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Not over: Activists reflect on Black Lives Matter protests, next steps in 2021

While the coronavirus pandemic has disproportionately impacted communities of color this year, Black people have been dealing with “a pandemic of racism” in the United States for centuries, as Black mental health advocate Myra Anderson told C-VILLE over the summer.

When Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin knelt on George Floyd’s neck for nearly nine minutes on May 25, ultimately killing him, these deep wounds of systemic violence and oppression were once again ripped open, sparking protests across the globe—and here in Charlottesville—in support of the Black Lives Matter movement.

From June to September, local activists led a string of demonstrations demanding an end to police brutality, and calling for justice for Black people who’ve been murdered at the hands of cops. The events drew large crowds of all races and ages.

“The killings of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery…they woke people up,” says activist Zaneyah Bryant, a member of the Charlottesville Black Youth Action Committee and a ninth grader at Charlottesville High School. “It put a spark on people, like wow this is happening to our people. This could happen to anybody—this could happen in Charlottesville.”

While protests against police brutality continue in places like Portland, Oregon, it’s been several months since people in Charlottesville have taken to the streets. Though there haven’t been any drastic changes made in the city—CPD’s $18 million budget has not been touched, for example—some activists believe progress has been made toward racial justice.

“These are tough and difficult conversations. Up until at least recently, people were reluctant to begin to initiate them, but now [they] are actually being had,” says community activist Don Gathers. “We’ve reached the point in the…racist history of this country where people are willing to have these conversations.”

“[The protests] really just opened up more conversation surrounding how the police interact with the community, and allowed for us to envision a police-free society,” adds Ang Conn, an organizer with Defund CPD. “We have community members looking at budgets, policies, things that never prompted their attention before. And when you have a lot of eyes on things, there is bound to be change.”

With the support of the community, Charlottesville City Schools was able to end its school resource officer program with CPD in June, another step in the right direction, says Bryant.

Other activists like Rosia Parker say they have yet to see any progress in the city.

“[My protests] were peaceful, decent, in order, and orchestrated with Captain Mooney. For them to deny me my march, I don’t feel it was right,” says Parker, referring to the city’s threat to fine her and other activists in August, and its denial of her event permit in September. “Other protests, no they didn’t help Charlottesville. A lot of people came out and supported Black Lives Matter, but at the end of the day, [it] didn’t do anything.”

“There’s been no change in the governmental structure—it has gotten worse,” she adds, citing the resignation of City Manager Dr. Tarron Richardson in September as an example of the city’s pattern of staffing instability.

Pointing to the police assault of a Black houseless man on the Corner last month, Bryant also fears that, despite the months of protests, Charlottesville police “have gone right back to their old ways—harassing Black people.”

In the new year, the fight against police violence and systemic racism must continue, the activists emphasize.

Though it may be a few months before protesters hit the city streets again, there are plenty of ways to remain involved in the fight, says Bryant. She encourages allies to participate in city government meetings and mutual aid programs, especially for people experiencing homelessness or food insecurity.

“If you are white and you see someone of color or Black being harassed, stand up and use your voice,” she says. “When you say something to those officers, you have power to stop them.”

The city government must also strengthen its relationship with Black communities, especially in light of multiple recent shootings in town, says Bryant.

“Those people in those communities are asking for more police presence. [They] feel unsafe,” she says. “But we can’t use [that] as a reason to say, ‘Oh they’re asking, so we have to keep harassing them.’ We need people to help them understand what they are asking for, and what they mean by wanting more police presence.”

For Parker, ensuring police and government accountability is a priority for next year, as the Police Civilian Review Board works to update its bylaws and ordinance, per the new criminal justice legislation passed in the General Assembly this fall.

“If that means the mayor and police chief have to go, then so be it,” she says.

In addition to advocating for the CRB, Parker plans to offer programs for Black youth through her community organization, Empowering Generations XYZ, with a huge focus on mental health.

“If we can educate our own, become peer-support recovery specialists, become more trauma informed, we can be around for our community, and won’t have to be overpoliced or underpoliced,” she says. “We won’t even need the police—we can do what we need to do ourselves in our own communities. It’s just about getting the resources and education.”

