the now-quiet congregation that included First Baptist parishioners, Charlottesville community members, and dozens of clergy and people of many faiths. “Thank you for coming out early in the morning. It is truly early in the morning,” he said.
He asked everyone present to pray for an end to oppression, tyranny, and “400 years of misdeeds.” The mood was energetic but reverent as each speaker addressed the seriousness of what might lie ahead of them that day.
“In the face of fear, the only weapon that wins is love…It is not your body that wins your battle, it is your heart,” Reverend Traci Blackmon, executive minister of justice and local church ministries for the United Church of Christ, told them. “Until the lion tells his whole story, the hunter will be the hero.”
“I didn’t come to Charlottesville to run my mouth. I came to go to jail,” philosopher and political activist Dr. Cornel West told them. “This is not a discourse about hope. We’re going to be the hope.”
“Go and be brave and be fierce…because we can,” said Reverend Winnie Varghese, priest and director of Community Outreach at Trinity Episcopal Church Wall Street in New York City, before Reverend Osagyefo Sekou, who directed most of the morning’s musical offerings, led the congregation in another civil rights movement song, “Freedom In The Air.”
As the song wound down, Sekou asked those who had “been trained” to come forward to the altar. Dozens of clergy, most of them dressed in their religious garb, walked to the altar and bowed their heads as Sekou asked the congregation to extend their hands and pray for the safety of the clergy as they prepared to bear witness.
He asked them to pray, too, for the people who were against them, who wished to cause them harm. To pray for the white supremacists.
“Be safe, be mindful, be vigilant. Look out for the brother and sister beside you,” Gathers reminded the group as the clergy walked from the church sanctuary.
In front of the church, the clergy formed two groups: One proceeded quietly to Market Street Park, the planned site of the Unite the Right rally. A second sang “This Little Light Of Mine” as it’s members walked to designated safe spaces around town.
They sought to be a nonviolent but strong presence, a visible indication that love is greater than hate. They were ready to bear witness to God’s love, wherever it may be that day, and to bear witness to injustice.
It goes without saying that the day was mayhem. The rally was shut down before it started, and a melee broke out in the streets of Charlottesville.
After a white supremacist drove his car into a crowd of protesters on Fourth Street, killing Heather Heyer and injuring dozens of other people, Gathers stood at the corner of Fourth and Water streets with other activists, community members, and clergy, the asphalt covered in bloody and broken bodies, the air filled with the smell of tires and sweat and screams of pain. The deacon who’d put together the program for that morning’s prayer service at First Baptist had reached his limit.
“I was tired of the fight. I didn’t want to see anyone else hurt or injured. All the fight had left out of me at that point. I was just done,” Gathers recalls nearly one year later. When it came time for him to leave the scene of the attack, he hadn’t walked half a block down Water Street before running into NBC29 news director David Foky. Before Gathers could say a word, Foky embraced him and whispered, “you can’t give up. You can’t walk away.”
“Oh, my God,” Gathers thought. “How did he know?”
Gathers has long felt God tapping on his shoulder; that chance meeting with Foky was one such tap. Most people feel it but try to outrun the proverbial tapping hand, he says, and in the past year, he’s realized he’s not so fast.
Gathers, 59, answered the call. He’s now making plans to enter seminary and become an ordained minister.
Enduring mission
Over the past year and a half—and even before then—a number of Charlottesville faith leaders have been visible and audible beyond their pulpits and sanctuaries in order to address racial, social, and economic injustices. And they’ve done so together.
Some have taken pilgrimages to civil rights landmark sites like Selma, Alabama, and visited the site of a slave auction block in Richmond. They have attended demonstrations in support of DREAMers and affordable housing, and signed and sent a letter to the Albemarle County Jail Board asking the facility to reconsider its choice to notify ICE when an undocumented person enters the facility. Some of them have literally put their bodies on the line. For these members of the clergy, their call to social justice and activism is part of, and inseparable from, the call received from God.
“The events of last year were not new to us,” says Reverend Cass Bailey, vicar of Trinity Episcopal Church on Preston Avenue since 2010. While many folks in Charlottesville are just now beginning to understand how white supremacy and racism have manifest in every corner of the city, it’s a familiar story to many, including members of Bailey’s parish.
What is new, says Bailey, is how many people—particularly white people—are now willing to acknowledge racism and white supremacy as a problem that needs to be solved.
Trinity Episcopal began as a mission in the Vinegar Hill neighborhood in 1919, a mostly black church that today has a racially and economically diverse congregation, which is a bit unusual in Charlottesville (and, really, in the United States), says Bailey—most houses of worship, whether intentionally or not, are not terribly diverse.
Trinity Episcopal pastors and parishioners were active during the massive resistance and the civil rights movement of the 1950s and ’60s, and in the 1970s, Trinity Episcopal was one of the first parishes in town to intentionally integrate. Currently, the parish has a ministry program that works to address systemic problems of access to healthy food that disproportionately affect people of color in our community.
Reverend Dr. Alvin Edwards, senior pastor at Mt. Zion First African Baptist Church, says his congregation emphasizes equity and equality through education. Mt. Zion sponsors an annual back to school bash, where they hand out school supplies to children. “Education is the best transport to equalizing, to making the ground level” for all, says Edwards, who has served at Mt. Zion since 1981, making him almost certainly the longest-serving clergy person in Charlottesville. “I believe it’s one of the best things we could do as a community, and as a city,” he says.
