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‘Roughshod:’ Questions remain about state police show of force in Fifeville

Herb Dickerson and his sister own a house in Fifeville, and when he got a phone call from her telling him to get over there on August 27, “I could hear the frantic in her voice,” he says.

He pulled onto Seventh Street and saw “this armored vehicle blocking the street and a state police car blocking the other end,” he says.

Dickerson is a recovered addict who won the prestigious Gideon Award in 2017 for his community service helping others struggling with substance abuse. He says the officer he spoke to told him they had a search warrant because a confidential informant said his son, a convicted felon, had a weapon.

He found the show of force—neighbors estimate 20 officers in combat attire and two armored vehicles—perplexing because he’d driven by his house twice that day and seen his son sitting on the front porch. And when police arrived, his son was standing across the street. “I don’t know what kind of investigation they do when they didn’t even know what he looked like,” he says.

It’s one of many questions that remain concerning the Virginia State Police and Jefferson Area Drug Enforcement task force operation that took place in Charlottesville without the knowledge of city police. And it comes as cops across the country are increasingly using SWAT team raids merely to serve warrants, says Rutherford Institute founder John Whitehead, who has written several books on the militarization of the police.

For neighbors, it was terrifying.

Cops were in combat gear with armored vehicles when they questioned two little girls about where their uncle was. courtesy Herb Dickerson

Dickerson’s daughter, Annette Anthony, lives in the house with her 11- and 6-year-old girls, who were sitting on the porch when police arrived around 6pm.

The cops asked the girls where their uncle was, then told them to go across the street, she says. Anthony had just come into the house when she heard, “Come out with your hands up,” she says. “They had guns drawn with a beam on my head. I looked on my porch where my kids had been and asked, ‘Where are my kids?’”

Neighbor Brock Napierkowski filmed the operation. He says when Anthony came outside to look for her daughters, she and a friend had their hands zip tied by police and were put in an armored vehicle. “I was going crazy,” Anthony says.

“When parents are taken into custody, children become wards of the state,” says Napierkowski. “No officer took care of them.” Nor were they forthcoming in telling Anthony where her children were, he says. “I can’t imagine how traumatic that was.”

Charlottesville Police Chief RaShall Brackney declined to comment about state police and JADE, the multijurisdictional task force that Charlottesville police used to lead but now no has officers on, coming onto her turf without notice. She and Captain James Mooney met with Dickerson, Anthony, and Napierkowski at the house the next day.

“They were not happy with the whole incident,” says Napierkowski. “Chief Brackney took time to speak with the children to make sure they weren’t scared.”

“She came and apologized,” says Dickerson. “She apologized to my daughter and my grandkids.”

When asked about notifying local police before a major operation, state police spokeswoman Corinne Geller says, “We are a state police agency, thus we have statewide police authority and arrest powers.” Geller says Brackney was informed that evening before a press release went out, after the search.

“Because the individual we were searching for is a violent, convicted felon, use of the tactical measures utilized to effect the warrant are standard practice for the purpose of public and officer safety,” she says. And the operation, she adds, “was not a ‘raid.’”

It’s a “common courtesy” to notify a local jurisdiction if another law enforcement agency is coming in, says former Charlottesville police chief Tim Longo. But not one frequently observed by state police, which did not notify Longo when it conducted a raid on a fake ID operation on Rugby Road in 2013.

When there’s a danger of shots being fired and local police don’t know another agency is there, “We’re coming in blind at a tactical disadvantage,” says Longo. “What was the sense of urgency that you come in here with no notice?”

Court records show an August 5 search warrant filed by Albemarle Detective Matt McCall that was voided and never served. McCall serves on JADE and had a $50 heroin case rejected by a jury as entrapment in 2016 when an addict was used to set up another addict. McCall filed a second search warrant August 27 at 4:29pm, fewer than two hours before the raid.

Geller declines to say how many officers were involved in the incident, nor would she identify the jurisdiction of two of the men wearing “sheriff” vests, “because this is an ongoing criminal investigation and any additional release of information would jeopardize that investigation.” Both Charlottesville and Albemarle sheriffs say none of their deputies were involved.

“One of the men had a patch of ‘The Punisher’ on his vest,” says neighbor Amy Reynolds of the skull emblem that can be a favorite of law enforcement. “I understand that this may be his First Amendment right, yet it is in poor taste.”

Reynolds says she was “very alarmed” to see the show of force on her street and she wrote state Senator Creigh Deeds expressing her concern.

Two weeks after the operation, no one has been arrested. Nor was a gun found, although state police report that bullets, a bag of white powder, digital scales, and baggies were found. Anthony calls the reported white powder “bullshit” and says there were no drugs in her house.

Civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel wonders why police didn’t obtain an arrest warrant if Dickerson’s son is so dangerous, and why “they didn’t go after him and give a description.”

The show of force in executing the search warrant, including two flash bang grenades thrown into the house, is “unreasonable,” says Fogel, and “shows a total insensitivity to the community, a primarily black community,” especially after state police failed to intervene in the violence of August 12, 2017, and then showed up with “overwhelming force” last year.

“They could have watched and arrested him coming and going,” says Fogel. He believes police didn’t have enough evidence to arrest the son. “The whole thing stinks.”

A broken mirror was part of the property damage at 311 Seventh Street after the state police raid, along with a broken window, bed, and ruined clothing and carpet. Courtesy Herb Dickerson

Dickerson had been busy replacing a window broken during the raid the day he spoke to a reporter. He says his house looked like it had been flipped on its side, and he’s had to throw away a lot of damaged belongings, including an oriental rug ruined by the flash grenades.

State police and JADE “ran roughshod” over the community, he says. “You got the whole neighborhood upset and you didn’t need to.” He’d like police to “apologize to the community where I live.” And he’s not ruling out litigation.

Says Anthony, “It’s crazy that two weeks later, I still cry.”

Correction: Charlottesville police still contribute funding to JADE—about $13,000—but no longer has officers on the task force.

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Muzzled: Free speech wall creator shuts down

During its heyday, the Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression was known for calling out censorship with its Muzzle awards and for launching the Downtown Mall’s Free Speech Wall in 2006, where luminaries like John Grisham and Dahlia Lithwick turned out to chalk the first messages on the monument.

Over the past couple of years, the center seemed to have disappeared from the free speech landscape, and on July 1, UVA law school quietly buried news of the center’s death in a release for the relaunch of a First Amendment Clinic, funded in part from assets from the TJ Center.

Former Daily Progress owner Tom Worrell founded the center in 1989 with a reported $3.5 million gift and bestowed its unwieldy moniker. Worrell, who was on UVA’s Board of Visitors, offered the job of leading the new free speech institute to outgoing UVA president and constitutional law expert Bob O’Neil—who later said changing the name was nonnegotiable.

During O’Neil’s 21-year leadership, the center was involved in high-profile free speech cases. After televangelist Jerry Falwell sued Hustler publisher Larry Flynt—and lost—over a parody that contended Falwell had sex with his mother, O’Neil said he got the two men together and they became friends. The center also prepped Margie Phelps, a member of the notorious Westboro Baptist Church, which protested the funerals of soldiers with signs bearing messages like “God hates fags,” before her appearance in front of the U.S. Supreme Court.

The Muzzles came out every April 13, on Jefferson’s birthday, and highlighted a free speech hall of shame. Locals occasionally made the list, either as victims of censorship, like Aaron Tobey, who was arrested by TSA in Richmond for displaying the Fourth Amendment on his chest as he went through airport security, or perpetrators, like Albemarle High for seizing and destroying all copies of the school’s student newspaper in 2010. (Physical education teachers didn’t like an op-ed that suggested student athletes be able to opt out of P.E.)

Board chair Bruce Sanford says the center had been winding down for the past year and a half. When Worrell founded it in 1989, “its chief mission was First Amendment advocacy in court,” says Sanford, although finding those cases and defending them was more difficult than anticipated.

Robert O’Neil, who died last fall, led the Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression for 21 years. photo Michael Bailey

O’Neil taught a First Amendment clinic at UVA, as did Wheeler. “The First Amendment clinics are doing a lot of good work,” and both Columbia and Yale have them, says Sanford. “We’re very pleased to refocus our assets”—over $1 million—to fund the UVA clinic.

Attorneys from the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press will teach a new generation of potential First Amendment lawyers, says Sanford. “It’s perfect for the original mission.”

As for why the center seemed to fizzle out, Sanford notes that the Muzzle recipients the past two years weren’t as compelling as in the past. And when O’Neil retired, “We didn’t have a leading constitutional scholar,” says Sanford. O’Neil died last fall at age 83.

Attorney Josh Wheeler succeeded O’Neil in 2011 and has been in private practice for the past two years. He did not respond to calls from C-VILLE.

The center’s shutdown leaves unresolved the fate of the Free Speech Wall, which has become the go-to site for protesters over its 13 years as a mall landmark.

When the city agreed to install the TJ Center-owned wall, it also agreed to not censor its content—although that did happen when a sexually explicit image was chalked on the wall in 2011. However, passersby are free to erase as they please, and the wall is cleaned twice a week to give citizens a blank slate.