Finally, Gathers and Conn say they will keep on pushing City Council to slash CPD’s $18 million budget, and reallocate those funds to various social services and programs within the next year.

“That’s a lot of money, and people are really struggling out here with a lot of things,” says Conn. “We must continue to work towards hacking away at that police budget until it’s zero.”

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In brief: Public housing progress, Trump rally trouble, and more

Do-over

Multiple public housing developments in Charlottesville are one step closer to getting a badly needed makeover. At its Monday meeting, City Council unanimously approved two ordinances regarding the redevelopment of Crescent Halls, South First Street, and Friendship Court.

The Piedmont Housing Alliance will take the lead on the first phase of Friendship Court’s redevelopment, while the Charlottesville Redevelopment and Housing Authority will head the work at Crescent Halls, as well as the first phase of South First Street.

In this year’s budget, council allocated over $3 million to CRHA for its projects. At its meeting this week, council needed to approve the funds again into a community development corporation operated by CRHA. Constructing and redeveloping Crescent Halls and South First Street will cost an estimated $34 million in total.

Once redeveloped, Crescent Halls—which houses mostly seniors and people with disabilities—will have 98 one-bedroom, and seven two-bedroom apartments, as well as improved accessibility and amenities. At South First Street, CRHA will renovate the existing 58 units, and build 142 new ones.

For Friendship Court, PHA plans to build 35 new multi-family homes and 71 new apartments off of Monticello Avenue. Forty-six will be set aside for current residents, while others will be available to people making between 80 percent to less than 30 percent of the area median income.

Construction on Friendship Court is expected to begin in the spring.

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Quote of the week

“The grass around here looks terrible. It’s up above our knees. If we have a mayor that’s sitting on the housing board, have y’all really looked at Westhaven?

local activist Rosia Parker, calling out the poor conditions in the city’s public housing at Monday’s City Council meeting

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In brief

Trump train strain

On Sunday, Richmond City Council candidate Mike Dickinson led a “Trump Train”—a caravan of supporters in their cars—from Henrico County into the city. That caused yet another altercation beneath the Monument Avenue Lee statue, where protesters stood in the roadway, preventing the caravan’s progress. Police responded to reports that a gunshot was fired and one woman was pepper sprayed. No other injuries were reported. The statue’s days seem numbered—last week, a judge said Governor Ralph Northam can remove the Lee statue by executive order, pending one last period for appeal.

Whine and dine

A disgruntled bride is suing Pippin Hill Farm & Vineyards for $32,000 after the Albemarle winery refused to refund a deposit for a canceled wedding, reports NBC29. Heather Heldman and her fiancé pushed their May 2020 wedding back to October when COVID broke out, but even with the postponement, just 15 percent of guests said they were able to attend. Heldman asked for a full refund. Pippin offered to return $9,000, saying it will have hosted a dozen weddings by the end of the fall, and it’s not the vineyard’s fault the Heldmans’ guests couldn’t make the trip. The wedding is just the latest event that’s gone sour in 2020.

Wild times

The city continues to expand the Heyward Community Forest, a swathe of newly protected land near Ragged Mountain. Last year, the city used a $600,000 grant from the Virginia Outdoors Foundation to purchase 144 acres of land from a private owner, thus establishing the forest. At Monday’s council meeting, the city appropriated $65,000 in VOF grant money to purchase five additional acres.

PC: Stephen Barling
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In brief: Activist fined, white supremacist jailed, and more

Cracking down

Just days after a Kenosha police officer shot Jacob Blake seven times in the back, sparking national outrage and protests, City Manager Tarron Richardson decided to crack down on gatherings in Charlottesville—targeting those organized by Black residents.

While Richardson supports the right to “peaceably assemble” amidst the pandemic, he explained in a press release Thursday evening that “obstructing city streets and using parks without the proper permits will no longer be allowed.”

The city also will begin fining organizers for events that happened weeks or months ago. Rob Gray, who helped plan a Juneteenth celebration in Washington Park, received a $500 fine, and the Black Joy Fest and the Reclaim the Park celebration held last month at city parks are currently under review.

In a letter sent to Gray last week, Richardson claimed he had discussed the city’s ordinance on COVID-19 restrictions with him the day before Juneteenth, explaining that the city was not issuing special use permits for events held in public parks, and that gatherings of 50 or more were banned. But Gray refused to cancel his event, and agreed in advance to pay the civil penalty.

