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Charge upgraded: First-degree murder, nine felonies from August 12 certified to grand jury

 

The scene December 14 at Charlottesville Circuit Court was like a flashback to August 12. A heavy police presence closed High Street outside the courthouse and barricades kept protesters from the man many consider the perp of the day’s fatal finale, Unite the Right organizer Jason Kessler.

Photo Eze Amos

Inside the courtroom, more than 20 victims and family members, including Susan Bro, mother of Heather Heyer, filled three rows and faced the man accused of plowing into a crowd on Fourth Street and killing Heyer.

James Alex Fields, 20, entered the room shackled and in a gray-and-white prison jumpsuit, sporting a beard grown during the past four months in jail. Flanked by his attorneys, former Albemarle commonwealth’s attorney Denise Lunsford and James Hill, Fields mostly kept his eyes down, and occasionally made a note during the proceedings.

Security inside the courtroom put local reporters in the first two rows, and deputies refused to allow anyone to sit in the immediate rows behind them, creating a buffer around Fields and a lot of empty seats for a case with intense public interest.

And Kessler, who was called “murderer” as he entered the courthouse and who spoke to a TV camera during a break to denounce Charlottesville as “communist” and the proceedings as a “kangaroo court,” often had a row entirely to himself.

Most shocking for many in the courtroom was watching previously unseen videos of the Fields-driven 2010 Dodge Challenger flooring it into the counter demonstrators. The first shown was from a Virginia State Police helicopter piloted by Lieutenant Jay Cullen and Trooper Pilot Berke Bates, who died when their chopper crashed three hours later.

“Shit! Holy crap! Did you see that?” one of the pilots hovering above asked. “I can’t believe he did that.”

The helicopter video followed Fields as he backed up Fourth Street, dragging the Challenger’s front bumper, drove east on Market Street, turned right to drive across the Belmont Bridge and then turned left onto Monticello Avenue, where he stopped about a mile from the scene that left 36 people injured, according to the prosecution’s only witness, Charlottesville Police Detective Steven Young.

One of the victims, Ohio resident Bill Burke, who was hospitalized from his injuries, returned for the preliminary hearing and stared at Fields after the state police video of the crash.

Even more chilling was footage from Red Pump Kitchen, the Italian restaurant on the corner of the Downtown Mall and Fourth Street.

First are the vehicles that drove down Fourth Street, which was supposed to be closed: a maroon van, a black pickup truck and a ragtop white Camry, which were all stopped by the counterprotesters who had marched east on Water Street and turned left onto Fourth.

Then the Dodge Challenger slowly drives down Fourth—and pauses out of view near the mall crossing for nearly a minute. The car is seen backing up, and a moment later it speeds by.

“Take me out of this fucking shit,” yelled Marcus Martin, who was seen in photographs of the day being flipped over Fields’ car after it rammed into the crowd. Others in court wiped tears from their eyes.

At the beginning of the hearing, the prosecution upgraded a second-degree murder charge against Fields to first-degree murder for the death of Heyer, 32, which carries a penalty of 20 years to life in prison. He’s also charged with three counts of malicious wounding, three of aggravated malicious wounding, two of felony assault and one count of felony failure to stop.

Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney Nina Antony questioned Young, who was on the scene after Fields was arrested at Monticello and Blenheim avenues. The detective noted the heavy front end damage to the Challenger and “what appeared to be blood and flesh on the front of the vehicle.”

Young also described two holes in the rear window and said they were made “after the initial crash,” which disputes allegations some white nationalists have made that Fields was surrounded by car-bashing protesters and feared for his life.

Fields, who drove to Charlottesville from Ohio, was known to spout Nazi and white supremacist rhetoric, according to his Kentucky high school social studies teacher.

During the rally, he stood with members of Vanguard America, but under questioning from Lunsford, Young testified there was no evidence Fields was a member of the white nationalist group.

After the rally was declared an unlawful assembly, Fields walked with three Vanguard Americans from Emancipation to McIntire Park , and Lunsford asked if they described him as “significantly less radical than some of those at the rally,” to which Young answered, yes.

When the detective first encountered him, Fields asked if anyone was hurt. And upon learning someone had died, he appeared shocked, testified Young.

“Did he cry and sob?” asked Lunsford.

“Yes,” replied the investigator.

Judge Bob Downer found probable cause to certify the charges to the grand jury, which meets December 18. If the grand jury indicts him, a trial date will be scheduled.