“The cost of the upkeep is not great,” says Sanford, and the center is having discussions with the city about continuing the maintenance.

Longtime wall critic Kevin Cox says it’s an ineffectual monument to free speech, and it does not accomplish much as an educational tool. “It doesn’t really teach people what the First Amendment is” and how it applies to government, he says. Its location in front of City Hall creates the impression the government owns it.

He says the wall was a prescient “kind of a monument to Twitter” because it only accommodates short messages. Any lessons about free speech are “shallow,” he says. “It’s fun to write, ‘fuck City Council,’ but that’s about as far as it goes.”

Of the center’s closing, Cox says, “It seemed to be pretty superfluous. All they did was give their Muzzles.”

In fact, the TJ Center also filed a lot of briefs in First Amendment cases, according to Rutherford Institute founder John Whitehead. He calls O’Neil and Wheeler a “dynamic duo,” and says they would defend anyone’s free speech rights. “There’s never enough people doing First Amendment issues,” he says. “I hate to see them go.”

C-VILLE was unable to reach Worrell for his response to the shuttering of the free speech org he founded 30 years ago. He was active in the beginning, says Sanford, but moved to Florida and shifted his focus to other projects. Says Sanford, “He didn’t really stay engaged.”

Update: The original headline was “Muzzled: Free speech center shuts down.”

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Rutherford Institute weighs in on county schools’ hate imagery ban

Anti-racist activists have spent more than a year advocating for a ban of hate symbols in Albemarle county schools, and after months of the school board deferring an official vote, the superintendent took matters into his own hands last week to prohibit such imagery in the dress code. Now, a constitutional attorney says he better watch out for a lawsuit.

Some school board members had previously voiced their concerns about the legality of such a prohibition—especially in light of the $150,000 First Amendment lawsuit they were smacked with in 2002 for denying a Jack Jouett middle schooler the right to wear his NRA camp shirt to school.

“Images of white supremacy, including Confederate and Nazi imagery, should not be permitted in our schools because they cause substantial disruption,” Superintendent Matt Haas read from a statement at the February 28 school board meeting, where he announced that he will ban explicit symbols, lettering, or any insignia associated with violence or white supremacy.

John Whitehead. Photo by Stephen Canty

John Whitehead, a constitutional attorney and president of the Rutherford Institute, says when policies are as vague and subjective as he says the Albemarle County Public Schools’ policy is, it lays the groundwork for a host of civil liberties violations.

The move is “consistent with a trend being played out in schools across the country—and in the courts—to censor First Amendment activities under the guise of school safety,” says Whitehead. “As a result, even American flag apparel was banned as dangerous in one major case.”

While this and other hate speech policies may make some students feel safer in the short term, he says it’s the Rutherford Institute’s position that they won’t actually make the schools any safer.

“Ultimately, what we must decide is whether the schools are here to censor or are they here to educate?” says Whitehead. “While this ACPS policy is inevitably going to result in a legal challenge, it’s not going to resolve the underlying problem of racism in our community and in our country, which is something that needs to be addressed and discussed openly and worked out in an open, supportive environment by the students and mediated by school officials.”

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False imprisonment: County settles lawsuit against five cops

Benjamin Burruss sat in his car in the Comfort Inn parking lot surrounded by Albemarle police. His employer had asked police to check on him when he didn’t show up for work. Burruss told the officers he did not intend to harm himself or anyone else, and the 12-gauge shotgun in his backseat was for a hunting trip.

For two hours, police refused to let him leave, then deployed a stinger—a strip that shreds tires—under his rear wheels, threw a flash bomb, smashed his car windows, dragged him out, and took him to the hospital for a 72-hour mental health hold.

Five years after the November 21, 2013, standoff that Burruss, 61, said left him with PTSD, the county and five police officers settled his lawsuit against them for an undisclosed amount.

“Hopefully this case results in the police not using emergency custody orders to detain people who are not mentally ill, have not committed any crime, and just want to be left alone,” says Burruss in a release.

Burruss says he’d missed a few days of work at Northrop Grumman, where he held a security clearance, because he was adjusting to a new medication for depression, and he was staying at the motel on Pantops because of some marital issues.

When surrounded by what he estimated to be a dozen cops, he refused to get out of his car and said he didn’t want to talk to them and wanted to leave. Officer Garnett “Chip” Riley at one point said, “We got nothin’,” and, “I got no reason to hold him,” according to the complaint.

But rather than release him, Officer Jatana Rigsby called Burruss’ wife and asked her to obtain an emergency custody order, alleging he was “acting irrationally,” according to court documents.