Though Richardson didn’t name names, it sure seems like the warning was meant for Black activists Rosia Parker and Katrina Turner, who planned a Friday night march from the city police department to Tonsler Park in support of the Black Lives Matter movement. He threatened to issue them citations for not having a special event permit, but the pair took to the streets anyway, along with 30 or so other protesters.

“They won’t shut me up,” Parker tweeted shortly after the press release came out.

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Quote of the week

Today, we are marching for criminal justice reform. Today, we are marching to end police brutality. Today, we are marching for the right to be seen as human.

Richmond activist Tavorise Marks at the August 28 Commitment March on Washington, held in honor of the 57th anniversary of the original march.

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In brief

FourFiveSignatures

After gathering the required 5,000 signatures, Kanye West has qualified for the November ballot as an independent presidential candidate in Virginia. But the Washington Post reports that some of those signers felt they were hoodwinked into signing in favor of West, and that representatives from the campaign misrepresented how their signatures would be used. It’s unclear how the controversy might affect West’s floundering run.

Tech check

Senator Mark Warner stopped by the new WillowTree offices in Woolen Mills last week to celebrate the completion of the 80,000 square-foot office renovation. Meanwhile, downtown, construction of the CODE building chugs along, with some new COVID-friendly tweaks—to keep ventilation going, the building’s windows will now actually open, a feature that wasn’t initially planned.

Jail cases

Seven inmates total have now tested positive for COVID-19 at the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail. Pointing to severe outbreaks in nearby correctional facilities, Defund Cville Police sent a letter to the ACRJ demanding the jail ramp up its testing procedures, distribute more hygiene products to inmates, and halt all new admissions to the facility.

Harassment sentence

Daniel McMahon, whose online harassment and racist threats caused activist Don Gathers to suspend his 2019 City Council campaign, has been sentenced for his crimes. The Florida-based man will spend 41 months in federal prison and, upon release, serve a three-year probation during which he won’t be allowed to use the internet without court supervision.

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Marching for justice: Charlottesville joins nationwide protests against police brutality

Nearly a thousand protesters took to the streets of downtown Charlottesville May 30, demanding an end to police brutality and justice for the murders of black people across the country, including George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, and Tony McDade.

In solidarity with the dozens of other Black Lives Matter demonstrations around the nation, people of all races and ages carried homemade signs and chanted statements like “Cops and Klan go hand in hand,” “White silence is violence,” and “No justice, no peace.” Others joined in by car, blowing their horns and waving signs as they drove along Market Street.

“I was extremely pleased both with the turnout and the resiliency of the participants to remain peaceful…I am certain we got our message across,” says community activist and former Blue Ribbon Commission member Don Gathers, who spoke at the march.

But he believes there should have been “tens of hundreds more” at the event. “Anyone with a pulse and a moral compass should have been out there protesting the disgusting murder and ongoing brutalization of blacks across this country,” he says.

Don Gathers PC: Eze Amos

The march was initiated by local resident Ang Conn, who, after seeing the murder of Floyd on video, felt “just completely distraught with what to actually do.” Floyd died after white Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin pressed his knee into the black man’s neck for nearly nine minutes, despite Floyd’s pleas that he could not breathe. (Three other police officers on the scene, who failed to intervene, were fired along with Chauvin, but only Chavin has been arrested.)

Conn reached out to multiple racial justice groups and put a local team together to plan the Charlottesville protest, and get the word out.

The event started at 3pm in front of the city’s police department, where activists, including Zyahna Bryant and Rosia Parker, led chants, gave speeches, and invited the crowd to take a knee. Demonstrators later marched down the mall to City Hall, then through Market Street Park, along Preston Avenue, and into Washington Park, chanting and listening to speeches from area activists and residents. Nearly all wore masks, bandanas, and other facial coverings.

While police in other cities have responded violently to protesters (including in Richmond, where peaceful demonstrators were tear-gassed Monday evening), cops did not confront the crowd in Charlottesville, and the event remained nonviolent. CPD, which has been criticized in the past for heavy-handed treatment of protesters, chose to have “officers remain at a respectful distance, so that people attending could engage in civil discourse peacefully,” says spokesman Tyler Hawn.

