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In brief: Union rally, FOIA lawsuit, and more

‘Having a voice matters’

Waving colorful homemade posters and blue union authorization cards, several dozen Albemarle County teachers and community members rallied in front of the County Office Building last Thursday evening, urging the county school board to allow school employees to unionize. In late March, the Albemarle Education Association submitted to the board a draft collective bargaining resolution, which supporters say could boost pay, improve contracts, and provide other benefits. More than two-thirds of teachers, transportation staff, and school nurses have signed union cards.

After the crowd marched into the building, several teachers and union supporters told the school board about the desperate need for collective bargaining. The resolution was listed on the meeting’s agenda as an information item, but it was not discussed.

“Employees having the right to negotiate their contracts is a key way to retain the experienced workforce of [ACPS] employees,” said Albemarle Education Association President Vernon Liechti during public comment. “Having a voice matters.”

Teacher Mary McIntyre criticized the school division for not giving pay raises to middle- and high-school teachers with more than 150 students, violating state law. Art teacher Donna Evans claimed she had over 250 students last year and was not properly compensated until she went through a lengthy grievance process.

“This intense schedule has indeed affected my health,” said Evans. “I feel taken advantage of, and truly not valued.”

When former teacher David Zatyko worked for the division, he noticed that many teachers had to get a second or third job in order to make ends meet. “Collective bargaining will help promote a workplace environment where teachers are not thrown to the wolves,” he said.

Bekah Saxon of the Virginia Education Association called on the board to meet with the AEA, and start negotiating a collective bargaining agreement as quickly as possible. 

“Having some silence now is causing us a whole lot of angst,” said Saxon. “We don’t want this to become hostile or all about the lawyers fighting things out.”

Last month, the Charlottesville Education Association submitted its own collective bargaining resolution to the city school board. The county and city boards have until July 22 and August 12, respectively, to respond to the proposed resolutions. 

FOIA fracas

After receiving dozens of pages of redacted emails and letters in response to his FOIA requests from the City of Charlottesville last month, civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel—along with local activists Cherry Henley and Tanesha Hudson, and journalist Dave McNair—filed a lawsuit claiming the city violated their constitutional rights and FOIA rules by refusing to disclose how much it paid out in police misconduct settlements from 2017 to 2021.

Jeff Fogel. Photo: Amy and Jackson Smith.

In its FOIA response, the city claimed that several state codes allowed it to redact “personnel information,” information covered by “attorney-client privilege,” and attorney “work product,” reports The Daily Progress. Fogel disagrees that these codes applied to all five of the cases included in the response. 

When the city’s insurer, the Virginia Risk Sharing Association, pays out settlements, claimants are required to sign non-disclosure agreements. The plaintiffs want Charlottesville Circuit Court to issue a declaratory judgment that the city’s non-disclosure policy violates the First Amendment, as well as prohibit the city from enforcing Hudson’s non-disclosure agreement related to her settlement and award them attorney’s fees and other costs, according to the joint complaint. 

In brief

Cutting carbon

Charlottesville’s Climate Protection Program has launched two community surveys, requesting input on how the city can meet its goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 45 percent by 2030—and achieving carbon neutrality by 2050. Both surveys are open until May 20. To take the surveys, visit charlottesville.gov/climateplan.

Free bikes

In partnership with the Tonsler Basketball League and We Code Too, former city councilor Wes Bellamy is raising money to give 300 bicycles to kids and teens from low-income Charlottesville communities. The organizers are collecting donations on GoFundMe until May 6, and will distribute the bikes at Tonsler Park on June 5.

False alarm

Early Thursday morning, several UVA officials received emails from a person “threatening harm” to the school, according to an email sent to the university community. After investigating the source of the threat, the University Police Department “determined that no credible threat exists to warrant any immediate action.” 

Denver’s done

Former 5th District Republican representative Denver Riggleman has stepped down from his role as a senior advisor to the House of Representatives committee investigating the January 6 insurrection, and taken a new job with a nonprofit in Ukraine. Riggleman will “support efforts assisting Ukrainian refugees and non-lethal mission areas,” according to his resignation letter. After being defeated by hardcore conservative Bob Good in a 2020 primary, the one-term rep became one of the few Republicans to criticize the Capitol siege and join the investigation.

And stay out

Unite the Right organizer Jason Kessler has been banned from UVA Grounds again—and this time, for good. Last week, the University Police Department renewed its no-trespassing order—issued after Kessler threatened students at UVA’s School of Law library in 2018—against the University of Virginia grad. The university’s no-trespassing orders against nearly a dozen other white supremacists are set to expire in October.

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Race-based bias: Consultants demonstrate racist policing, council says study didn’t go far enough

A report from a private consulting firm has concluded that Charlottesville and Albemarle disproportionately arrest black people, and that race-based disparities exist in the treatment of individuals in otherwise similar situations.

The report analyzes adult arrest data from the beginning of 2014 through the end of 2016. During that period, more than half (51.5 percent) of those arrested in Charlottesville were black men, despite black men making up only 8.5 percent of the city’s total population. In Albemarle County, where black men made up only 4.4 percent of the population, 37.6 percent of arrests were of black men. (The full report can be viewed here.)