Clergy of different faiths “may not agree doctrinally on everything, but we can impact the lives of people in our community by doing different things” together, says Edwards.
The promise of what a group of diverse and interfaith clergy can accomplish when working together is what led Edwards to establish the Charlottesville Clergy Collective in 2015 with the intention “to discuss and address the challenge of race relations” in Charlottesville and Albemarle County.
After a white supremacist opened fire on a prayer service at Emmanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina, Edwards began to wonder if pastors and faith leaders in town knew one another well enough to call upon each other if something like this were to happen in Charlottesville. At a breakfast meeting, he and a few other pastors admitted that the answer was no.
It now seems an almost prophetic action on Edwards’ part, because in 2017, it became clear to members of the Charlottesville Clergy Collective that they would need to rely on one another as white supremacists began holding rallies in the city and threatening the Jewish synagogue, black churches, and people of color in the community.
The collective realized it needed to respond as a unified group with some measure of authority, to assert that white supremacy in all forms “is not acceptable, and then find tangible ways to support more vulnerable members of the community,” says volunteer secretary Reverend Michael Cheuk.
The morning of the Ku Klux Klan rally on July 8, 2017, a group of Charlottesville Clergy Collective members linked arms and walked to the park together in a show of solidarity. When they came into view of the people who had set up to protest the Klan’s rally, some people started yelling, “The clergy are here! The clergy are here!” and it became clear that their presence meant something positive to people in the community.
Collecting trust
While the Charlottesville Clergy Collective seeks to foster trust and relationships among faith leaders, a few of the group’s members wanted to develop stronger relationships with local social activists as well.
For Reverend Brittany Caine-Conley, a member of Sojourners United Church of Christ and current interim campus minister at Westminster Presbyterian Church, her faith and her activism are “very much the same thing.”
“I’m called to action because of my faith,” she says. “The more I study, the more I read the Bible, the more I read theologians, the more I dig deep into the Christian tradition, the more I am pushed toward activism. I am convinced that the basic premise of the gospel is that Jesus absorbed violence so that others didn’t have to.”
With that activism in mind, in early summer 2017, Caine-Conley and Reverend Seth Wispelwey of Restoration Village Arts, both members of the Charlottesville Clergy Collective, founded Congregate Charlottesville, a group whose mission is “to prepare and equip people of faith to bear public witness and to show up for matters of justice,” says Caine-Conley.
While the Charlottesville Clergy Collective and Congregate Charlottesville are two different groups, there’s a fair amount of crossover between them, says Caine-Conley.
Last summer, Congregate Charlottesville put out a nationwide call to clergy requesting their presence on August 12, to participate in nonviolent direction action and civil disobedience training and dozens actually showed up to be present in a variety of ways that day—most of them were clergy of color, LGBTQ+ clergy, and female clergy, joined by plenty of Jewish, Muslim, and other non-Christian clergy. People who are used to showing up.
Over the past year, Congregate Charlottesville has continued to hold trainings on faithful presence for clergy and for laypeople alike, and they’ve established a rapid response network through which the community can request their presence. The Congregate folks will show up “only through invitation,” says Caine-Conley. “We never want to show up somewhere where we’re not wanted or helpful.”
Heightened threat
Walk toward Congregation Beth Israel on East Jefferson Street and it’s likely you’ll hear shouts of delight from the synagogue’s preschoolers. Once you’re standing in front of the magnificent brick building, it’s hard not to notice that the children are playing under the watch of an armed security guard. The juxtaposition is jarring, heartbreaking even, but it’s evidence of what the Reform synagogue’s congregation has been through in the past year.
Last year, on the night of August 11 and the morning of August 12, as the congregation held its weekly prayer services, white supremacists and neo-Nazis loitered outside yelling anti-Semitic slurs loud enough for those inside to hear. When prayer services were over, congregants had to leave in small groups through a side door—the prominent front door was deemed too dangerous an exit.
“To have that kind of hate, and specifically some of the anti-Semitic hate, parading around the streets so proudly, and assertively, that’s…unsettling,” says CBI Senior Rabbi Tom Gutherz. “People from different generations maybe deal with it in different ways; for some people, they’d never seen anything like that, and for other people, they had,” depending on where and when they grew up.
Congregation Beth Israel’s existence as a community of Jewish ethnic culture and worship makes it vulnerable ideologically; the synagogue’s location has made it vulnerable physically, too. With Market Street Park one block to the west, and Court Square Park one block to the east, the synagogue is literally in the middle of where many of the white supremacist rallies have taken place. Gutherz points out, too, that the city and county courtrooms where some of these white supremacists have been tried throughout the year—often bringing a group of like-minded friends along for support—are only a few blocks away as well.
Printed on a piece of paper taped up to a doorway in the Congregation Beth Israel office is the congregation’s principles: Worship; culture; lifelong learning; repair of the world; gladness and joy; caring and kindness; commitment to Israel. The sign also reads, “We promote social justice, charitable giving and lifetime learning.”
