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Equal protection: Judge ponders city’s last statue defense, rejects another

The City of Charlottesville recently came up with another theory on how to defend itself in the lawsuit over its allegedly unlawful tampering with statues of Confederate generals: that the city never formally accepted the oversized bronze equestrian statues of Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson. But Circuit Court Judge Richard Moore rejected that argument Wednesday.

“The city’s position is a narrow one,” said Moore, pointing to an array of countervailing evidence, including City Council minutes, real estate deeds, construction projects, and dedication ceremonies—as well as long-standing efforts to tout the statues as civic assets.

“It’s clear to me that the city did authorize the erection of these statues and accept them,” said Moore. “There’s no question in my mind.”

This ruling leaves just one remaining defense for the city, which was sued after voting in early 2017 to remove the statues—that the state law propelling the suit is “invalid and unenforceable” as a violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. Leading this defense is Chief Deputy City Attorney Lisa Robertson, who noted that the law, first enacted in 1904, sprang from the Jim Crow era, the segregationist period following the Civil War and Reconstruction.

“The law was motivated by racial animus, and black people have been injured by the message,” said Robertson.

She told Judge Moore that a clue to the law’s nefariousness is that in forbidding anyone from removing statues, it deprives local government the right to handle its own property.

“That in and of itself shows that something’s not right,” said Robertson. And she noted that the original text of the law focused only on Confederate monuments.

However, University of Richmond law professor Kevin Walsh, arguing for the plaintiffs, said the law, amended about a dozen times by the General Assembly, shouldn’t be judged on its first iteration.

“What is the purpose of this law?” asked Walsh. “It is plainly historical preservation. Why Confederate monuments? That’s what people were asking to put up.”

During the three-hour July 31 hearing, Judge Moore claimed that he remained undecided on the city’s equal protection argument.

“This is probably the thorniest of the four or five issues I’ve addressed,” he said.

Three weeks earlier, at another motions hearing, he suggested Vietnamese-Americans might take issue with some American monuments to the war in Vietnam. “There is no right not to be offended,” he said then.

On Wednesday, he revealed more of his thinking. “Jim Crow was a horrible thing—did lots of damage,” said Moore. “The problem is that it tends to swallow everything else up, but it can swallow up the human desire to memorialize their loved ones. You can’t throw away everything done in Germany from 1927 to 1945 and say it’s due to the Nazis.”

In April, Moore disappointed those who would purge the statues from their perches in downtown parks by ruling that the statues constitute war memorials as defined by the controversial law. A year earlier, he ordered the city to remove black mourning tarps that city crews had draped over the statues after the August 12, 2017, death of anti-racist activist Heather Heyer, killed by a young Adolf Hitler devotee after the curtailed white nationalist rally.

Ralph Main, an attorney for the plaintiffs, recalled those 188 days under tarps as damaging to students, tourists, artists, and the dozen or so plaintiffs.

“At trial,” Main declared, “I’m gonna put people on the witness stand, and they’re gonna testify that they were not able to see those monuments for 188 days; and that’s damage.”

Both sides told the judge that there are no longer any factual matters in dispute—just competing legal theories. The judge gave no timeline for when he might rule on the city’s Equal Protection argument, a ruling that could cancel the three-day trial slated to begin in September.

“I’m not sure we even need a trial,” said the city’s Robertson.

“I’m not either,” replied the judge, “if we keep whittling things away.”

 

 

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Double negative: Judge dismisses racial profiling suit against Albemarle cop

On the second day of a jury trial against Detective Andrew Holmes for racial profiling in his stops of black motorists—the first of five such suits—plaintiffs’ attorney Jeff Fogel rested his case around noon March 22, and Judge Norman Moon ordered it tossed because Fogel did not prove Holmes treated white people differently.

“There is no evidence he did not subject other races to the same treatment,” said Moon in U.S. District Court.

“You have to prove a negative,” said Fogel after the hearing—that Holmes did not stop and search white people in the same situations as he did Fogel’s clients to prove their complaints that Holmes violated their 14th Amendment rights to equal protection.