 

Unite the Right organizer Jason Kessler allegedly took a job in Ohio, but he was in Charlottesville December 14 for court proceedings against rally attendees. Eze Amos
Susan Bro enters the courthouse to see the man accused of killing her daughter, Heather Heyer. Photo Eze Amos
Fields’ attorneys James Hill and Denise Lunsford enter the courthouse through a side door. Photo Eze Amos

 

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In brief: No permits, no DP editor, no daycare license and more

Permission denied

Minutes before a decision was due, City Manager Maurice Jones denied several special event permits for rallies and counterrallies proposed on the weekend of August 12 in Emancipation, Justice and McGuffey parks—ground zero for the summer’s Unite the Right rally that left three people dead and countless wounded.

The first application was filed by local right-winger Jason Kessler for a “Back to Charlottesville” rally on the one-year anniversary of Unite the Right. He touted the event as a protest “against government civil rights abuse and failure to follow security plans for political dissidents,” in his application filed November 27.

In the city manager’s denial of Kessler’s application, he wrote, “The applicant requests that police keep ‘opposing sides’ separate and that police ‘leave’ a ‘clear path into [the] event without threat of violence,’ but [the] city does not have the ability to determine or sort individuals according to what ‘side’ they are on and…[can’t] guarantee that event participants will be free of any ‘threat to violence.’”

Another denied permit was filed by Brian Lambert, an acquaintance of Kessler’s, who hoped to host “Donald Trump Appreciation Weekend” in neighboring parks during the Back to Charlottesville rally.

Curry School professor and activist Walt Heinecke, City Councilor Bob Fenwick and photographer M.A. Shurtleff also requested to hold counter events in the parks over the same weekend, and their permits were denied because they present a danger to public safety, don’t align with the parks’ time constraints and the applicants did not specify how they would take responsibility for their rally attendees, according to Jones.

At the bottom of each denial, Jones wrote that applicants should be advised that future permits will be reviewed under the city’s standard operating procedures for demonstrations and special events in effect when the applications are received. The city manager is expected to go before City Council on December 18 with proposed updates, which include prohibiting certain items from rallies.

In Kessler’s blog post where he announced his plans for a Unite the Right redo, he said he had an arsenal of lawyers prepared to fight back if city officials didn’t grant his application—and he fully expected them not to.

“The initial permit decision is bogus,” Kessler writes on Twitter. “The rationale they give for denying it almost makes it seem like they want me to win. See you guys in court!”


“The proposed demonstration or special event will present a danger to public safety.” Maurice Jones in his denial of 13 permits for proposed August 12 events


Another editor leaves the Progress

Wes Hester, who took the helm of the Daily Progress in July 2016, is ending his little-more-than-a-year tenure. He followed former Houston Chronicle sports editor Nick Mathews, who stayed 14 months. Also departing are four other staffers, including reporters Michael Bragg and Dean Seal.

Daycare bust

photo Albemarle County police

Kathy Yowell Rohm, 53, was arrested December 6 after 16 babies and small children were found in her unlicensed Forest Lakes home. Rohm was charged with felony cruelty, and already faced charges stemming from a separate November 24 incident at the UVA-Virginia Tech football game that includes a felony assault charge for allegedly biting an EMT and public intoxication.

 

 

 

Animal abuser pleads guilty

Orange Sheriff’s Office

Anne Shumate Williams, convicted in November of 22 counts of animal cruelty for the neglect of horses, cats and dogs at her Orange County nonprofit horse rescue called Peaceable Farm,  pleaded guilty December 7 to a related embezzlement charge for using nearly $128,000 in donations for horse breeding. A five-year sentence was suspended on the condition Williams serves 18 months for the cruelty charges.

 

 

Harris could face misdemeanor

The man who was brutally beaten August 12 and was accused of felony malicious wounding could see his charge reduced to a misdemeanor, according to the Daily Progress. Commonwealth’s Attorney Dave Chapman filed a motion to amend Deandre Harris’ charge to misdemeanor assault.

Clifton Inn sold

The historic luxury inn has been acquired by D.C.-based Westmount Capital Group LLC and Richmond-based EKG LLC, led by the McGeorge family. The inn was previously owned by Mitch and Emily Willey, who restored it after a 2003 fire took two lives.

Attempted abduction arrest

City police arrested Matthew Kyle Logarides, 29, on abduction and sexual battery charges for an October 27 attempted grab at 1115 Wertland St. The victim said she was walking alone around 2am when he approached her from behind, covered her mouth and took her to the ground. Logarides, unknown to her, fled the scene when witnesses heard her scream.


Man with a Christmas plan

Restaurateur Will Richey was spotted adding some Christmas decorations to light poles last week. Staff photo

Will Richey, owner of Revolutionary Soup, The Whiskey Jar and other downtown eateries, is really into the holiday spirit. And he’d like the Downtown Mall to look a bit more festive.