Gutherz, who participated in last month’s pilgrimage from Charlottesville to the Equal Justice Initiative in Montgomery, Alabama, says that Congregation Beth Israel is a community of people that “feels very strongly” about social justice initiatives; many congregants are involved on both a personal and a community level. “I think it’s part of the Jewish worldview,” says Gutherz. “I would say part of the Jewish mission is to see that the teachings that we teach, and the words that we speak, should also lead to action out there in the world.”
Ministry of presence
Showing up to court is something that Reverend Dr. Susan Minasian never anticipated would be part of her ministry. But there she was, sitting in the Charlottesville General District Court the morning of July 19, 2018, wearing a short-sleeved black collared top, the bright white rectangle of the clerical tab at the center of her throat.
A second generation Armenian American whose grandparents immigrated to escape Ottoman Turk rule—and the Armenian Genocide—in the early 20th century, Minasian was raised in the United Church of Christ by a mother who she says was ahead of her time—an electrologist, frequently offering hair removal services gratis to people going through gender reassignment.
Minasian recalls playing receptionist in her mother’s office one day, and asking her about a client: “He looks like a she, but I thought he was a he?” 7-year-old Minasian asked.
Without missing a beat, Minasian’s mother replied, “She’s becoming who God created her to be.”
That sort of love—acknowledging, recognizing, and valuing people for who they are—is the focus of Minasian’s ministry through Sojourners United Church of Christ. It’s a ministry of presence, both physically and spiritually.
Minasian, like the other clergy interviewed for this story, are upset by the ways in which religion, and Christianity in particular, is used by some—including American white nationalists—as a weapon of oppression against people of different races, genders, sexualities, and faiths.
Local clergy of all faiths hope to help dismantle that system eventually, but they know it will take time and patience—they have to recognize when to be present and when to give someone their space. They understand that for those who have been turned away from a church, or abused emotionally or physically by a religious ideology or religious person, the clerical collar, stoles, and robes might not be a welcome sight. And so these particular clergy have to do a lot of gentle convincing that they are not “terrible people,” says Caine-Conley, and that process involves showing up, quietly, over and over again.
So, while in court, Minasian says she’s “usually praying for some people to be comforted and to be of peace and okay,” she says. “And then I’m praying for the other side, saying, ‘Dear God, if there is any way to soften their hearts and change their minds, this would be a good time to zap ’em.’”
This particular morning, one of the activists who was found guilty of stepping in a road with poor visibility during a recent protest didn’t have the money to pay the fine—$15—plus $89 in court fees. As the activist’s name was called to go into the clerk’s office, Minasian rose from the bench, clutching her change purse in her hand.
“I’m sorry,” the activist said to Minasian as they walked to the clerk’s office door side by side. “I’m sorry.”
“What do you have to be sorry for?” Minasian asked, waving her change purse in the air. “I’ll take care of you.”
Walking the talk
It’s the job of the clergy to take care of people, says Reverend Brenda Brown-Grooms, co-pastor of New Beginnings Christian Community on Market Street. “Our spirits need growing, and care, and a pastor is someone who grows people’s spirits up.”
Sometimes that care requires pastors to be in court, at protests. It requires sitting on a park bench with a grieving congregant. It requires difficult conversations with community members and even with fellow clergy. Caine-Conley says that Brown-Grooms, who grew in Charlottesville, attending a church that was razed along with the Vinegar Hill neighborhood, will frequently “pipe up” in meetings and “say what needs to be said.” Brown-Grooms will remind white clergy and male clergy that the work of social justice has long been done by women and clergy of color in town—and that women and clergy of color should be supported in and given credit for that work. She won’t let that story go untold or unheard.
And while so many pastors have been active in the community outside of their church buildings and congregations, one should not forget the profound work a pastor can accomplish in a worship service. In a sermon in particular.
“A church is a hospital. From the pulpit to the door, we are all broken. And this is the place where there’s space enough for all, the space to be and become in. To be a church is to understand your position in helping people,” says Brown-Grooms. She says every faith leader has a single sermon that they are called to preach “a million different ways, a million different times” throughout their lives. Hers is: What is just? What does God say? Where is justice in this?
She preaches her sermons with the intention of getting people to relate to one another. She knows a sermon is working when people respond. They murmur, shift in their seats, nod their heads, turn their gaze upward and take a deep breath. When a sermon works, she says, “it can accomplish healing.” A sermon can change minds and hearts.
“Stories are the Tupperware of the universe,” she says. “Everything that’s important and that we need to know as human beings is contained in a story. It’s a proper container—you can carry it from one generation to the next, and you can pop it open, and it’s there. This is why I preach. It’s stories.”
Faith in community
The ability to see the humanity of all people is the gold thread among the ideologies of the clergy interviewed for this story.
Through the meetings of the Charlottesville Clergy Collective, “I feel like we’ve strengthened our sense that our religions are maybe sometimes using different language” to say the same thing, that “we all have the same idea of the dignity of every human being, that every human being is created in the image of God,” says Gutherz.
“I can never ignore the humanity in the people who are on a side opposite than I am,” says Reverend Elaine Ellis Thomas, formerly of St. Paul’s Memorial Church on University Avenue, who participated in various events with both the Clergy Collective and Congregate Cville last year.
“It gets interesting sometimes,” says Gathers about this challenge. “It’s not easy to separate the two, because that means I have to look [at all these white supremacists] and be able to love what’s standing in front of me, and look past everything that they’re doing and what’s coming out of them, and love the spirit that’s inside of them.”