County cops Riley, Rigsby, Kanie Richardson, Robert Warfel, and Captain Pete Mainzer were defendants in Burruss’ lawsuit, along with Albemarle County. The suit was filed in federal court for unlawful seizure, false imprisonment, and battery.

In April 2016, Judge Glen Conrad gave the officers and the county qualified immunity for their actions after the emergency custody order was issued, but questioned holding Burruss for over an hour beforehand when they were aware they didn’t have probable cause to prevent him from leaving. The case had been scheduled for a four-day jury trial October 16.

Burruss was represented by the Rutherford Institute and Michael Winget-Hernandez. Rutherford founder John Whitehead describes the settlement as “favorable to us but we can’t give details.”

He blames the incident on police militarization and overuse of SWAT tactics in a situation that could have been handled non-confrontationally. “Obviously the police went too far,” he says. “They smashed his window and put him in a mental health facility.”

Whitehead says he hopes the settlement says to police in future similar situations, “slow down.”

When asked about the settlement and whether it would affect future police actions in similar situations, Albemarle County spokesperson Emily Kilroy says, “The orders that were entered by the court are a dismissal as to the county and as to the individual defendants. There is no further comment.”—

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‘Martial law’: Officials say 1,000 cops necessary, searches ‘consensual’

The August 12 weekend passed with no loss of life or serious injury, but many Charlottesville residents were not reassured by the show of police force and the restrictions on pedestrian access to the Downtown Mall that were announced a couple of days before they went into effect.

The Virginia State Police provided 700 officers, and the total number of cops on hand was around 1,000, according to officials.

“Last year, I was afraid of the Nazis,” says Black Lives Matter organizer and UVA professor Lisa Woolfork. “This year, I’m afraid of the police.”

Civil rights attorneys blasted the decision to limit pedestrian access to the mall to two entry points on Water Street—and that was before everyone entering had to submit to a search of bags and wallets.

“You wonder why some people in our community distrust you,” writes Jeff Fogel in an email to city officials. The decision to withhold notice of the mall lockdown “smacks of deception, manipulation, and lies,” he says.

Rutherford Institute founder John Whitehead criticizes the lack of transparency and disclosure of a specific threat before restricting citizens’ ability to move freely. “To me it looks like martial law,” says Whitehead. “It creates a police state.”

At an August 13 press conference, public safety officials continued to refuse to answer whether there had been credible threats that warranted having 1,000 cops on hand.

“We had very large crowds here,” says Charlottesville Police Chief RaShall Brackney. “We had to plan for the variable of the unknown”—even if it was pretty clear the alt-right wasn’t coming.

Virginia State Police Superintendent Gary Settle says, “Some intelligence that I can’t reveal in a public forum caused us to make certain decisions and err on the side of caution.”

Brackney says the last-minute announcement of restricted mall access was to keep those points “close to the chest” and not reveal vulnerabilities to people who were surveilling social media for entry points into the controlled area.

On August 8, she said that citizens would not be subjected to searches unless there was reason to believe they had something that was on the lengthy list of prohibited items, including sticks, aerosol sprays, and knives. But on August 11, everyone who wanted to go to the mall had to submit to a search of bags and wallets.

Says Brackney, “Everyone actually was given the option. There was no one that was searched that was not consensual. Everyone was allowed in. It was their items that were not allowed in.”

City councilors C-VILLE talked to were vague about what they knew about the mall lockdown. “I don’t think we’re allowed to talk about that,” says Wes Bellamy. Vice-Mayor Heather Hill says she knew there would be restrictions, but didn’t know exactly what they were.

Even after mourners had paid their respects on Heather Heyer Way, state police continued to block Water Street and tensions remained high. Staff photo

Some saw the measures as an insult and over-compensation for last year’s deadly rally.

“I feel violated,” says activist Rosia Parker. “I feel completely violated. The presence we have here now should have been here last year.

She adds, “They’re protecting property, not people.”

Parker also objects to being searched to walk on the Downtown Mall, and seeing police officers in riot gear protecting the Lee statue.

“I think it made things more tense,” says UVA prof and activist Jalane Schmidt. “The solution to last summer is not over policing.”

She notes that initially officials said they were not going to check bags, and then ended up searching even wallets. “We’re under martial law in all but name,” she says.

Some made a point of braving the downtown hassles and came to support businesses there, like Kat Imhoff, Montpelier president and CEO. “I thought the police did a pretty good job,” she says. “A couple of times we left the barricaded area and had to go all the way around to get back in.”

Her friend, Dorothy Carney, compares the security measures to the Transportation Security Administration after 9-11. “It felt like an overreaction because nothing was shared about threats.”