“The entire downtown business group and all the merchants are in shock at the lack of decorations and the half-hearted effort,” he says.

He points to the garlands with lights that don’t work wrapped around light poles, the red-ribbonless wreaths and the “lovely tree” beside the fountain with orange construction barricades in front. “The city requires us to put up black metal [fencing],” he says. “Why don’t they? It looks like garbage.”

Those barricades are not adding to the holiday spirit. Staff photo

Richey—with the help of the Downtown Business Association of Charlottesville and city staff—is taking matters into his own hands and plans a future winter wonderland, with the block in front of Splendora’s as a model for decking the mall for the holidays.

He was up on a ladder last week installing colored lights on the nonfunctioning garlands. “The city has not officially endorsed this,” he admits, but he sees it as “fulfilling what they originally intended.”

Says Richey, “We’ve had a hard summer, we’ve had a hard year.” He believes if Charlottesville went all out, it could be a holiday tourist destination. And he’ll be “working even harder to get something beautiful up next year.”

 

Correction: Wes Hester’s name was botched in the original version.

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‘Crying Nazi’: Judge dismisses two charges against Cantwell

Two of three felony charges were thrown out in a more than six-hour-long preliminary hearing November 9 for “Crying Nazi” Chris Cantwell, the New Hampshire man accused of pepper spraying multiple people at the violent August 11 tiki-torch march across the University of Virginia.

Hundreds of white supremacists were in town that weekend for homegrown whites-righter Jason Kessler’s Unite the Right rally, which left three people dead and many injured in its aftermath.

In Cantwell’s case, an Albemarle General District Court judge is allowing one count of illegal use of tear gas to go before the grand jury, after he said Commonwealth’s Attorney Robert Tracci was unable to prove that the two victims who brought the charges against Cantwell were actually sprayed by the shock jock, who continues to broadcast his show, the Radical Agenda, from the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail.

His supporters, known for their fashy haircuts and white polos and khakis, coordinated new outfits this time. About a dozen of them lined the courtroom’s benches wearing black, some dressed head-to-toe in the color.

While Tracci claimed the inmate maliciously used pepper spray during the tiki-torch march, Cantwell himself, who appeared in a dark grey and white-striped jail jumpsuit and handcuffs, called it self defense.

“I said I would not attend the UVA demonstration unless we were coordinating with law enforcement,” he told Judge William Barkley during his testimony, but when there were no cops there to “protect [white nationalists] from the counterprotesters,” he said he had no choice but to take matters into his own hands. And he came to Charlottesville prepared to do so.

He brought with him an AR-15, an AK-47, a Ruger LC9, a Glock, a folding knife and what he called the “now infamous can of pepper spray,” to name a few of the weapons he rattled off. He had a couple of ballistic vests with him, too, he said.

“I was hoping very much to avoid violence,” testified the white nationalist, who said he didn’t bring any of the firearms out on the night of August 11 because he was told that the university is a gun-free zone. When he didn’t have a tiki torch at the march, he said he was asked to walk on the outside of the group and work security for the group of white nationalists and neo-Nazis.

“I was on edge the entire time because [counterprotesters] kept bumping into people with torches,” Cantwell said. When asked if he was taken aback by the heatedness of the march, he said, “It’s difficult to say that I was surprised because I talk about this stuff for a living. I know these people are dangerous.”

He later portrayed it as, “two groups of people who hated each other attacking one another and I was in the middle of it.”

Alleged victims Emily Gorcenski and Kristopher Goad testified against Cantwell, describing being sprayed with a caustic substance and losing their vision, but the latter said video footage Tracci recently showed him displayed a man with a dragon tattoo—not Cantwell—macing him at least one of the times.

Cantwell’s attorney, Elmer Woodard, asked Goad multiple times why he did not leave the demonstration when he noticed things were getting out of hand. At this point on August 11, Goad, along with about 25 other counterprotesters, were encircled by about 300 chanting, torch-wielding white nationalists.

“I did not have an option to leave,” Goad said. “I was surrounded 360 degrees by hundreds of people.” To that, the attorney said, “You could have said excuse me, couldn’t you?”

The room erupted in laughter. And it did again, when Woodard suggested that perhaps it was the smoke from the tiki torches instead of mace that caused the victim’s faces to burn, or “maybe it was the citronella candles,” he said.

Along with dropping two of Cantwell’s charges, Judge Barkley also did not extend a protective order Gorcenski had against Cantwell, and said his bond prohibited him from contacting the woman, whom Woodard called an “antifa operative.”