That disproportionality is accompanied by racial disparity at multiple levels of the area’s criminal justice systems. African American defendants received harsher charges than white defendants for similar crimes. African American defendants were held without bond more often. African American men were held in jail prior to trial twice as long, on average, as white men.

The majority of people booked in Charlottesville are black, even though black people make up a small minority of the city’s population.

The city commissioned MGT Consulting Group, a national firm that often works with municipal governments, to put together the report in 2018. The city paid for $65,000 of the $155,000 project, with the remaining funding coming from the state. Charlottesville ran a similar study on the juvenile criminal justice system in 2011, which also found racial disproportionality.

In addition to the raw data, the report incorporates interviews with law enforcement officers, lawyers, and people who have been arrested, and consultants held a series of community meetings over the last nine months.

At the February 3 City Council meeting, the consultants made an official presentation of their findings.

The report provides statistical support for a state of affairs that was already well known to those affected.

“If you’re a member of the black community, as I am, this is something that I’ve been seeing for years,” said Mayor Nikuyah Walker at the meeting. “You didn’t need this study in the first place. You have the lived experience of it.”

“What this study does is it documents the problem, it validates the problem,” said Reggie Smith, the director of the project for MGT. “Perceptions and opinions are one thing. But we have done the work and the statistical analysis to say this is not happening by chance.”

Kaki Dimock, the city’s director of human services, said at the council meeting that the report was a “marathon data problem,” the beginning of a “seven- to 10-year process,” and a jumping-off point that “begs a series of additional sets of whys.”

“We do know the why,” Walker responded. “And the why has been apparent since enslavement ended.”

Walker and others were critical of the report’s recommendations for addressing the disparities. The document suggests supporting re-entry programs, increasing transparency in city and county police departments, increasing diversity in law enforcement, conducting additional research, and more. 

“These are things that we have been doing,” Walker said. “The city has been investing millions of dollars into some of these programs.”

A strong Police Civilian Review Board, to provide transparency and  community oversight of the police, is among the report’s recommendations. Charlottesville created an initial CRB  in 2018, and councilors are currently interviewing candidates for a permanent board. Albemarle County does not have a Police Civilian Review Board, and according to the consultants, the county Board of Supervisors has not scheduled a time to formally hear the report.

Charlottesville criminal justice lawyer Jeff Fogel says he feels the report provides valuable data, but he wants more specificity in the plan moving forward.

“I would take a look at all the police officers and what their rates of arrest are in terms of blacks and whites,” Fogel says. Taking a more individualized approach could help determine if the cause of the disparity can be ascribed to specific officers or larger systems.

Councilor Lloyd Snook, a defense attorney, called for similar specificity. “Which judges are doing what? Which judges are worse than others?” Snook asked. 

The study did not identify specific persons at any point in the justice continuum, even though that data could have been made available to the researchers, says Fogel.

“I don’t think we can move forward if we don’t look at the who,” Walker said. “We have to be bold enough to take a look at that.”

The report also doesn’t address the longer-term effects of discriminatory policing, which Fogel would like to see studied. “How many people can’t get jobs because they have a prior record?” the attorney asks. “How many people are not living with their partners because they have a drug offense and they cannot live in public housing? We know if a child’s parent goes to prison, the likelihood of that child going to prison has been multiplied.”

Council will have to decide how much more city money to spend on additional research. 

“One of the big questions I have,” said councilor Michael Payne, “is what does this change? What, if anything, changes in the behavior and policies of the city as a result of this? That’s a question in part for us as a council to resolve.”

 

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You’re being watched: Police quietly deploy cameras near public housing

You wouldn’t notice the cameras if you didn’t know what to look for—but once you see the first one, the others are easy to spot: black balls hanging from telephone poles like sinister Christmas tree baubles.

Rosia Parker noticed the camera near her house in Westhaven when the city installed it over the summer. She can see it from her balcony, which means, of course, the camera can see her balcony. “They had the area blocked off like they were doing big work,” Parker says, “So that’s what made me look at them like, ‘what are they doing?’” 

Parker’s search for answers hasn’t yet turned up the resolution she hoped for. The situation raises serious questions about the relationship between Charlottesville’s law enforcement and the residents of the city’s public housing neighborhoods. 

Parker asked City Council about the cameras during the public comment session of the November 2 council meeting. At the next meeting, city manager Tarron Richardson explained the practice, saying “That was one of our cameras. We move those periodically throughout the city based on requests from different residents and different community groups.” 

That comment elicited surprise from City Council—“Oh yeah we need to discuss that more,” said Mayor Nikuyah Walker—and a retraction from the city, which later said via social media that the city “does not have a program related to citizen-requested security cameras.” The cameras are placed at the discretion of law enforcement, not residents.

At the January 6 City Council meeting, Parker and local civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel brought up the cameras again. Walker revealed that four cameras had been installed, three near Westhaven and a fourth near the entrance to another public housing neighborhood on Prospect Avenue. When asked about the purpose of the cameras, Walker said, “I can’t answer that, I don’t have the information.” 