City Councilor Sena Magill was thankful that CPD took a hands-off approach to the protest, instead of “trying to stop it.” She says she’s also “proud of our community in general for coming out and saying enough is enough, and doing it in a way that was peaceful.”

As for Conn, she says she hasn’t thought much about how it was peaceful, or how many supporters came out. “We’re protesting black people getting murdered. That’s not fun. It wasn’t a party [or] a get together. We’re in the middle of a pandemic and there are millions of black and brown people locked up in jail cells…which was also what this protest was about.”

On Sunday, the Albemarle High School Black Student Union hosted a demonstration in front of the Albemarle County Office Building. Joined by community members, students of all races stood on the sidewalk in masks, chanting and holding signs with phrases like “Justice for George.”

“We wanted to continue the momentum. It’s important for us to keep protesting peacefully and raising awareness,” says BSU president Faith Holmes. “We’re actually really happy with the way it turned out…we weren’t expecting the numbers that we had. It was fulfilling to see people from [the community] come out and support Black Lives Matter.”

Moving forward, Gathers says he and other local activists will “continue to monitor the situation across the country,” and “should there be a situation that comes to light, God-forbid, here in Charlottesville, we certainly will be at the ready and quick to respond.”

Charlottesville residents of all ages and races attended Saturday’s protest. PC: Eze Amos

Charlottesville has its own fraught relationship with the police. Following community anger over the tear-gassing of counterprotesters during the July 2017 KKK rally, and CPD’s failure to protect residents during the violent Unite the Right rally later that summer, City Council created the Police Civilian Review Board to enhance transparency and trust. After years of controversy and disagreement over the board’s bylaws, City Council appointed seven members to the board in February, but the board has not yet met—an eighth, non-voting member, who was required to have prior law-enforcement experience, was appointed at Monday’s City Council meeting. Councilor Lloyd Snook, however, announced during the city’s Cville360 broadcast on Tuesday that the board could begin virtual meetings.

Before Saturday’s protest, organizers also released a list of demands for the city, county, and state, which Conn read to the crowd on Saturday. It included an end to pretrial detention and home monitoring fees; the demilitarization and defunding of CPD; and the release of more people from jail and prison, especially given the current high risk of death from COVID-19.

Several Charlottesville officials offered statements condemning Floyd’s death and police violence against the black community. And while Magill did not comment on the specific demands, she says the recent incidents of police brutality around the country “have been weighing heavy on all of council” and, from what she’s seen, council is “committed to true change.”

“So many things are hard to get moving quickly, but we all know that we have to do something real,” she adds. “The time for thoughts and prayers is done—it’s been done.”


Updated 6/3 to reflect the recent appointment of a new CRB member and the board’s ability to have virtual meetings

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You’re being watched: Police quietly deploy cameras near public housing

You wouldn’t notice the cameras if you didn’t know what to look for—but once you see the first one, the others are easy to spot: black balls hanging from telephone poles like sinister Christmas tree baubles.

Rosia Parker noticed the camera near her house in Westhaven when the city installed it over the summer. She can see it from her balcony, which means, of course, the camera can see her balcony. “They had the area blocked off like they were doing big work,” Parker says, “So that’s what made me look at them like, ‘what are they doing?’” 

Parker’s search for answers hasn’t yet turned up the resolution she hoped for. The situation raises serious questions about the relationship between Charlottesville’s law enforcement and the residents of the city’s public housing neighborhoods. 

Parker asked City Council about the cameras during the public comment session of the November 2 council meeting. At the next meeting, city manager Tarron Richardson explained the practice, saying “That was one of our cameras. We move those periodically throughout the city based on requests from different residents and different community groups.” 

That comment elicited surprise from City Council—“Oh yeah we need to discuss that more,” said Mayor Nikuyah Walker—and a retraction from the city, which later said via social media that the city “does not have a program related to citizen-requested security cameras.” The cameras are placed at the discretion of law enforcement, not residents.

At the January 6 City Council meeting, Parker and local civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel brought up the cameras again. Walker revealed that four cameras had been installed, three near Westhaven and a fourth near the entrance to another public housing neighborhood on Prospect Avenue. When asked about the purpose of the cameras, Walker said, “I can’t answer that, I don’t have the information.” 