The appearance of riot police did not did not put protesters at ease at the UVA student rally Saturday night. Eze Amos

Carney attended the student rally Saturday night and said it was really peaceful around Brooks Hall until about 100 cops in riot gear came marching in. That’s about the point Imhoff arrived, and she says, “You can see how quickly things can fall apart.”

Both Carney and Imhoff say cops were a lot friendlier this year than last, when they would not make eye contact.

“I had a lot of police smiling at me with my Black Lives Matter T-shirt on,” says Carney.

One other thing struck her: “You have a security checkpoint but you’re still allowing guns in. We need to change those laws.”

City Council is holding a community listening session from 6 to 8pm Tuesday at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center.

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Warrant required: Supreme Court ruling in Albemarle case bolsters Fourth Amendment

Ryan Collins already was on the radar of Albemarle police in 2013 after he eluded officers on two separate occasions on a flashy orange and black motorcycle. Five years later on May 29, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld his argument 8-1 that police needed a warrant to search for the bike outside his girlfriend’s house in what legal experts are calling a big win for the Fourth Amendment.

The county cops suspected the bike that got away from them was stolen, and when Officer David Rhodes saw a photo of a similar motorcycle on Collins’ Facebook page, he tracked it down to a house where Collins’ girlfriend lived, according to court documents.

Rhodes could see a tarp covering what appeared to be a motorcycle next to the house, walked up the driveway “to investigate further,” says the court opinion, and removed the tarp. The license plate number showed the bike was stolen, and when Collins returned to the house, he told Rhodes the bike was his and he’d bought it without a title. Rhodes arrested him and Collins was convicted of receiving stolen property in May 2014.

Collins argued that Rhodes needed a warrant to enter the house’s curtilage—the area immediately around a house that’s also protected by the Fourth Amendment—but the state Court of Appeals and Supreme Court of Virginia upheld the warrantless search under the “automobile exception,” which gives police greater leeway to search vehicles on public streets.

Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor—and seven other justices—did not agree. “The question before the court is whether the automobile exception justifies the invasion of the curtilage. The answer is no,” she writes in the court’s decision.

Allowing police to use the automobile exception to conduct warrantless searches “would render hollow the core Fourth Amendment protection the Constitution extends to the house and its curtilage,” she says. “Indeed, its name alone should make all this clear enough: It is, after all, an exception for automobiles.”

Collins’ attorney, McGuireWoods’ Matthew Fitzgerald, UVA law class of ’08, has been described as a rising star in the rare air of Supreme Court litigation. He calls the court’s favorable ruling “excellent,” but says Collins’ legal battle isn’t over.

“The state has the opportunity to argue another exemption applies—the exigent exemption,” he says. The Supreme Court corrected the Supreme Court of Virginia in that the automobile exemption does not apply, he says, but the state is “entitled to argue” that it was an emergency that Rhodes conduct a warrantless search.

Police were looking for the bike because Collins had eluded them, not because the bike was stolen, says Fitzgerald, and it was easier to pursue the receipt of stolen goods charge because “it’s difficult to prove who was driving it months earlier.” Collins, who is in his early 30s, served several months in jail, says his attorney.

“If police had been doing things right, they would have gotten a warrant,” says Fitzgerald.

Albemarle County Police Chief Ron Lantz declined to comment on the SCOTUS ruling.

The Rutherford Institute filed an amicus brief in the case focusing on the sanctity of curtilage, and its founder, John Whitehead, applauds the ruling. He says it makes clear that police should stay off driveways and lawns unless they have a warrant. “If not, nothing in your yard is safe,” he says.

Supreme Court decision in Collins v. Virginia courtesy Rutherford Institute

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Kessler subpoenaed C-VILLE reporter

Two business days before Unite the Right organizer Jason Kessler was scheduled to stand trial on a felony perjury charge March 20 in Albemarle Circuit Court, C-VILLE Weekly reporter Samantha Baars was in Charlottesville General District Court, where a deputy handed her a subpoena to appear as a witness for Kessler.

Aside from First Amendment freedom-of-the-press issues, the subpoena posed another problem for the paper’s two-person news team: If Baars were sequestered as a witness, C-VILLE would have no one available to cover a case with considerable local interest.

Local attorneys James West and Josh Wheeler volunteered to challenge the subpoena and, with the support of the Rutherford Institute, prepared a motion to quash, which West filed just hours before the trial was scheduled to begin.