The “emotional, spiritual toll” this work takes on the clergy “is great,” says Cheuk.
What’s more, Cheuk says he knows for certain that several of those involved with the Clergy Collective and in Congregate C’ville, “face tremendous pushback and criticism from their own congregants” for their faith-driven activism. “Their lives and their calling are at stake. So the amount of courage that is required to stay connected to their own community of faith while also doing this work” is extraordinary, says Cheuk.
The work is perhaps made easier by the fact that none of them are doing it alone. They heard and, over and over again, have heeded the request Gathers made of them during that sunrise service at First Baptist Church: “Be safe, be mindful, be vigilant. Look out for the brother and sister beside you.”
One of the “really beautiful things that came out of last summer are these amazing, really deep relationships I’ve formed with clergy of different faiths, through the work of activism,” says CBI rabbi educator Rabbi Rachel Schmelkin, who regularly keeps in touch with her protest buddy and frequent “This Little Light Of Mine” duet partner Thomas—now rector of All Saints Episcopal Parish in Hoboken, New Jersey—via text message.
Perhaps because she has a bit of physical distance from Charlottesville now, Thomas believes that what happened here last summer was a watershed moment that finally got the community—and some clergy—acting on issues of justice they’d only been talking about for years and years.
It is very difficult to be what God created us to be when we have borne witness to the worst, says Thomas. “It’s very difficult to do if you are by yourself. If you are in some kind of community that is seeking to do good, it’s much easier to recognize that in some small way, in your corner of the universe, you might be able to make a difference.”
Throughout this week, the Charlottesville Clergy Collective is sponsoring a number of interfaith prayer and worship services open to the community. See the group’s website for times and locations.
A month ago, around 100 locals set off on two buses to Montgomery, Alabama, carrying soil from the site where John Henry James was lynched in 1898 in Albemarle County. On August 5, nearly 200 people gathered at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center to hear the pilgrims’ report back to the community about what they experienced, what they learned and where they go next with what they brought back from the historic journey.
A common theme emerged: The violent events from last summer’s Unite the Right rally were not isolated events, but part of a continuum of white supremacy dating back to this country’s founding, say pilgrimage participants and organizers.
“Charlottesville has a long history of violent white supremacy,” said Jalane Schmidt, UVA religious studies professor and pilgrimage co-organizer. Along with James’ lynching, she listed the KKK in the 1920s—active at the same time controversial monuments of Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson were erected—sit-ins in the ‘60s to integrate restaurants, and August 11 and 12 last year. “And in all of these cases, police were complicit,” she added.
The journey began on July 8, the anniversary of the KKK rally last year, but Andrea Douglas, executive director of the heritage center and the pilgrimage’s other organizer, pointed out that July 9 was a more significant anniversary—the 150th of the ratification of the 14th Amendment that gave African Americans citizenship, due process and equal protection.
“Those are the same things we’re talking about today,” she said.
The six-day pilgrimage hit civil rights landmarks and museums between Charlottesville and Montgomery, and included Danville, Greensboro, Charlotte, Atlanta and Birmingham. It began with a stop at Appomattox, where a national park depicts the surrender of the Confederacy with remarkably little information about slavery, the issue that had sparked the Civil War, the pilgrims noted.
“They were selling Confederate memorabilia” at a taxpayer-funded national park, reported Frank Dukes, UVA Institute for Environmental Negotiation professor.
Dukes identified the Sweet Auburn district in Atlanta, a historic African American community that has been preserved and works to remain affordable, as a model for Charlottesville. He also mentioned memorials to the legacy of racial terrorism and the civil rights struggle, such as the Equal Justice Initiative’s National Memorial to Peace and Justice and the Edmund Pettus Bridge. “We don’t have enough of that,” he said.
Multiple people reporting to the community said school curricula is an issue.
“We’d like to see schools do a better job of teaching black history—and not just at Black History Month,” said Cauline Yates.
Rising Charlottesville High senior Zyahna Bryant echoed the call for “more comprehensive black history” in schools. She, too, pointed out that the lynching of John Henry James “was not one singled-out event,” but is part of a history of white supremacy seen today in mass incarceration and “students of color failed over and over again.”
Bryant said the Real Justice PAC lobbies prosecutors. “I met with [Charlottesville Commonwealth’s Attorney] Joe Platania about how we can get people of color out of the criminal justice system,” she said.
DeTeasa Gathers and Patsy Goolsby were among the 21 faculty and staff UVA sent on the pilgrimage, which they describe as transformative and enlightening, while evoking feelings of anger, pain and shame, empathy and gratitude. “The pilgrimage was hard,” said Goolsby.
“Did I really miss all of this in history?” Gathers asked. “Did I miss what happened to my people?”
“The original sin was not slavery, but the narrative of white supremacy,” said Goolsby. She says European-Americans have a “moral obligation” to work with other white people to understand this history.
The message they bring back to UVA: “Acknowledge people of color’s ability to serve in leadership roles,” said Gathers, to applause from the audience. Blacks have to work twice as hard as whites and “this is UVA’s reality.”
Civil rights is an ongoing effort, she added, and “make sure everyone votes.”