A camera hung at the corner of 7th St NW and 8th St NW

The placement of the cameras rankled Fogel and Parker. Westhaven and Prospect are majority black neighborhoods. “They’re clearly targeting black communities,” Fogel says. 

“There are white neighborhoods where still, you have meth labs,” Parker says. “Why were Prospect and Westhaven the only two chosen?”

“The problem here is that there is a misperception that crime doesn’t happen in predominantly white areas,” said local resident Angeline Conn at the January 6 council meeting. “I’m not for state surveillance at all, period—but if you’re not extending the same surveillance to those communities, you’re being biased.”

Parker and Fogel feel the camera dust-up reveals the police department’s lack of willingness to collaborate with the communities it’s policing. “If the city really wanted to be transparent with the community, and especially the black community, they should at least have had a town hall meeting or something,” Parker says. “I appreciate being safe, but I would also like to know that I’m under surveillance. That’s my privacy.”

Fogel says the surreptitious installation of the cameras suggests the police department is more focused on punitive measures—racking up arrests—than proactive problem-solving. “What was the purpose of these cameras? Are they to get people arrested? I’d rather see them prevent the crime,” Fogel says. “The way to do that is, if you have cameras, you announce the heck out of them.”

City spokesperson Brian Wheeler responded to questions about the cameras in a brief statement. “The Charlottesville Police Department will continue to deploy cameras in the community in response to crime trends, shots fired incidents, robberies, and larcenies,” read part of the statement. “The cameras are for investigative purposes only and there is no active monitoring of the camera feeds.”

According to Wheeler, the only other area where the city maintains similar cameras is a four-block radius around City Hall. 

The city did not answer a question about how it decided where to place the cameras. Also not addressed: if evidence from the cameras has been used to make any arrests.

John Whitehead, a civil rights lawyer at the Rutherford Institute, says that surveillance like this treads on shaky constitutional ground. “The police should be notifying anyone when they’re watching them,” Whitehead says, “because it implicates the Fourth Amendment, which dictates that before any government agent is doing surveillance on American citizens they have to have probable cause.”

Whitehead says that surveillance like this is not an uncommon practice for police departments around the country, and that municipal governments have the ability to intervene. “It’s the job of the City Council members to reel this in and tell them to stop it,” Whitehead says.

For Fogel, the cameras are one more example of what he calls  untrustworthy behavior by the Charlottesville Police Department. He cited the department’s reluctance to release stop-and-frisk data and its 2018 purchase of a Dodge Charger—the same make and model as the car used to kill Heather Heyer—as recent examples of actions that can be interpreted as egregiously tone-deaf at best. 

Parker, meanwhile, is determined to keep looking for answers. “I’m going to stay on them,” she says, “until we figure out what’s going on and why these cameras are here.”

 

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Back to the drawing board: Protest over City Council revisions to CRB proposal

Nearly two years after appointing the initial Police Civilian Review Board, Charlottesville City Council inched closer to making a permanent oversight board a reality at their October 21 meeting, with a first reading of the CRB’s ordinance and bylaws.

But members of the initial CRB were not pleased, saying councilors had severely weakened the proposal they’d spent a year crafting. In a press conference held outside City Hall and during public comment, they and supporters criticized council’s changes, including limiting the board’s authority and removing transparency in the selection process.

“For us to give them the proper bylaws and ordinance but for them to water it down, after so much work…I’m very disappointed,” says board member Rosia Parker.

After the CRB presented its proposal on August 5, City Council members met in small groups with the city attorney and published their own version on October 16. At the October 21 meeting, Mayor Walker noted that it was the first time all the councilors had met together and reviewed the complete proposal.

“It’s a little bit frustrating,” CRB member Guillermo Ubilla told council at the meeting. “All of the questions and things you talked about tonight we spent a year tackling. And we have ideas and suggestions for all of them, and they’re in the packet that we sent you, so I really really hope you guys take a second look at that, maybe a third look, just to kind of see what’s in there.”

Local attorney and longtime CRB supporter Jeff Fogel says the board had created its proposal to accommodate anticipated concerns from the city, as well as state law. “I don’t think the city understands that that document already represents somewhat of a compromise,” he says. “[The council] is now looking for a compromise when it’s built into this proposal.”