West says a federal court has identified reasons subpoenaing journalists is a bad idea, including the potential threat of judicial and administrative interference with news gathering. “If reporters are regularly subjected to open-ended subpoenas, they would be thinking of that in their reporting,” he says. “It would appear to turn reporters into an investigative arm of government or private parties.”

And as in C-VILLE’s case, it places a major burden on the limited resources of a small organization, says West. “You could be intentionally harassed. If a reporter has done a long series of articles that were not particularly flattering, [the subject] could subpoena the reporter so she couldn’t cover the trial.”

Kessler attorney Mike Hallahan told Baars, who had no first-hand knowledge of Kessler’s sworn statement to a magistrate that he was assaulted, which was the basis of the perjury charge, he was subpoenaing her for an October 10 article in which she’d interviewed Jay Taylor, the man Kessler claimed assaulted him.

In court, Hallahan objected to the motion to quash and initially to saying why he wanted Baars as a witness. “He wanted her as an impeachment witness for Taylor,” says West. C-VILLE was unable to reach Hallahan.

Judge Cheryl Higgins granted C-VILLE’s motion. “She was proactive in recognizing journalistic privilege,” says West.

Reporters in Charlottesville are not often subpoenaed to testify in court, but it’s happened before. A special prosecutor called NBC29’s Henry Graff as a witness in February for a case against Jeff Winder for assaulting Kessler August 13.

In 2007, Charlottesville prosecutor Claude Worrell, now a juvenile court judge, subpoenaed former C-VILLE editor Courteney Stuart, then a reporter for the Hook, to testify in a public drunkenness case.

Stuart appeared before Judge William Barkley with a motion to quash. “I cover crime,” she told the judge. “This is drunk in public—a minor crime. This week I’m also covering a capital murder. Am I to be called to testify in every crime I cover?

Barkley denied the motion. At trial, Rutherford attorneys represented Stuart, but the defendants agreed to stipulate her story was accurate and released her as a witness. At that time, Worrell said he would subpoena reporters in the future because their role in a free press “does not mean they can opt out of their responsibility as citizens to provide information.”

Such a move “makes reporters an investigative tool of the court or government,” says Rutherford president  John Whitehead. “Not a good idea.” It also compromises journalistic integrity, particularly in instances in which a reporter has promised confidentiality to a source, he says.

“A subpoena can be used to intimidate reporters and lower their profile,” says Whitehead. “It threatens freedom of the press.”

Correction: Kessler claimed Taylor grabbed his arm and got in his face, but not that Taylor slugged him as originally reported.

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Militia madness: City files suit against August 12 participants

 

Exactly two months after the summer’s Unite the Right white nationalist rally that left three dead and many injured, a legal group has filed an unprecedented complaint on behalf of Charlottesville, local businesses and neighborhood associations that could prohibit “unlawful paramilitary activity” in the city.

Lawyers with the University of Georgetown Law School’s Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection claim the independent militiamen and women, many carrying “60 to 80 pounds of combat gear,” such as semi-automatic assault rifles slung over their shoulders, made tensions boil at what some have called the largest gathering of white supremacists in recent history.

“Regardless of ideology, the presence of these private armies, whether armed with assault rifles or bats, batons or clubs, significantly heightens the possibility of violence, as we saw on August 12,” said Mary McCord, an attorney with Georgetown Law’s ICAP, who filed the complaint which is, as she says, “seeking to ensure that the streets do not become battlefields for those who organize and engage in paramilitary activity.”

According to the complaint, rally organizers, including homegrown Jason Kessler, solicited private militias to attend the rally, held group-wide planning calls and circulated an instructional document called “General Orders.”

“All the while, attendees encouraged one another to ‘prepare for war,’” according to ICAP.

Named defendants in the lawsuit include Kessler and Identity Evropa CEO Eli Mosley, white nationalist groups Traditionalist Worker Party, Vanguard America, League of the South, and the National Socialist Movement, and private militia groups Pennsylvania Light Foot Militia, New York LIght Foot Militia, Virginia Minutemen Militia, American Freedom Keepers, American Warrior Revolution, Redneck Revolt and the Socialist Rifle Association.

Kessler and the Pennsylvania Light Foot Militia did not immediately respond to interview requests.

“It’s a unique lawsuit,” says Rutherford Institute founder John Whitehead, who has represented far-right and far-left defendants for 40 years. “There are some real complications.”

According to Virginia law, “the military should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power,” but Whitehead points to the 2008 Supreme Court decision of District of Columbia v. Heller, in which justices voted 5-4 that the Second Amendment protects an individual’s right to carry weapons unconnected with service in a militia. He says the definition of “militia” under Virginia law is vague, and several groups named in the suit do not identify as militia groups.