A camera hung at the corner of 7th St NW and 8th St NW

The placement of the cameras rankled Fogel and Parker. Westhaven and Prospect are majority black neighborhoods. “They’re clearly targeting black communities,” Fogel says. 

“There are white neighborhoods where still, you have meth labs,” Parker says. “Why were Prospect and Westhaven the only two chosen?”

“The problem here is that there is a misperception that crime doesn’t happen in predominantly white areas,” said local resident Angeline Conn at the January 6 council meeting. “I’m not for state surveillance at all, period—but if you’re not extending the same surveillance to those communities, you’re being biased.”

Parker and Fogel feel the camera dust-up reveals the police department’s lack of willingness to collaborate with the communities it’s policing. “If the city really wanted to be transparent with the community, and especially the black community, they should at least have had a town hall meeting or something,” Parker says. “I appreciate being safe, but I would also like to know that I’m under surveillance. That’s my privacy.”

Fogel says the surreptitious installation of the cameras suggests the police department is more focused on punitive measures—racking up arrests—than proactive problem-solving. “What was the purpose of these cameras? Are they to get people arrested? I’d rather see them prevent the crime,” Fogel says. “The way to do that is, if you have cameras, you announce the heck out of them.”

City spokesperson Brian Wheeler responded to questions about the cameras in a brief statement. “The Charlottesville Police Department will continue to deploy cameras in the community in response to crime trends, shots fired incidents, robberies, and larcenies,” read part of the statement. “The cameras are for investigative purposes only and there is no active monitoring of the camera feeds.”

According to Wheeler, the only other area where the city maintains similar cameras is a four-block radius around City Hall. 

The city did not answer a question about how it decided where to place the cameras. Also not addressed: if evidence from the cameras has been used to make any arrests.

John Whitehead, a civil rights lawyer at the Rutherford Institute, says that surveillance like this treads on shaky constitutional ground. “The police should be notifying anyone when they’re watching them,” Whitehead says, “because it implicates the Fourth Amendment, which dictates that before any government agent is doing surveillance on American citizens they have to have probable cause.”

Whitehead says that surveillance like this is not an uncommon practice for police departments around the country, and that municipal governments have the ability to intervene. “It’s the job of the City Council members to reel this in and tell them to stop it,” Whitehead says.

For Fogel, the cameras are one more example of what he calls  untrustworthy behavior by the Charlottesville Police Department. He cited the department’s reluctance to release stop-and-frisk data and its 2018 purchase of a Dodge Charger—the same make and model as the car used to kill Heather Heyer—as recent examples of actions that can be interpreted as egregiously tone-deaf at best. 

Parker, meanwhile, is determined to keep looking for answers. “I’m going to stay on them,” she says, “until we figure out what’s going on and why these cameras are here.”

 

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Back to the drawing board: Protest over City Council revisions to CRB proposal

Nearly two years after appointing the initial Police Civilian Review Board, Charlottesville City Council inched closer to making a permanent oversight board a reality at their October 21 meeting, with a first reading of the CRB’s ordinance and bylaws.

But members of the initial CRB were not pleased, saying councilors had severely weakened the proposal they’d spent a year crafting. In a press conference held outside City Hall and during public comment, they and supporters criticized council’s changes, including limiting the board’s authority and removing transparency in the selection process.

“For us to give them the proper bylaws and ordinance but for them to water it down, after so much work…I’m very disappointed,” says board member Rosia Parker.

After the CRB presented its proposal on August 5, City Council members met in small groups with the city attorney and published their own version on October 16. At the October 21 meeting, Mayor Walker noted that it was the first time all the councilors had met together and reviewed the complete proposal.

“It’s a little bit frustrating,” CRB member Guillermo Ubilla told council at the meeting. “All of the questions and things you talked about tonight we spent a year tackling. And we have ideas and suggestions for all of them, and they’re in the packet that we sent you, so I really really hope you guys take a second look at that, maybe a third look, just to kind of see what’s in there.”

Local attorney and longtime CRB supporter Jeff Fogel says the board had created its proposal to accommodate anticipated concerns from the city, as well as state law. “I don’t think the city understands that that document already represents somewhat of a compromise,” he says. “[The council] is now looking for a compromise when it’s built into this proposal.”

City Council created the initial CRB with a resolution on December 18, 2017, in the wake of the Unite the Right rally, in an effort to improve trust between the Charlottesville Police Department and the community.

CRB members met for a year to create bylaws and an ordinance establishing the permanent board’s composition, staff members, and authority. “We did our homework,” says CRB member Gloria Beard, noting the board researched other civilian review boards to inform their work. Its proposal included two staff positions (a police auditor and an executive director), as well as a budget of no less than 1 percent of the police department’s budget. The board would have seven members, four coming from historically disadvantaged communities or public housing.

The initial proposal also allowed the CRB to review any complaint against the Charlottesville Police Department, review the internal investigation into the complaint, and (in certain circumstances) conduct an independent investigation, having access to personnel files, internal investigation files, and other department data.