City Council created the initial CRB with a resolution on December 18, 2017, in the wake of the Unite the Right rally, in an effort to improve trust between the Charlottesville Police Department and the community.

CRB members met for a year to create bylaws and an ordinance establishing the permanent board’s composition, staff members, and authority. “We did our homework,” says CRB member Gloria Beard, noting the board researched other civilian review boards to inform their work. Its proposal included two staff positions (a police auditor and an executive director), as well as a budget of no less than 1 percent of the police department’s budget. The board would have seven members, four coming from historically disadvantaged communities or public housing.

The initial proposal also allowed the CRB to review any complaint against the Charlottesville Police Department, review the internal investigation into the complaint, and (in certain circumstances) conduct an independent investigation, having access to personnel files, internal investigation files, and other department data.

The board would send any disciplinary recommendations to the police chief and city manager.

City Council’s version differed from the CRB’s initial proposal in multiple ways.

“There was an expectation that we were going to basically take exactly what was given to us,” says Councilor Heather Hill. But she says councilors, who met in small groups “for the sake of efficiency,” had some concerns.

In the new proposal, board members would be appointed by the council in a closed session, rather than the originally proposed public process. Hill says councilors feared a public interview process would deter candidates.

Instead of hiring an auditor right away, the council proposed requiring the board’s executive director to present a report about whether the city should hire a full-time (or part-time) auditor, or contract with an auditing firm instead. And the council’s proposal did not include a budget for the CRB.

Hill says the council understands the auditing role must be filled and a budget created, but that these steps can come later.

“Right now we have to agree on an ordinance and bylaws. That’s going to help them determine our budget,” Hill says.

The council’s ordinance also changed the board’s membership requirements, proposing that it has three members from disadvantaged communities and one from a racial or social justice organization, and eliminating the initial proposal’s requirement that a councilor serve as an additional nonvoting member. And it specifies that the board would only be able to review internal affairs investigations that are ruled as unfounded, exonerated, or not resolved (not those that are sustained). It would also be able to review an investigation if a request is filed with the executive director, and initiate its own review of internal affairs investigations.

The councilors will take into account all of the comments made during the meeting, says Hill. They plan to make revisions to their proposal before next month’s meeting.

“We hope and pray they are going to change their minds,” says Beard. “We need transparency between the police force and the community…to create relationships with the people, so they can have real trust again.”

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Why are Charlottesville cops still driving this car?

Whether you were on Fourth Street that afternoon or not, you know the car: the low-slung gray muscle car with the distinctive brake lights that James Fields used to murder Heather Heyer and injure dozens of others on August 12, 2017.

From video footage and the shocking photograph that won local photographer Ryan Kelly a Pulitzer Prize, the car, a Dodge Challenger, became deeply associated with the terror of that day. Which is why one of our reporters was startled to see a strikingly similar car—another gray Dodge Challenger—with a Charlottesville Police Department decal, on a local street in June.

Police department spokesperson Tyler Hawn confirmed the car is part of the department’s fleet, adding that it was acquired well before August 2017.

Activist Rosia Parker says that when she saw the car, in the police department garage, it “gave me triggers” back to the attack. She raised the issue at a City Council meeting on July 16, 2018, but says she received no response.

A year later, on the way to James Fields’ sentencing, survivor Marcus Martin, who is pictured flying over the back of the car in Kelly’s photograph, said he had seen a similar car on the way to the courtroom and “it all came back.”

In reply to C-VILLE’s questions, Police Chief RaShall Brackney noted that the police department’s car is branded with the logo for the Special Olympics of Virginia Law Enforcement Torch Run and Polar Plunge events, and “this symbolic gesture is appreciated my many members of the local and state community.” Police participate in the events to raise money for athletes with special needs.

In addition to the Special Olympics logo, the roof of the car is emblazoned with what appears to be “thin blue line” iconography, which is commonly used to show support for law enforcement, but which some have argued is meant to show opposition to the Black Lives Matter movement. A thin blue line flag was among the flags carried by Unite the Right protesters at the August 12 rally.