Her husband Don Gathers, chair of the city’s Blue Ribbon Commission on Race, Memorials and Public Spaces and member of the newly formed Charlottesville Police Civilian Review Board, says he was struck by the interactions among the people sharing a journey that affected them “spiritually, psychologically and emotionally.”
The pilgrims visited places where they experienced joy, sorrow, lamentations and anger, “all fueled with clear recognition of the persistence of white supremacy over our history,” he says.
Gathers was moved by “sacred moments”: seeing the struggle for justice, standing in front of August 12 victim Heather Heyer’s picture at the Southern Poverty Law Center, standing in the pulpit at Dexter Baptist Church in Montgomery where Dr. Martin Luther King preached and marching across the Pettus bridge. “We don’t get this kind of learning in schools,” he said.
“The future is long and the work is never done,” said Gathers. “Those on the pilgrimage can no longer sit on the periphery. We are forever changed.”
During her 15-year tenure as NBC “Today Show” co-anchor, UVA alum and journalist Katie Couric was known as America’s Sweetheart. These days, she’s way past that chipper morning news persona, and having finished a six-part series delving into the most contentious issues facing the country today, she says she’s exhausted.
Couric was in Charlottesville April 4 to screen at the Culbreth and Paramount theaters “Re-righting History,” the first episode of the National Geographic series she’s made called “America Inside Out.” The Virginia Film Festival sponsored the event.
She was already working on the legacy of Confederate monuments and names on public buildings before she came here for the August 12 weekend. A high school friend of her daughter’s was going to Yale, and Couric wondered what it was like for an African-American to live in a dorm called Calhoun College, named for a slavery-advocating U.S. vice president.
And then the Lawn where Couric lived as a student was flooded with tiki torch-carrying white supremacists and neo-Nazis chanting, “Jews will not replace us.”
“Little did we know what happened in Charlottesville would take a young woman’s life and change Charlottesville forever,” she said before the screening to a packed house at the Paramount.
Her documentary calls August 11 and 12 “one of the most savage displays of hate America has seen.”
Locals Zyahna Bryant, the then 15-year-old Charlottesville High student who started the petition to remove the Lee statue, activist Don Gathers and Unite the Right organizer Jason Kessler, who says the rally’s purpose was to prevent the ethnic “cleansing of white people,” appear in the 47-minute episode that took Couric to New Orleans and Montgomery, Alabama, to explore how the Lost Cause rewriting of history came about and still impacts us today.
The August 12 clashes on the screen “look like the civil rights era all over again,” narrates Couric, and images of the July Ku Klux Klan rally here are interspersed with archival footage of the KKK in its heyday.
The Paramount audience, many of whom were present at the white supremacist invasions, booed when President Donald Trump came on the screen to denounce the hatred and bigotry “on many sides.”
Couric interviewed Confederate heritage defenders, descendants of slave owners now shamed by their ancestors and New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu, who described how he came to remove the Big Easy’s monuments after his friend, Wynton Marsalis, told him what it was like to see them through his eyes.
Historians described how the spike in Confederate monuments came around the beginning of the 20th century as Jim Crowe and lynchings reasserted white supremacy, and the Lost Cause narrative sanitized slavery and the Civil War. “Gone with the Wind did more to shape the history than anything I’ve taught,” said UVA Civil War expert Gary Gallagher.
The landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision also led to a spike in naming schools after Confederate generals, a background of which many whites, like actress Julianne Moore, were unaware. Moore, who went to J.E.B. Stuart High School in Fairfax, led a petition to rename the school, whose moniker she now calls “shameful.”
“Why do we have such a hard time coming to grips with our past?” asked Couric.
After the screening, UVA’s Larry Sabato led a panel discussion with Couric, Bryant, Gathers, Gallagher, UVA historian John Mason and religious leader Seth Wispelwey.
Historian Gallagher doesn’t want a rush to remove statues, instead suggesting there’s more history that can be memorialized, such as the 250 black men from Albemarle who “put on blue uniforms” of the Union.
“People of color often have to put our trauma on the back-burner at the expense of teaching other people about white supremacy,” said Bryant.
And Gathers said, “If a monument to a slave owner is necessary to teach history, it’s time to change the curriculum.”
Thomas Jefferson came up as a prime example of America’s complicated past, and Mason suggested the TJ statue in front of the Rotunda be shrouded at least one week a year in recognition of the less-laudable aspects of the Declaration of Independence’s author, whom Mason called the “godfather of scientific racism.”
Mason also pointed out that many race-based issues, like stop and frisks, gentrification and education, were issues in Charlottesville before August 12. “We’re a very self-congratulatory city,”he said.
Other current events were part of the discussion. Wispelwey called out Commonwealth’s Attorney Joe Platania for prosecuting the three black men charged August 12. He also mentioned City Council’s decision a few days earlier to approve West2nd and asserted that its nearly 100 luxury condos and the 16 affordable units will not help with wealth inequality, with West2nd developer Keith Woodard sitting a few feet away in the audience.
Couric had the last word, and she called for continuing the oft-difficult conversations in which she admitted, “I find myself feeling uncomfortable.” But she said the more she talks to people, the more she’s convinced “people want to do the right thing.”
When Sabato asked what she would change, she said, “I wish we were in a place where there would be a little less harsh judgment.” And she cited the wisdom of her mother, who said, “You get more flies with honey.”