The board would send any disciplinary recommendations to the police chief and city manager.

City Council’s version differed from the CRB’s initial proposal in multiple ways.

“There was an expectation that we were going to basically take exactly what was given to us,” says Councilor Heather Hill. But she says councilors, who met in small groups “for the sake of efficiency,” had some concerns.

In the new proposal, board members would be appointed by the council in a closed session, rather than the originally proposed public process. Hill says councilors feared a public interview process would deter candidates.

Instead of hiring an auditor right away, the council proposed requiring the board’s executive director to present a report about whether the city should hire a full-time (or part-time) auditor, or contract with an auditing firm instead. And the council’s proposal did not include a budget for the CRB.

Hill says the council understands the auditing role must be filled and a budget created, but that these steps can come later.

“Right now we have to agree on an ordinance and bylaws. That’s going to help them determine our budget,” Hill says.

The council’s ordinance also changed the board’s membership requirements, proposing that it has three members from disadvantaged communities and one from a racial or social justice organization, and eliminating the initial proposal’s requirement that a councilor serve as an additional nonvoting member. And it specifies that the board would only be able to review internal affairs investigations that are ruled as unfounded, exonerated, or not resolved (not those that are sustained). It would also be able to review an investigation if a request is filed with the executive director, and initiate its own review of internal affairs investigations.

The councilors will take into account all of the comments made during the meeting, says Hill. They plan to make revisions to their proposal before next month’s meeting.

“We hope and pray they are going to change their minds,” says Beard. “We need transparency between the police force and the community…to create relationships with the people, so they can have real trust again.”

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‘Roughshod:’ Questions remain about state police show of force in Fifeville

Herb Dickerson and his sister own a house in Fifeville, and when he got a phone call from her telling him to get over there on August 27, “I could hear the frantic in her voice,” he says.

He pulled onto Seventh Street and saw “this armored vehicle blocking the street and a state police car blocking the other end,” he says.

Dickerson is a recovered addict who won the prestigious Gideon Award in 2017 for his community service helping others struggling with substance abuse. He says the officer he spoke to told him they had a search warrant because a confidential informant said his son, a convicted felon, had a weapon.

He found the show of force—neighbors estimate 20 officers in combat attire and two armored vehicles—perplexing because he’d driven by his house twice that day and seen his son sitting on the front porch. And when police arrived, his son was standing across the street. “I don’t know what kind of investigation they do when they didn’t even know what he looked like,” he says.

It’s one of many questions that remain concerning the Virginia State Police and Jefferson Area Drug Enforcement task force operation that took place in Charlottesville without the knowledge of city police. And it comes as cops across the country are increasingly using SWAT team raids merely to serve warrants, says Rutherford Institute founder John Whitehead, who has written several books on the militarization of the police.

For neighbors, it was terrifying.

Cops were in combat gear with armored vehicles when they questioned two little girls about where their uncle was. courtesy Herb Dickerson

Dickerson’s daughter, Annette Anthony, lives in the house with her 11- and 6-year-old girls, who were sitting on the porch when police arrived around 6pm.

The cops asked the girls where their uncle was, then told them to go across the street, she says. Anthony had just come into the house when she heard, “Come out with your hands up,” she says. “They had guns drawn with a beam on my head. I looked on my porch where my kids had been and asked, ‘Where are my kids?’”

Neighbor Brock Napierkowski filmed the operation. He says when Anthony came outside to look for her daughters, she and a friend had their hands zip tied by police and were put in an armored vehicle. “I was going crazy,” Anthony says.

“When parents are taken into custody, children become wards of the state,” says Napierkowski. “No officer took care of them.” Nor were they forthcoming in telling Anthony where her children were, he says. “I can’t imagine how traumatic that was.”

Charlottesville Police Chief RaShall Brackney declined to comment about state police and JADE, the multijurisdictional task force that Charlottesville police used to lead but now no has officers on, coming onto her turf without notice. She and Captain James Mooney met with Dickerson, Anthony, and Napierkowski at the house the next day.

“They were not happy with the whole incident,” says Napierkowski. “Chief Brackney took time to speak with the children to make sure they weren’t scared.”

“She came and apologized,” says Dickerson. “She apologized to my daughter and my grandkids.”

When asked about notifying local police before a major operation, state police spokeswoman Corinne Geller says, “We are a state police agency, thus we have statewide police authority and arrest powers.” Geller says Brackney was informed that evening before a press release went out, after the search.

“Because the individual we were searching for is a violent, convicted felon, use of the tactical measures utilized to effect the warrant are standard practice for the purpose of public and officer safety,” she says. And the operation, she adds, “was not a ‘raid.’”

It’s a “common courtesy” to notify a local jurisdiction if another law enforcement agency is coming in, says former Charlottesville police chief Tim Longo. But not one frequently observed by state police, which did not notify Longo when it conducted a raid on a fake ID operation on Rugby Road in 2013.