Bianca Johnson and Delmar Canada brought the suit after Holmes stopped Canada for driving with a suspended license April 26, 2014, and then turned up at their apartment five days later after 11pm on a Friday night with a search warrant for the Department of Motor Vehicles license suspension notice that Canada said he never received.

Holmes, said Fogel, “believes black people driving fancy cars are likely to be drug dealers.”

Holmes’ attorney, Jim Guynn, said his client is “very interested in investigating drug crimes because so many other crimes are related to the drug trade.” And Holmes, who has been promoted since he searched the couple’s Turtle Creek apartment, had recently learned that using search warrants to look for a piece of paper as a pretext is a “beneficial tool” in finding drugs and is perfectly legal.

The day the officer stopped Canada, he was staking out the Super 8 parking lot on Greenbrier Drive because it’s “one area with higher than average calls for service,” Holmes testified. He turned his license plate scanner to the nearby 7-Eleven and ran the tags on Johnson’s BMW 7 Series parked in the lot.

Albemarle police use a database called PISTOL, which besides providing personal information, also reveals whether one has been a victim, an offender or has visited the jail. Holmes said he recognized Johnson’s name because officers had gone to her apartment on a domestic call, and the system offered up Canada’s name as well. He checked Canada’s driving record and saw that his license had been suspended—all before he knew who was driving the car.

When Canada came out of the convenience store, Holmes pulled him.

Canada testified that he never received the license suspension notice because of child support nonpayment, and said that he’d paid the support more than a year earlier.

For Holmes, Canada’s 2009 arrest for crack cocaine was another factor in his hunch that there could be drugs in the apartment, even though the drug charge was dropped. Canada testified he was a passenger just off work when the arrest happened.

Holmes, who had applied to join the Jefferson Area Drug Enforcement Task Force a couple of times, asked a JADE investigator about Canada, who told him “there was no active investigation, but they knew the name,” said Holmes.

Canada and Johnson were asleep when three officers knocked at their door. “It made me nervous because it was so late,” said Johnson. The couple had to sit on the sofa while the officers rummaged through papers for about an hour, and then left without the DMV notice—or drugs.

“I felt violated,” said Canada. “I still think about it.”

Fogel entered into evidence statistics from Albemarle police that show in the sectors Holmes mostly worked, although the population was 68 percent white and 18 percent black, in 2015, 51 percent of the summons he issued were to African-Americans. That same year, 22 percent of county cops tickets were to blacks and 74 percent to whites.

When asked why he cited blacks with greater frequency than other races, Holmes took a long pause and said he couldn’t answer without knowing more about the context and breakdown of the summonses.

“The color of one’s skin alone is not a determining factor” in traffic violations or in drug use,  testified Holmes.

Fogel called as witnesses three black men who had been stopped by Holmes. Sergio Harris, who has filed a lawsuit, said Holmes stopped him three times in one day and searched his 2001 Monte Carlo.

UVA library facilities manager Robert Douglas said Holmes stopped him several times with “bogus” excuses to search his Lincoln Town Car, including a claim he smelled marijuana. “I don’t even smoke weed,” said Douglas, who filed a complaint with the county.

And Rodney Hubbard said Holmes stopped him as he was driving his mother to Maryland on U.S. 29, said he smelled pot, handcuffed him and held them both for two hours during a search of his 2007 Yukon Denali, which yielded no drugs. The Hubbards are plaintiffs in another suit against Holmes.

The witnesses and statistics were not enough for Moon, who said a Fourth Circuit Court ruling required proof “similarly situated individuals in different races were not prosecuted.”

Acknowledged Moon, “They’ve created an impossible burden.”

Fogel said he will appeal the decision. “If you have to prove something that can’t be proven, you have no remedy.”

And Johnson said that while she was disappointed with the decision, “It’s not over. We’re going to keep pressing forward.”

Holmes declined to comment.

 

Correction 11:30am March 23: Sergio Harris was misidentified in the original story.