The 75-page complaint is a culmination of investigations, including interviews with residents and bystanders, hours of footage, hundreds of photos and thousands of social media posts, McCord said outside Charlottesville Circuit Court after her group and members of City Council filed the suit.

“The investigation uncovered overwhelming evidence, much of which has only become available after August 12, of planning by alt-right groups to engage in the very type of militaristic violence that resulted,” McCord says. “They have vowed to come back, as have the self-professed militia purporting to be peacekeepers.”

Michie Hamlett attorneys Lee Livingston and Kyle NcNew will serve as the local counsel for the suit. Livingston reminded those outside the courthouse of the terror the city faced that day.

“August 12 is a tragic story now—a part of the lives of all Charlottesvillians,” he says. “A street we walk to restaurants, where we enjoy life with our neighbors, on that street, our neighbors were plowed over by a car. The images of bodies being smashed by that car will never leave us. A park where we celebrate festivals became a scene of medieval squad maneuvers, people struck down, people bleeding. We fear that a dark chapter was opened in our nation’s history on our doorstep, a chapter many had thought was closed in the 20th century.”

He said he hopes the suit will provide public servants “who protect the peace” a tool to prevent private armies from returning to the area, protect those who use Emancipation Park and the surrounding area from the “intimidating, unregulated soldiers,” and allow the community to come together, “in at least a small step, to reduce what feels like a dark turn of our story.”

Added Mayor Mike Signer, “I support [the lawsuit] as a stand against the disintegration of our democracy, and as a call for us to put a firm close to this horrible chapter in our democracy where people think it’s okay to parade in military outfits in public, to openly threaten violence against other people, to fire weapons into crowds, to beat people in public and to use a car as a weapon.”

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Rashomon effect: Police chief defends tear gas; activists allege police brutality

In the post-mortem of the July 8 KKK rally in Justice Park that resulted in 22 arrests and riot-garbed Virginia State Police tear-gassing protesters, widely diverging accounts of the event are playing out like a Kurosawa film.

Police Chief Al Thomas says his force has gotten “hundreds and hundreds of compliments” for how city police handled the estimated 1,500 people who attended. At the same time, activists are decrying the “brutality” of militarized police and the tear gassing of protesters, and demanding that the charges against those arrested be dropped.

Chief Al Thomas defends the use of tear gas to disperse protesters after the KKK left. Photo Eze Amos

And four legal organizations—the ACLU, Legal Aid Justice Center, the National Lawyers Guild and the Rutherford Institute—have asked City Council and Governor Terry McAuliffe to investigate the “over-militarized” police presence, the declarations of unlawful assemblies and the use of tear gas, and called for a permanent citizen review board.

Thomas defends its use. “The crowd was becoming more aggressive toward law enforcement,” throwing water bottles, using a pepper gel and spitting, he says.

According to Solidarity Cville, police escalated a peaceful demonstration against “white supremacist hate” by declaring an unlawful assembly after the Klan left. At a July 14 press conference in front of the police department, Emily Gorcenski, who was one of those tear-gassed, called the decision “unnecessary and unreasonable” and pointed out, “Charlottesville residents can’t clear out of a Dave Matthews concert in under an hour, yet police declared a peaceful crowd to be an unlawful assembly within minutes of the KKK departure.”

In the timeline of events, the Loyal White Knights of the KKK had a permit to protest the removal of Confederate monuments from 3 to 4pm. Because of the crush of counter-protesters surrounding the park, the KKK wasn’t able to get in until about 3:45pm. Shortly before 4:30pm, Chief Thomas ordered an end to the Klan demonstration, and protesters followed the Loyal Whites out to a secured garage on Fourth Street NE.

Protesters clogged the street, and Deputy Chief Gary Pleasants declared the first unlawful assembly of the day. Police and protesters agree on one thing: “We were trying to get them out of here as fast as possible,” says Thomas.

“No one wanted to bar the KKK from leaving the city,” says Gorcenski. “We wanted to make sure the Klan didn’t spend a minute longer in Charlottesville than necessary.”

After the KKK left around 4:44pm, police headed toward High Street, where Thomas describes a hostile crowd of several hundred people becoming aggressive toward police. On-scene commanders from city police and the Virginia State Police made the decision to deploy tear gas, says Thomas.

At 4:58pm, fewer than 15 minutes after the Klan left, police declared an unlawful assembly, says Solidarity Cville.

“We reject the allegation the deployment of chemicals was in response to a police defense strategy,” says Gorcenski. “Video evidence shows police went through a lengthy, minutes-long process of preparing gas masks.”