The series premieres at 10pm Wednesday, April 11, on the National Geographic channel.
Clarification April 11: Zhayna Bryant’s comment about African American’s trauma being put on the back burner specifically addressed teaching others about white supremacy.
Getting on City Council can cost a lot more than what the part-time job pays, even after a raise in 2018 boosted the salary to $18,000 annually. So far, no one’s touched Mayor Mike Signer’s all-time high of $51K to get elected, but major cash has been raised this year in some cases. In others, not so much. Above are the City Council candidates’ numbers as of September 30, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.
Democracy dropouts
Americans like to extol our exceptionalism for living in a free country, while conveniently skipping over the foundation of democracy: showing up at the polls and voting.
In that category, American citizens are lazy slobs.
Oh sure, we turn out in presidential election years, which nationally is a lackluster 50 percent. Locally, we do somewhat better, yet only mustering around 70 percent—barely a passing grade. And in a year where it’s merely local and House of Delegate races, which some argue are the most important, and fewer than one-third of the city and county’s 100,000-plus registered voters can be bothered to go to the polls.
Supposedly the 2016 election galvanized the country. Will that call for action be evident in the polls? We’ll find out November 7.
Officer-involved shooting
City police killed J.C. Hawkins Jr. October 13, after Hawkins allegedly sexually assaulted and robbed a 72-year-old woman in the 300 block of Riverside Avenue. Three officers found him on the Rivanna Trail, and say he pointed a handgun at them. Officers shot at Hawkins, he fell into the Rivanna River and “succumbed to his injuries,” police say. The officers are on administrative leave as Virginia State Police investigate.
Coach indicted
An Orange County grand jury indicted former volunteer softball coach Cathy S. Rothgeb, 57, of Stanley, on 34 counts related to sexual assault of children October 16. Rothgeb coached from the 1980s to early 2000s.
NBC29 boycott
Henry Graff’s interview with white nationalist Richard Spencer on the heels of “Charlottesville 3.0”—the October 7 tiki torch flash mob here—has irate viewers forming a Boycott NBC29 Facebook group with 122 members vowing to tell the TV station’s advertisers they don’t approve. Others simply changed the channel.
Gateway or gridlock?
City Council voted 4-1 October 16 to pass the conceptual design for the Belmont Bridge two-lane replacement project, with Bob Fenwick being the lone dissenter.
Borrowed & Blue shutdown
The Charlottesville-based tech startup that connected hundreds of couples to wedding vendors since 2011 abruptly announced October 16 that it would shut down all business operations, effective immediately.
Quote of the Week
“Someone set up a report card for city government. I believe this puts you on academic probation.” —Don Gathers at the October 16 City Council meeting
Barely 30 minutes into its August 21 meeting, City Council was in chaos. Three demonstrators were reportedly arrested, city officials left the chamber and the meeting’s video and audio feeds were cut off as protesters stood on the dais holding a banner that read, “Blood on your hands.”
The rage, frustration and trauma from the August 11-12 events that brought white supremacists and neo-Nazis to town were palpable among the more than 50 people who spoke when councilors came back into council chamber, and they blamed City Council for allowing it to happen.
Vice-Mayor Wes Bellamy took control of the meeting, jettisoned the agenda and turned it into a public comment with speakers allowed to talk for a minute—or as long as they wished—for nearly four hours.
Mayor Mike Signer took the brunt of citizens’ rage. “Mr. Signer, it seems to me we should change your name to Dr. Frankenstein, because you’ve created a monster and the villagers are storming,” said council regular John Heyden.
At about that point, Signer said the meeting was canceled and left the chamber, but he was not followed by his fellow councilors. “Signer has shown his true colors,” said Don Gathers, who was chair of the city’s Blue Ribbon Commission on Race, Memorials and Public Spaces.
Upon his return about 10minutes later, Signer was derided, particularly by independent council candidate Nikuyah Walker, who demanded that he leave. “You just showed us you’re not a leader.”
Again and again, speakers said the city had been warned those coming to Unite the Right rally intended violence.
“I told you so,” said one, a woman who described herself as a child of the ’60s. “I’ve seen this movie before,” she said.
“You want to call yourself the capital of the resistance,” said Emily Gorcenski, who videoed white nationalists marching through UVA Grounds August 11. She said the real resistance was from the medics who were there, and added, “Charlottesville is the capital of the antifa.”
And when citizens blamed council for allowing the alt-right rally, Signer pointed out that a federal judge ruled against the city. “We really tried hard to get it out of downtown,” he said.
For hours, there was no placating citizens, who were ready for council to ignore state and federal law and remove the statues that night.
“Will you charge us if we take them down tonight?” asked Jonny Nuckols.
It was around 11:30pm before City Manager Maurice Jones could begin to respond to questions about the event that left Heather Heyer dead and at least 30 injured when a neo-Nazi-driven Dodge Challenger plowed into a crowd on Fourth Street.
The number of those hurt was challenged by a woman whose daughter was injured in the deliberate crash and had two broken legs. The daughter was taken to Sentara Martha Jefferson, which had at least another dozen victims beyond the 19 reported taken to UVA, said the woman.