Woodard’s assistant played Gorcenski’s own video footage, in which the attorney later pointed out that if she was pepper sprayed, she never audibly seemed to react to it. “She’s quiet as a mouse, which I’m pretty sure everyone in this room wishes I would be.”

Also present in the courtroom was Vice News’ Elle Reeve, who followed and interviewed Cantwell throughout the August 12 weekend, Kessler, who appeared in court a week ago to amend his bond on a perjury charge so he could take a job in Ohio, and Unite the Right organizer Eli Mosley.

Some of the white nationalists in town may have found their cars towed when they left court. Sources say the church where they parked had the vehicles removed.

Cantwell, who has been incarcerated since he turned himself in August 24, is expected to request bond November 13.

 

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Bond denied: Third time is not the charm

Judge Rick Moore slightly shook his head as he watched a video that showed Alex Michael Ramos assaulting Deandre Harris in the Market Street Garage August 12—and then he denied an appeal to release Ramos on bond, despite an associate of Unite the Right organizer Jason Kessler offering to house the Georgia man.

It was Ramos’ third unsuccessful attempt at securing bond since he turned himself in August 28 in Forsyth, Georgia, on a felonious assault charge, and the Charlottesville Circuit Court judge cited the violence of the attack and Ramos’ lack of ties to the area.

“I’ve been in this job a long time,” said Moore. The video “is one of the most disturbing things I’ve seen.”

Attorney John Joyce sought to assuage the court’s concerns about lack of local ties with a plan to house Ramos with a new friend in Fluvanna he met through Kessler. Ramos testified that he’d known the woman a few weeks and had spoken to her a number of times on the phone.

The woman testified that she’d called people in Georgia who knew Ramos before considering letting a total stranger live in her house with her husband and kids, and was reassured that “he has no criminal record,” she said.

She also told the judge she’d seen the video from multiple directions and was not concerned about the alleged assault.

Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney Nina Antony described the August 12 scene in which Harris was on the ground “in the fetal position” being beaten by four men when Ramos, who was not part of that group, sprinted into the garage, jumped over people who were watching the attack to possibly kick and then hit Harris.

She also showed Moore a Facebook post Ramos made after August 12. “He’s bragging about it,” she said.

Joyce acknowledged that his client struck one punch “in an insanely heated situation,” but stressed that Ramos had no criminal history and now has a place to live with a “sympathetic family.”

“He didn’t have a record and it didn’t keep him from doing what he did on the video,” said Moore. “It’s quite alarming.”

Calling the assault “gruesome,” Moore said, “You can’t manufacture local ties to the community by saying, ‘Stay at my house.’”

Moore said Ramos was an unreasonable risk to others and there was an unreasonable risk that he’d appear in court.

“I’ve not seen any remorse at all,” said the judge, who quoted Ramos’ post August 12 Facebook post: “We stomped ass. It was fucking fun. VICTORY!!!”

“He’s really not regretful,” observed Moore in denying the appeal. Ramos’ next court appearance is December 14.

 

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Face-punchers plead: Indiana man gets eight months in jail, appeals

 

Two men who were charged with punching two women in the face at unrelated August 12 Unite the Right rally events entered guilty pleas today in Charlottesville General District Court, and one, with a history of assault who was sentenced to eight months in jail, is appealing the conviction.

Dennis Mothersbaugh of North Vernon, Indiana, was seen in a widely circulated video clocking Kendall Bills in the face as the crowd of white supremacists and neo-Nazis dispersed from Emancipation Park. Mothersbaugh, 37, bald with a ginger goatee, came out of the park and swung at a man in a white T-shirt, struck Bills and was ushered out of the area by men carrying League of the South shields.

Dennis Mothersbaugh. Jennings County Jail

He was arrested September 28 in Indiana and charged with misdemeanor assault.

In a courtroom filled with Bills supporters, including former congressman Tom Perriello, Linda Perriello, musician Jamie Dyer, Congregate C’ville’s Brittany Caine-Conley and other friends of her philanthropist parents, Michael Bills and Sonjia Smith, Mothersbaugh entered a guilty plea for assaulting her, with the stipulation no further charges be filed.

Earlier in the week on October 30, Bills was in the same courtroom facing a charge of obstructing free passage at the July 8 KKK rally at Justice Park. That charge was dropped for her and for eight other counterprotesters who linked arms to prevent the entrance of the Loyal White Knights into the park.