When there’s a danger of shots being fired and local police don’t know another agency is there, “We’re coming in blind at a tactical disadvantage,” says Longo. “What was the sense of urgency that you come in here with no notice?”

Court records show an August 5 search warrant filed by Albemarle Detective Matt McCall that was voided and never served. McCall serves on JADE and had a $50 heroin case rejected by a jury as entrapment in 2016 when an addict was used to set up another addict. McCall filed a second search warrant August 27 at 4:29pm, fewer than two hours before the raid.

Geller declines to say how many officers were involved in the incident, nor would she identify the jurisdiction of two of the men wearing “sheriff” vests, “because this is an ongoing criminal investigation and any additional release of information would jeopardize that investigation.” Both Charlottesville and Albemarle sheriffs say none of their deputies were involved.

“One of the men had a patch of ‘The Punisher’ on his vest,” says neighbor Amy Reynolds of the skull emblem that can be a favorite of law enforcement. “I understand that this may be his First Amendment right, yet it is in poor taste.”

Reynolds says she was “very alarmed” to see the show of force on her street and she wrote state Senator Creigh Deeds expressing her concern.

Two weeks after the operation, no one has been arrested. Nor was a gun found, although state police report that bullets, a bag of white powder, digital scales, and baggies were found. Anthony calls the reported white powder “bullshit” and says there were no drugs in her house.

Civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel wonders why police didn’t obtain an arrest warrant if Dickerson’s son is so dangerous, and why “they didn’t go after him and give a description.”

The show of force in executing the search warrant, including two flash bang grenades thrown into the house, is “unreasonable,” says Fogel, and “shows a total insensitivity to the community, a primarily black community,” especially after state police failed to intervene in the violence of August 12, 2017, and then showed up with “overwhelming force” last year.

“They could have watched and arrested him coming and going,” says Fogel. He believes police didn’t have enough evidence to arrest the son. “The whole thing stinks.”

A broken mirror was part of the property damage at 311 Seventh Street after the state police raid, along with a broken window, bed, and ruined clothing and carpet. Courtesy Herb Dickerson

Dickerson had been busy replacing a window broken during the raid the day he spoke to a reporter. He says his house looked like it had been flipped on its side, and he’s had to throw away a lot of damaged belongings, including an oriental rug ruined by the flash grenades.

State police and JADE “ran roughshod” over the community, he says. “You got the whole neighborhood upset and you didn’t need to.” He’d like police to “apologize to the community where I live.” And he’s not ruling out litigation.

Says Anthony, “It’s crazy that two weeks later, I still cry.”

Correction: Charlottesville police still contribute funding to JADE—about $13,000—but no longer has officers on the task force.

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Data drive: Police chief hopes to prove transparency by producing records

When Charlottesville Police Chief RaShall Brackney took her oath in June, she was sworn in to a position already highly scrutinized by citizens of a town where many are wary of the cops. Perhaps the thing locals wanted most in a new chief was transparency, and Brackney says she has spent the past nine months trying to give it to them.

Since September, Brackney has provided stop-and-frisk data in a monthly PowerPoint posted to the city’s website. And on March 8, she held a media-only press conference to announce that the police department would immediately turn over results of an internal affairs report on complaints made against officers, and make already public arrest data available online for anyone to peruse.

She also provided a 2018 report on use of force, which showed only one instance of deadly force, when a suspect shot an officer in September 2018, and the cop returned fire, killing him.

Incidents of physical force, without weapons, were more frequent, with 20 occassions including 10 takedowns, four hands-on encounters, and one knee strike.

Making the data easily available to community members is part of Brackney’s plan to restore the reputation of the CPD and regain trust, she said.

“I really believe that this meets the community’s call for transparency,” added Interim City Manager Mike Murphy at the press conference.

But the online arrest records won’t include race, an omission that local attorney Jeff Fogel called disappointing.

“The disparity between white and black arrests is what the primary issue is, and this won’t help,” says Fogel. “The department has that information but is not providing it.”

Brackney didn’t address why.

So far, nothing the CPD has produced isn’t already public information, though it’s now easier to find, says Fogel. And, he adds, the department and city manager refuse to answer why they won’t provide certain data, such as the details of detentions (without names).

“That is the true test of transparency, that which the law does not require to be public,” says Fogel, who for years has called for cops to turn over stop-and-frisk records. His earlier demands for data resulted in the release of a 2017 report that showed approximately 73 percent of city stop and frisks involved African Americans.

Friday’s meeting, which was pushed back an hour and a half, started with a few remarks from Murphy and ended with a tame Q&A with the chief—in stark contrast to an October press conference she held outside the CPD, which was open to the public and became increasingly tense as it proceeded. That one came to a close after a couple of heated exchanges between the chief and attending activists.

Since then, a member of the Police Civilian Review Board accused Brackney of verbally attacking her, which led to a February protest outside the police station with demonstrators carrying signs that read, “Chief Brackney assaulted Katrina Turner.”

Brackney has faced severe understaffing at the department this year, and she’s listed pay, lack of take-home police cars, and the attitude of the community and of the Civilian Review Board as factors in the wholesale departure of officers. But Albemarle Sheriff Chip Harding said he’d heard complaints from cops about Brackney’s leadership, and he suggested an outside consultant do an assessment—a suggestion rebuffed by Murphy.