Jones explained that in Virginia, state law prohibits the removal of war memorials, unlike places such as Maryland and Texas that have removed Confederate monuments in the past week.
He also pointed to a federal judge who did not allow the city to move the rally to McIntire Park and issued his ruling about the same time polo-shirted neo-Nazis were swarming the Lawn. When asked why the city didn’t shut down the event after the tiki-torch march Friday night and the attacks on protesters at the Thomas Jefferson statue, Jones said, “We’d already lost in court.”
Councilors listed actions they wanted to take to prevent such an invasion of hate happening again.
Earlier that day, Councilor Kathy Galvin said at a press conference that she would introduce a resolution to remove the statue of Stonewall Jackson at Justice Park, as well as the statue of Robert E. Lee that she and Signer voted against removing in February. Galvin said the events of August 12 had shown her that keeping the statues in place was “untenable in the long run,” but it would be around 12:30am before she could introduce her resolution.
On August 18, Signer said he was changing his vote and he called upon the General Assembly to hold a special session and allow localities to determine the fates of their Confederate monuments.
At the council meeting, Signer said it was time for the Constitution to change to address “intentional mayhem” that is not covered in the First Amendment, much as courts have ruled it’s not okay to shout “fire” in crowded venues.
Among other questions from citizens, Jones denied that police had been told to not intervene. “There was no stand-down order from anyone in city government. None,” he said.
To concerns about the weapons-carrying militias, Jones reminded everyone that Virginia is an open-carry state, but admitted, “It caused great confusion having those gunmen in our parks.” Councilors want legislators to give them leeway to regulate that, as well.
The protection of Congregation Beth Israel on Jefferson Street was another concern, and Jones explained that there were almost 50 officers in the block and a half around the synagogue, including snipers on the roof of the Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society. “I completely understand people feeling unsafe,” he said. “We had people keeping an eye on it.”
Perhaps one of the biggest questions is why Fourth Street was open in the first place. One woman said it was barricaded when she went by it around 6am August 12, and Jones said that is being investigated.
The other was why UVA police were not visible as torch-carriers terrorized Grounds. A question for the university, responded Jones.
Close to 1am, Councilor Kristin Szakos made a resolution that passed 5-0: to drape the statues of Lee and Jackson in black cloth for a city in mourning.
A forthcoming addition to the Downtown Mall will commemorate Vinegar Hill, the historically African-American neighborhood that saw displacement of 158 families when city residents voted to develop the land in the 1960s. Officially called Vinegar Hill Park, this chunk of real estate between the Omni hotel and Main Street Arena will house $15,000 worth of interpretive signage, such as informational kiosks.
“The important thing about this site is its location,” says Mary Jo Scala, the city’s preservation and design planner. “It’s near where [Lawrence] Halprin envisioned this homage to Vinegar Hill, and it’s near where a lot of West Main Street’s African-American businesses were located.”
Halprin, a renowned landscape architect, began designing the Downtown Mall in the early 1970s, but he left room for a “park” that was never built to remember the lost neighborhood.
“The whole mall is a park, in a sense,” Scala says. “It’s an urban park. It doesn’t necessarily have to have trees or playground equipment or whatever you traditionally think of as a park. I think urban parks are kind of a place of respite where you can sit and enjoy yourself.”
Halprin’s drawing of the park shows trees and a water feature, Scala says. “That’s certainly possible for the future,” she adds. “That’s the beauty of this site.”
Within the next six months, Scala says you’ll be seeing wayfinding signage for Vinegar Hill Park on the mall.
Asked if this is the type of commemoration the Blue Ribbon Commission on Race, Memorials and Public Spaces has advocated for, commission chair Don Gathers says, “That and much more. We would like something specific and highly visible located at the entrance to the park or plaza—whatever they intend to call it—and also something throughout the Downtown Mall to direct people that way.”
The current marker memorializing Vinegar Hill, which will stay in place, isn’t cutting it on its own, Gathers says.
“It came to be known because it was behind one of those huge black planters and on the opposite side of it was a large city trash can bolted to the ground,” he says. “Unless you were looking for it, you never would have known it was there.”
While the city has since removed the planter and the trash can, Gathers says the marker still sits eight to 10 inches off the ground and is barely visible to the public.
Andrea Douglas, executive director of the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center, says the park—as the Historic Resources Committee described it—will honor more than the displaced families and the black population, but also the idea that Vinegar Hill was once a center of commerce in Charlottesville.
“It wasn’t just black people who used the commerce on Vinegar Hall,” she says. “Inge’s store was the place in Charlottesville where anyone could go to buy fish. …It holds a significant history that is associated with the development of our community.”
And there’s also room for more seating at the park, but, according to Scala, the Board of Architectural Review and Parks & Recreation have squabbled about what constitutes a Halprin-approved bench on the mall. (Which, if you ask the BAR, the backless benches in front of City Hall apparently aren’t).
In the past, the city has removed benches on the mall because of an alleged “behavior problem” by those using them, which the homeless people who camp on them have taken as a personal attack.
In a 6-3 vote, Blue Ribbon Commission members recommended that the city keep its General Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson statues in their current Lee Park and Court Square locations, though the committee’s chairman Don Gathers voted otherwise.
“We as a commission and as a city missed an opportunity here to show some real progress,” Gathers says.
