Categories
News

Warrant required: Supreme Court ruling in Albemarle case bolsters Fourth Amendment

Ryan Collins already was on the radar of Albemarle police in 2013 after he eluded officers on two separate occasions on a flashy orange and black motorcycle. Five years later on May 29, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld his argument 8-1 that police needed a warrant to search for the bike outside his girlfriend’s house in what legal experts are calling a big win for the Fourth Amendment.

The county cops suspected the bike that got away from them was stolen, and when Officer David Rhodes saw a photo of a similar motorcycle on Collins’ Facebook page, he tracked it down to a house where Collins’ girlfriend lived, according to court documents.

Rhodes could see a tarp covering what appeared to be a motorcycle next to the house, walked up the driveway “to investigate further,” says the court opinion, and removed the tarp. The license plate number showed the bike was stolen, and when Collins returned to the house, he told Rhodes the bike was his and he’d bought it without a title. Rhodes arrested him and Collins was convicted of receiving stolen property in May 2014.

Collins argued that Rhodes needed a warrant to enter the house’s curtilage—the area immediately around a house that’s also protected by the Fourth Amendment—but the state Court of Appeals and Supreme Court of Virginia upheld the warrantless search under the “automobile exception,” which gives police greater leeway to search vehicles on public streets.

Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor—and seven other justices—did not agree. “The question before the court is whether the automobile exception justifies the invasion of the curtilage. The answer is no,” she writes in the court’s decision.

Allowing police to use the automobile exception to conduct warrantless searches “would render hollow the core Fourth Amendment protection the Constitution extends to the house and its curtilage,” she says. “Indeed, its name alone should make all this clear enough: It is, after all, an exception for automobiles.”

Collins’ attorney, McGuireWoods’ Matthew Fitzgerald, UVA law class of ’08, has been described as a rising star in the rare air of Supreme Court litigation. He calls the court’s favorable ruling “excellent,” but says Collins’ legal battle isn’t over.

“The state has the opportunity to argue another exemption applies—the exigent exemption,” he says. The Supreme Court corrected the Supreme Court of Virginia in that the automobile exemption does not apply, he says, but the state is “entitled to argue” that it was an emergency that Rhodes conduct a warrantless search.

Police were looking for the bike because Collins had eluded them, not because the bike was stolen, says Fitzgerald, and it was easier to pursue the receipt of stolen goods charge because “it’s difficult to prove who was driving it months earlier.” Collins, who is in his early 30s, served several months in jail, says his attorney.

“If police had been doing things right, they would have gotten a warrant,” says Fitzgerald.

Albemarle County Police Chief Ron Lantz declined to comment on the SCOTUS ruling.

The Rutherford Institute filed an amicus brief in the case focusing on the sanctity of curtilage, and its founder, John Whitehead, applauds the ruling. He says it makes clear that police should stay off driveways and lawns unless they have a warrant. “If not, nothing in your yard is safe,” he says.

Supreme Court decision in Collins v. Virginia courtesy Rutherford Institute

Categories
News

Burn notice: Flag burning still inflames some

President-elect Donald Trump, known for his uncanny ability to raise eyebrows with 140 characters or less, sent out this particularly scrutinized tweet November 29: “Nobody should be allowed to burn the American flag—if they do, there must be consequences—perhaps loss of citizenship or a year in jail!”

While one Virginia man voices the same grievance, another local would like to remind The Donald about U.S. Supreme Court rulings that declared otherwise.

In two cases—one in 1989 and another in 1990—the highest court in the nation ruled that the prosecution of people who burn the flag violates the First Amendment right to free speech and is, therefore, unconstitutional, notes Joshua Wheeler, the director of Charlottesville’s Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression.

“It’s a little puzzling as to why politicians of both parties try to bring this up given that it’s not such a common occurrence,” Wheeler says. But, as a result of the tweet, he adds, a number of people have burned flags outside of Trump’s New York City abode in protest.

Wheeler compares the decades-old Supreme Court decisions with the recent arrests of 13 Black Lives Matter protesters who stopped traffic on Richmond’s I-95 and were convicted on the same day Trump sent his tweet.

“Unlike flag burners, the conviction of the Richmond protesters had nothing to do with the message they were expressing,” he wrote in a statement. “Their crime was impeding traffic. Had a similar highway-blocking protest involved the Ku Klux Klan, Planned Parenthood or the NRA, all would have been equally guilty of impeding traffic—a crime of pure conduct.”

And prosecuting someone for burning a flag can get sticky, he says, asking what exactly an American flag is. “Does it include a flag patch sewn onto someone’s jacket? How about a realistic painting of the flag? Or a button displaying only the U.S. flag? If you can’t burn it, can you also not step on it? Or write on it? Such laws are unwieldy, to say the least.”

The First Amendment “doesn’t mean citizens can say whatever they want whenever they want,” Wheeler says, but it is a limit on the government’s ability to restrict free speech. And while he doesn’t think flag burning is the best way to express oneself, he says he supports the right to do it.

“I am personally offended by it,” he says. “I think it is a deliberately provocative way to express something that could be done in a more respectful way. On the other hand, I believe more strongly in the right of free speech.”

But Jonathan Guy, a Chesterfield man who comes from a long line of family members who served in the military, feels otherwise.

“I think it’s ridiculous,” he says. “People stepping on the flag and burning them is a disgrace. …I’m looking at two folded flags in my window. One was my granddad’s and one was my dad’s. I cherish those flags.”

And he’s proposed a solution to the problem.

For offenders who weren’t born in America: “Send them back to where they came from.” But for natural-born citizens: “That’s a really tough question.”