At the press conference, Murphy said he’s been impressed with her other accomplishments over the past nine months, such as making new assignments for officers, reviewing and changing policies, and creating a new command structure.

The new structure includes four divisions: field operations, administration, support operations, and investigations, and according to Brackney, it has allowed her to shift several of her lieutenants into different roles, eliminating assignments that kept officers cooped up at the headquarters during their shifts.

Brackney said the CPD is actively drafting potential members with a new recruitment video. There are still approximately 20 vacancies, compared to 25 at the peak of what she once called the “mass exodus.”

When asked about the current morale of those on the force, she seemed to dodge the question. Said Brackney, “When we talk about morale, it’s really just a very subjective kind of viewpoint.”

Cop complaints

Community members have also called for the Charlottesville Police Department to release a report of internal affairs investigations, or findings from cases in which people complained about their interactions with officers for issues including racial profiling, police corruption, rudeness, and unreasonable force.

Chief RaShall Brackney made these results available at the March 8 press conference, and out of approximately 40 reported allegations in 2018 (including at least five internal investigations with undisclosed results), only four complaints have so far been sustained—for inappropriate language, a traffic law violation, rudeness, and inadequate performance of duties.

Here’s how the others stack up:

  • 9 complaints unfounded
  • 6 complaints exonerated
  • 8 complaints still open
  • 6 complaints pending final review
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In brief: Councilors’ credit cards, ACA sign-up perils, abusive language verdict and more…

Using ACA insurance? Read this first

Yes, the Affordable Care Marketplace is still here, and sign-up ends December 15. Counselors at the Jefferson Area Board for Aging have seen a few surprises in the process, and want residents to be aware they could face some unpleasant results if they simply auto-enroll this year.

One big difference: Optima was the only insurance carrier in the marketplace in 2018. This year Anthem is back, which provides more options, but also can affect the amount of the subsidy for those who qualify.

Joe Bernheim at JABA explains: With two carriers, the benchmark plan—that’s the second-lowest-cost silver plan—will be less than what consumers saw last year. That means that government subsidy will be lower, and those whose income allows them to qualify for the subsidy will see higher premiums.

What you need to know

  • Don’t auto-enroll. You may be able to get a better plan or lower premium.
  • Some people have received letters with estimates from the current carrier that are inaccurate and much lower than what the premium will actually be.
  • Consumers are being offered “direct” and “select” plans. The select plans exclude most of the doctors at UVA, while direct plans offer a broad network of local providers. If you auto-enroll, you could be put in a select plan.
  • People who aren’t eligible for the subsidy will see lower premiums and a broader network of providers.
  • If you’re signing up for newly available Medicaid, there’s no deadline, but JABA advises going to the Marketplace website (healthcare.gov) to cancel ACA insurance or you may be charged.
  • Can we say it again? Don’t auto-enroll, and do sign up before the December 15 deadline.

Quote of the week

“I feel like court’s going to be watching my daughter die again, over and over and over.”—Susan Bro, Heather Heyer’s mother, on NPR.


In brief

Tinsley sexual misconduct suit

Trumpeter James Frost-Winn’s $9-million sexual harassment lawsuit against former Dave Matthews Band violinist Boyd Tinsley is scheduled for trial September 9, 2019, in Seattle. Tinsley announced he would not be touring with the band in February, the same day he got a demand letter from Frost-Winn’s attorney.

Another pipeline delay?

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers has suspended a permit necessary for the 600-mile, $6 billion Atlantic Coast Pipeline to cross the 1,500 streams along its path from West Virginia to North Carolina, for concerns of harm to aquatic life. This is one of several setbacks Dominion has faced since it began building the pipeline this year, but a spokesperson says it’s still scheduled for completion by the end of 2019.

Censorship suit

Local attorney Jeff Fogel has filed yet another lawsuit regarding prison censorship. He’s now representing Uhuru Baraka Rowe, an inmate at Greensville Correctional Center, who claims his First and Fourteenth Amendment rights were violated when prison officials at the Sussex II State Prison censored essays he wrote about conditions in the facility.

Win for Miska

 

Anna Malinowski at a 2017 protest. Staff photo

Local anti-racists like to scream at John Miska, a veterans’ rights and Confederate statue supporter. Recently, in Albemarle General District Court, a judge found Anna Malinowski guilty of abusive language for accosting him outside a school board meeting. At an earlier hearing in the city, a judge let Donna Gasapo off the hook for similar behavior.


Councilors’ credit line

In a much-discussed story that appeared in the November 25 issue of the Daily Progress, reporter Nolan Stout examined the $26,784 in charges (and taxpayer money) that city councilors have racked up on their city credit cards over the past year and a half. All five councilors have one, and four of them have a limit of $20,000—except for Mike Signer, who as mayor inherited the council’s original card, with a credit limit of $2,500.