Mayor Mike Signer created the commission on race, memorials and public spaces after Vice-Mayor Wes Bellamy called for a rally to remove the Lee statue from Lee Park in March, because some members of the community have been offended by the celebration of Confederate heroes in a post-Civil War era.
“It is my sincere belief that for us to take no action, which in essence is what I personally feel that we’ve done, means that we have bowed down to a segment of society in our area that has no real relevance here anymore,” Gathers says about the November 1 vote to let the statues stay. His commission was elected to evaluate the presence of similar statutes in town and recommend to City Council what should be done with them.
He continues, “Unfortunately, the commission didn’t vote to capture the lightning in a bottle when we had the chance to do so.”
The controversy has been fueled by passion, he says, and members of the public at each meeting have spoken strongly about either keeping the memorials in place, further contextualizing them or moving them out of their public parks and into private areas.
And each idea, either presented by the public or the commission, has been heavily criticized. But Gathers says he hasn’t taken the scrutiny to heart—“I’ve refereed high school and college basketball for over 20 years,” he says, laughing. “I’m used to criticism.”
One of his ideas, which he says most of the commission members seemed interested in at one point, was moving the statues to McIntire Park because Paul Goodloe McIntire gave them to the city in the early 1900s.
“I couldn’t think of a better place for them to reside than in the park named after him,” Gathers says.
From 6-9pm on November 10 at Walker Upper Elementary School, the Blue Ribbon Commission will present to the public a portion of the final recommendation it will make to City Council on December 19. Time will be set aside for public comment.
Gathers says commissioners will further explain the recommendation to contextualize the memorials in their respective parks with a more expanded version of the history the statues represent.
“There are some who don’t know for certain that that particular [task] can be accomplished,” Gathers says. “That was a real concern throughout the discussions.”
And what will those contextualizations look like? It’s up in the air.
“I think the plan was to pretty much leave that up to Council,” he says.
Nine members appointed to serve on Mayor Mike Signer’s Blue Ribbon Commission—created to make a recommendation to City Council on how to treat race, memorials and public spaces after a major controversy regarding the General Robert E. Lee statue in Lee Park—now have about half a year and $10,000 to make it happen.
“I think the biggest problem will be that a lot of people think there are people who have already made up their minds,” says commission member Frank Dukes, a long-time mediator and UVA faculty member trained in facilitation who founded the University & Community Action for Racial Equity almost a decade ago. “This is going to be a learning process. I think people will join us in that willingness to learn and keep their minds open.”
Three members, Gordon Fields, Rachel Lloyd and Margaret O’Bryant, were appointed to represent the Human Rights Commission, PLACE Design Task Force and Historic Resources Committee, respectively.
Lloyd, a professional preservation planner and historical landscape architect, says different generations may reinterpret their community’s history over time. In fact, the opinion overload regarding Lee’s legacy in town began when a local high school student petitioned to have the Confederate soldier’s memorial removed and his park renamed.
“I doubt any of us are naive enough to think that the process will be easy or that our recommendations, whatever they are, will be universally popular,” Lloyd says.
O’Bryant has been the librarian at the Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society for over 28 years. She says the group’s final recommendation should be reflective of all aspects of the local community. “I hope we can work effectively and constructively without unnecessary disagreement,” she says.
Jane Smith, who says she was “amazed” to learn she was selected out of the 74 people who applied to be on the commission, is eager to work with the group of “dignified, respectful people” who were also chosen, though she says she doesn’t expect them to agree on everything. Going in with a “clean slate,” Smith, who is a retired graphic designer, says, “I love doing history research and so I’m hoping that I can be of use that way.”
Don Gathers works as the front desk supervisor at the Graduate Hotel, is a member of UVA’s Fellowship of Christian Athletes executive committee and is on the deacon board at the First Baptist Church on West Main Street. Gathers says he applied to be on the commission to serve and hopefully unite the community.
“I think everyone wants basically the same things,” he says. “They want better lives for our children, freedom to come and go as they choose and to not have their rights infringed upon due to someone else’s rights.”
Gathers, a Richmond native, grew up around similar controversies surrounding the city’s historic Monument Avenue, where many Confederate leaders are honored.
“I’ve heard the outcries, I’ve heard the problems, the issues, the complaints, the explanations,” he says. “I think the best thing that we individually and collectively as a commission can do [in Charlottesville] is to listen before we formulate any opinion or take any stance one way or the other.”
But commissioner John Mason, a historian and UVA history professor who is descended on both sides of his family from Virginia slaves, has an idea of where he stands.
“I think my starting point is that the memorials are less about the men who are depicted and more about what they symbolize,” he says. “What they symbolize to me is not what they symbolized to the people who put them up.”
Erected as memorials to the “lost cause,” which Mason describes as the story white southerners told themselves to cope with defeat 30 years after the Civil War, he says, “Psychologically, they wanted to tell themselves about the glory of this lost cause. I think it’s a story of sacrifice, valor and dignity.”
He also notes that the Confederate memorials were built at the height of Jim Crow laws, when “things had never been worse for African-Americans.” Before City Council April 18, Mason said the memorials hide history instead of making it more visible.
Not reached were commission members Fields, Andrea Douglas and Melvin Burruss. All nine will meet for their first session June 16.
Correction: The original article incorrectly stated when the commission would first meet.