The Rutherford Institute’s John Whitehead contends police use of military equipment, including riot shields, assault weapons, grenade launcher and BearCat, changed the dynamic of the event, and the civil liberties orgs say the “heavy-handed demonstration of force” escalated rather than de-escalated the event.

“I would say bringing a hate group in changes the event,” counters Thomas. “That’s when we saw a change, when the Klan arrived. They brought hate and fear into our city.” Thomas also notes that city cops were in their normal uniforms for most of the day and did not have riot gear.

After the Klan left, there was a scuffle on the ramp leading up to the Juvenile and Domestic Relations Court, and two people were detained there, says Gorcenski. “It was a very, very confusing situation,” she says. Police were giving contradictory instructions, and people on the ramp had nowhere to go, she recounts.

Solidarity Cville alleges one of the people sitting on the ramp was kicked in the head three times by police. In a video the group provided, it appears an officer trying to get around them stumbled against one of the seated protesters, Tracye Prince DeSon, and looks horrified when people start shouting that he’d kicked the activist.

DeSon claims police used pepper spray on him six minutes before the first tear gas was fired. A video shows a Charlottesville police officer with a cannister in his hand, and moments later people in the vicinity are filmed coughing and reacting to an irritant, including this reporter.

A number of people, among them street medics, bystanders, ACLU observers and journalists, have discussed getting tear-gassed, and many of them said they didn’t hear the order to disperse, nor the warning that a chemical agent would be used.

Solidarity Cville’s Laura Goldblatt says medics were treating a woman in distress on the grass beside the juvenile court when the first tear gas went off beside her.

C-VILLE photographer Eze Amos was behind police taking photos of a dancing man when the first cannister went off and the wind shifted. “Around my mouth was burning, around my eyes were burning,” he says. “I was choking.”

Civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel also got tear-gassed, and says it was unreasonable to order people to leave immediately after the Klan left. “Two people were arguing at the end and police said it was an unlawful assembly,” he says. “Does that justify using tear gas on 100?”

Thomas says, “It is unfortunate” that bystanders on the sidelines got caught in the tear-gas crossfire. “It does travel. A number of our officers not wearing gas masks took in some of the gas as well.”

Three people were charged with wearing a mask—a felony—and at the July 14 press conference, Don Gathers with Black Lives Matter said, “They used their shirts and scarves to protect themselves from the chemical agents released by police.” Earlier, a masked Klansman was asked to remove his mask and not arrested, says Gathers.

City Councilor Kristin Szakos, who was not present at the KKK rally, says, “I wish there hadn’t been tear gas.” She adds, “It wasn’t unprovoked. There were people who were actively confronting police.”

Police kept people safe, while allowing people to stand up to the hatred of the KKK, she says. “The Klan knows they’re not welcome here.”

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Police show up at activists’ doors

A couple of weeks ago at a community meeting, Chief Al Thomas said he wasn’t worried about handling the KKK at its July 8 rally. What concerned him more were local citizens making “poor choices.” Now some are wondering if local police made poor choices in showing up at activists’ homes and asking about their plans for the Klan rally, the names of other activists and offering to help with any plans they were making, according to a letter attorney Pam Starsia sent to Thomas June 23.

Starsia, who is also a member of Showing Up for Racial Justice, says that after one of her clients received a visit from a Charlottesville police sergeant June 20, she left a voice message for Captain Wendy Lewis and said the home visits to activists were unnerving, intimidating and chilling to their exercise of First Amendment rights, and that officers should immediately desist. She “specifically advised that CPD should not visit the home of another activist client—Veronica Fitzhugh,” says her letter.

Fitzhugh is facing assault and disorderly conduct charges stemming from interactions with whites-righter Jason Kessler May 20 on the Downtown Mall, as well as a separate May 21 assault charge at Lee Park filed by Jason Turner. Despite Starsia’s warning—Lewis said she hadn’t heard the voice message—the sergeant showed up at Fitzhugh’s house the next morning.

“If a policeman shows up at your door with a badge, you’re intimidated,” says civil libertarian John Whitehead, founder of the Rutherford Institute. “This is an activity that’s illegitimate.”

Following Starsia’s June 23 press conference in front of the city police station, police spokesman Steve Upman issued a release that said officers were gathering information from a dozen organizations, including the KKK and SURJ, to assist in keeping citizens safe.

“Overkill,” says Whitehead. Visiting activists is a tactic of regimes like Nazi Germany and the KGB, he says. “The police’s job is to show up at the protest and keep the people safe.”

However well-meaning the information gathering might be, says Whitehead, “I think it’s a major misstep” to do anything that inhibits free speech activity. “They should back off.”