Vice-Mayor Heather Hill hasn’t used her card, and Councilor Wes Bellamy, who has traveled extensively for various conferences, has spent the most, charging more than $15,000 from September 6, 2017, to October 29 of this year. Local activist group Solidarity Cville has called the article a racist “hit piece” on Bellamy, and said it wouldn’t have been written if white Councilor Kathy Galvin were the highest spender. All councilors were within budget and mostly used their cards for out-of-town meals, hotels, and travel, but here’s what some of the specific charges looked like:

Charged up

  • $1,418 spent by Bellamy at a Le Meridien hotel for a National League of Cities conference in Charlotte
  • $15.52 spent by Bellamy at Kiki’s Chicken and Waffles
  • $41.17 spent by Bellamy at Hooters
  • $1,000 spent by Signer on a hotel to speak on a panel called “Local Leadership in the Wake of Terror” at the SXSW Cities Conference in Austin, Texas
  • $307.19 spent by Signer, mostly for meals and Lyfts in Austin, “many of which were at midnight or later,” notes the reporter
  • $101.09 spent by Mayor Nikuyah Walker at Ragged Mountain Running Shop ahead of her event called “Get Healthy with the Mayor”
  • $132.22 spent by Walker at Beer Run
  • $706 spent by Galvin on a Hyatt hotel for a two-day forum in Washington, D.C.
  • $4.99 spent by former City Council chief of staff Paige Rice on an iTunes bill
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Former police chief still on city payroll

Former Charlottesville police chief Al Thomas may have left last year, but it hasn’t stopped him from collecting a paycheck.

Although the city said in December that Thomas’ retirement would be “effective immediately,” it turns out, as first reported by WINA’s Rob Schilling, that Thomas has continued to receive his $134,513 annual salary, and will do so for another nine months.

Though Thomas was largely assumed to have been forced out after criticism of his handling of August 11 and 12, city spokesperson Brian Wheeler’s explanation comes in the form of a distinction between “retirement” and “resignation.”

“Alfred Thomas retired from law enforcement on December 18, 2017. As part of his retirement, Mr. Thomas voluntarily resigned from the Charlottesville Police Department…with an effective date of July 15, 2019,” Wheeler said.

Thomas did not have an employment contract, and the settlement agreement is exempt from FOIA, according to Wheeler, who offered no further justification for Thomas’ parting gift.

Local attorney and City Council gadfly Jeff Fogel questions the legality of that FOIA exemption, and criticized the city for not making the terms of Thomas’ leaving clear.

“This is typical of the city,” says Fogel. “Release as little as you can get away with.”

Before Thomas’ sudden retirement, he disputed many of what Fogel calls “the most damning” claims made against him in former U.S. attorney Tim Heaphy’s independent review of 2017’s white supremacist events.

“He’s still on the payroll, and yet he’s never answered any of the questions about what happened on August 12, 2017,” says Fogel. “We need to know the truth.”

Adds Fogel, “If Mr. Thomas is still employed or still receiving money, we oughta get him to come here and explain what happened. That’s the least he could do for [$135,000] a year.

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Council listens: Citizens unhappy about heavy police presence, downtown lockdown

In sharp contrast to an August 13 press conference, in which 18 officials representing public safety agencies thanked and congratulated each other for a job well done over the August 12 anniversary weekend, city councilors heard a different assessment the next night.

Around three dozen citizens at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center voiced concern and outrage about the presence of 1,000 cops, often in militarized gear, as well as the lockdown of the Downtown Mall and the searches of bags before entering the mall.

Several times over the weekend, including at the UVA Students United demonstration August 11 at UVA’s Brooks Hall and the memorial for Heather Heyer August 12 on Fourth Street, the presence of riot-clad police threatened to set off an actual riot.

Roberta Williamson called for police de-escalation training and offered to pay for it. “I almost want to demand this become a line item in the next city budget,” she said.

Nancy Carpenter denounced the appearance of BearCats and snipers at Fourth Street on the anniversary of Heyer’s death. “How dare you do that?” she asked. “We were in mourning.”

Several people complained about the presence of K9 dogs. “That’s a Bull Connor visual,” said Carpenter.

Civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel excoriated the limited access to the mall and the searches to enter. “You could be stopped on the streets of your city without probable cause,” he said, calling that the “hallmark of an authoritarian” government.

“And then to play that game of calling it consensual,” he said, a reference to police Chief RaShall Brackney, who said the day before that all the searches of bags before coming onto the mall were “consensual.”

Fogel and others questioned the declaration of a state of emergency without a factual basis of a threat.

“What intelligence did the city have to shut this city down?” asked Katrina Turner, a member of the newly formed Police Civilian Review Board. “Was it shut down because of antifa?”

One speaker castigated Vice-Mayor Heather Hill for thanking police, although Councilor Wes Bellamy said he appreciated Hill’s attempt to help with negotiations when officers refused to let mourners enter the mall at Fourth Street.

Of the 30 plus speakers, only one said he was glad police were there, although an unexpected defender was Mayor Nikuyah Walker. “The police were rather calm,” she said. “I did not see police officers as aggressive as what I’ve seen my entire life.”