“If the community feels threatened by the presence of this car, and request it be removed from our fleet, we would work toward an amicable solution,” Brackney said.

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‘Martial law’: Officials say 1,000 cops necessary, searches ‘consensual’

The August 12 weekend passed with no loss of life or serious injury, but many Charlottesville residents were not reassured by the show of police force and the restrictions on pedestrian access to the Downtown Mall that were announced a couple of days before they went into effect.

The Virginia State Police provided 700 officers, and the total number of cops on hand was around 1,000, according to officials.

“Last year, I was afraid of the Nazis,” says Black Lives Matter organizer and UVA professor Lisa Woolfork. “This year, I’m afraid of the police.”

Civil rights attorneys blasted the decision to limit pedestrian access to the mall to two entry points on Water Street—and that was before everyone entering had to submit to a search of bags and wallets.

“You wonder why some people in our community distrust you,” writes Jeff Fogel in an email to city officials. The decision to withhold notice of the mall lockdown “smacks of deception, manipulation, and lies,” he says.

Rutherford Institute founder John Whitehead criticizes the lack of transparency and disclosure of a specific threat before restricting citizens’ ability to move freely. “To me it looks like martial law,” says Whitehead. “It creates a police state.”

At an August 13 press conference, public safety officials continued to refuse to answer whether there had been credible threats that warranted having 1,000 cops on hand.

“We had very large crowds here,” says Charlottesville Police Chief RaShall Brackney. “We had to plan for the variable of the unknown”—even if it was pretty clear the alt-right wasn’t coming.

Virginia State Police Superintendent Gary Settle says, “Some intelligence that I can’t reveal in a public forum caused us to make certain decisions and err on the side of caution.”

Brackney says the last-minute announcement of restricted mall access was to keep those points “close to the chest” and not reveal vulnerabilities to people who were surveilling social media for entry points into the controlled area.

On August 8, she said that citizens would not be subjected to searches unless there was reason to believe they had something that was on the lengthy list of prohibited items, including sticks, aerosol sprays, and knives. But on August 11, everyone who wanted to go to the mall had to submit to a search of bags and wallets.

Says Brackney, “Everyone actually was given the option. There was no one that was searched that was not consensual. Everyone was allowed in. It was their items that were not allowed in.”

City councilors C-VILLE talked to were vague about what they knew about the mall lockdown. “I don’t think we’re allowed to talk about that,” says Wes Bellamy. Vice-Mayor Heather Hill says she knew there would be restrictions, but didn’t know exactly what they were.

Even after mourners had paid their respects on Heather Heyer Way, state police continued to block Water Street and tensions remained high. Staff photo

Some saw the measures as an insult and over-compensation for last year’s deadly rally.

“I feel violated,” says activist Rosia Parker. “I feel completely violated. The presence we have here now should have been here last year.

She adds, “They’re protecting property, not people.”

Parker also objects to being searched to walk on the Downtown Mall, and seeing police officers in riot gear protecting the Lee statue.

“I think it made things more tense,” says UVA prof and activist Jalane Schmidt. “The solution to last summer is not over policing.”

She notes that initially officials said they were not going to check bags, and then ended up searching even wallets. “We’re under martial law in all but name,” she says.

Some made a point of braving the downtown hassles and came to support businesses there, like Kat Imhoff, Montpelier president and CEO. “I thought the police did a pretty good job,” she says. “A couple of times we left the barricaded area and had to go all the way around to get back in.”

Her friend, Dorothy Carney, compares the security measures to the Transportation Security Administration after 9-11. “It felt like an overreaction because nothing was shared about threats.”

The appearance of riot police did not did not put protesters at ease at the UVA student rally Saturday night. Eze Amos

Carney attended the student rally Saturday night and said it was really peaceful around Brooks Hall until about 100 cops in riot gear came marching in. That’s about the point Imhoff arrived, and she says, “You can see how quickly things can fall apart.”

Both Carney and Imhoff say cops were a lot friendlier this year than last, when they would not make eye contact.

“I had a lot of police smiling at me with my Black Lives Matter T-shirt on,” says Carney.

One other thing struck her: “You have a security checkpoint but you’re still allowing guns in. We need to change those laws.”

City Council is holding a community listening session from 6 to 8pm Tuesday at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center.