And she said, “If we had similar people show up as last year, I’d want police to be there.”

Several people thanked Bellamy for defusing the tense scenes at Brooks Hall and Fourth Street. He acknowledged that in some instances, a “lack of communication about what was going on” could have exacerbated the situation.

And he also experienced the anxiety many felt seeing masses of riot-attired cops. Said Bellamy, “When I saw police marching choo choo choo, my blood pressure went up.”

He explained that Sunday when police removed the barricades on Fourth Street, people moved out onto Water Street, and were upset police wouldn’t let them back in and sent them through the checkpoints. “We don’t know who was in the crowd,” he said.

One thing City Council learned from last year’s violent weekend was to let people speak out about the weekend sooner rather than to wait more than a week, and the August 15 listening session was already on the calendar.

And the question asked by Tyler Magill—and many others, still to be determined: “Where is the middle ground between last year and this?”

 

 

 

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‘Martial law’: Officials say 1,000 cops necessary, searches ‘consensual’

The August 12 weekend passed with no loss of life or serious injury, but many Charlottesville residents were not reassured by the show of police force and the restrictions on pedestrian access to the Downtown Mall that were announced a couple of days before they went into effect.

The Virginia State Police provided 700 officers, and the total number of cops on hand was around 1,000, according to officials.

“Last year, I was afraid of the Nazis,” says Black Lives Matter organizer and UVA professor Lisa Woolfork. “This year, I’m afraid of the police.”

Civil rights attorneys blasted the decision to limit pedestrian access to the mall to two entry points on Water Street—and that was before everyone entering had to submit to a search of bags and wallets.

“You wonder why some people in our community distrust you,” writes Jeff Fogel in an email to city officials. The decision to withhold notice of the mall lockdown “smacks of deception, manipulation, and lies,” he says.

Rutherford Institute founder John Whitehead criticizes the lack of transparency and disclosure of a specific threat before restricting citizens’ ability to move freely. “To me it looks like martial law,” says Whitehead. “It creates a police state.”

At an August 13 press conference, public safety officials continued to refuse to answer whether there had been credible threats that warranted having 1,000 cops on hand.

“We had very large crowds here,” says Charlottesville Police Chief RaShall Brackney. “We had to plan for the variable of the unknown”—even if it was pretty clear the alt-right wasn’t coming.

Virginia State Police Superintendent Gary Settle says, “Some intelligence that I can’t reveal in a public forum caused us to make certain decisions and err on the side of caution.”

Brackney says the last-minute announcement of restricted mall access was to keep those points “close to the chest” and not reveal vulnerabilities to people who were surveilling social media for entry points into the controlled area.

On August 8, she said that citizens would not be subjected to searches unless there was reason to believe they had something that was on the lengthy list of prohibited items, including sticks, aerosol sprays, and knives. But on August 11, everyone who wanted to go to the mall had to submit to a search of bags and wallets.

Says Brackney, “Everyone actually was given the option. There was no one that was searched that was not consensual. Everyone was allowed in. It was their items that were not allowed in.”

City councilors C-VILLE talked to were vague about what they knew about the mall lockdown. “I don’t think we’re allowed to talk about that,” says Wes Bellamy. Vice-Mayor Heather Hill says she knew there would be restrictions, but didn’t know exactly what they were.

Even after mourners had paid their respects on Heather Heyer Way, state police continued to block Water Street and tensions remained high. Staff photo

Some saw the measures as an insult and over-compensation for last year’s deadly rally.

“I feel violated,” says activist Rosia Parker. “I feel completely violated. The presence we have here now should have been here last year.

She adds, “They’re protecting property, not people.”

Parker also objects to being searched to walk on the Downtown Mall, and seeing police officers in riot gear protecting the Lee statue.

“I think it made things more tense,” says UVA prof and activist Jalane Schmidt. “The solution to last summer is not over policing.”

She notes that initially officials said they were not going to check bags, and then ended up searching even wallets. “We’re under martial law in all but name,” she says.

Some made a point of braving the downtown hassles and came to support businesses there, like Kat Imhoff, Montpelier president and CEO. “I thought the police did a pretty good job,” she says. “A couple of times we left the barricaded area and had to go all the way around to get back in.”

Her friend, Dorothy Carney, compares the security measures to the Transportation Security Administration after 9-11. “It felt like an overreaction because nothing was shared about threats.”

The appearance of riot police did not did not put protesters at ease at the UVA student rally Saturday night. Eze Amos

Carney attended the student rally Saturday night and said it was really peaceful around Brooks Hall until about 100 cops in riot gear came marching in. That’s about the point Imhoff arrived, and she says, “You can see how quickly things can fall apart.”

Both Carney and Imhoff say cops were a lot friendlier this year than last, when they would not make eye contact.

“I had a lot of police smiling at me with my Black Lives Matter T-shirt on,” says Carney.

One other thing struck her: “You have a security checkpoint but you’re still allowing guns in. We need to change those laws.”

City Council is holding a community listening session from 6 to 8pm Tuesday at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center.