Bills described being outside Emancipation Park August 12 to take a stand against hate and racism at an event where Mothersbaugh “intended evil.” She said she was “blinded and tumbling backward” when he punched her. Now, with strangers, “my heart races and my mouth goes dry,” and she doesn’t feel safe in her home, she testified.

Mothersbaugh’s attorney, J.D. Beard, asked Bills if she was wearing a mask, and she said no, although the video of the incident shows what looks like a black surgical mask over her mouth. She also testified that she could have been shouting, “Nazis go home.”

While conceding that his client’s behavior was “completely inappropriate,” Beard pointed out that before the assault, people from outside the park had been throwing bottles of urine and feces into the park, as well as using pepper spray.

Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney Nina Antony told Judge Bob Downer that Mothersbaugh’s “violent, extremely hard punch” to a woman elevates the crime. “This is not even by a long shot his first violence,” she added, tallying five other assaults, some of which had happened in other states.

“This is a pattern of behavior with Mr. Mothersbaugh, who goes to other communities to inflict violence,” with no expectation that anything will happen to him, she said.

Antony asked Downer to send a strong message to those who think they can come here and behave violently with no repercussions. She requested a sentence of 12 months—the maximum for a Class 1 misdemeanor—with six months suspended.

But Downer, who has seen a seemingly unending stream of protesters and counterprotesters through his court from the summer of hate, went even further in demanding accountability. He said the “vicious punch” caused great harm to the victim and to the community, and Charlottesville is now “synonymous with violence and racism.”

He ordered Mothersbaugh to pay a $2,500 fine—again, the maximum for a Class 1 misdemeanor—with $1,000 suspended. And he sentenced Mothersbaugh to 360 days in jail, with 120 suspended, along with anger management classes.

In a statement, Bills says in the three months since “racists were permitted to terrorize our town,” she is the “only survivor who has seen any measure of justice.” She also called upon the city to drop charges against “anti-racist advocates who defended our city.”

Her attorney, David Franzen, and Beard had not returned phone calls about the appeal at press time.

Jacob Smith leaves court after an August 18 hearing. Staff photo

Earlier in court, Jacob L. Smith, 21, from Lousia, pleaded guilty to punching Hill reporter Taylor Lorenz, who was filming on Fourth Street when a Dodge Challenger plowed into a crowd of counterprotesters. Smith screamed at Lorenz to stop filming, according to her video, and then allegedly slugged her and knocked her phone out of her hand.

Downer sentenced him to 270 days, all of which were suspended, and ordered anger management classes and 80 hours of community service.

 

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In brief: Monolithic tendencies, hysterical society and more

Monolith on West Main

What wasn’t quite clear from renderings of The Standard, the deluxe student apartments now under construction across from The Flats on West Main Street, was just how massive and Soviet Bloc-looking the 499-space parking garage is.

This is what The Standard will look like in a year or so. Mitchell/Matthews

Good news: It’s going to be covered by the building and won’t be a stand-alone monstrosity.

According to Chris Engel, the city’s director of economic development, the “parking being built is solely to support the building,” which has 189 units and commercial and retail on the first of its six floors.

Developer Landmark Properties, based in Athens, Georgia, is “redefining the college living experience,” according to its website. The complex is shooting for a fall 2018 move-in.

The Standard garage back in July. Staff photo

“It’s kind of an eyesore,” says Flats resident William Rule. The construction noise, too, has been a problem, he says.

Mel Walker, owner of Mel’s Cafe, is not perturbed about the construction down the street or the upcoming influx of students. “They’ve got to eat somewhere,” he says.

 

 

 


CPD’s August 12 bill

Photo Eze Amos

Charlottesville police spent nearly $70,000 for the Unite the Right rally, including almost $44K on overtime and a $565 pizza tab from Papa John’s. The bill includes $3,300 for Albemarle sheriff’s deputies, $2,400 for jailers and $750 for the services of clinical psychologist Jeffrey Fracher. The city spent $33,000 for the July 8 KKK rally.


“Solidarity Cville rebukes the ‘Concert for Charlottesville’ as a show of false unity.”—Statement dropped about the same time the Dave Matthews-led concert was beginning September 24.


Art installation erased

A group of residents worked through the wee hours September 24 to transform the Free Speech Wall to the Solidarity Wall. Little more than an hour later, a man erased their efforts.

Where’s the gas?

Charlottesville’s first Sheetz opens September 28 on the Corner. The petroleum-less convenience store is a new concept for Sheetz and the fourth it’s opened in the middle of a college town. It features USB phone charger ports every three feet, and is open 24/7, which means rush hour around 2am on weekends.

Historical Society under fire

Steven Meeks. Photo Eze Amos

For years the tenure of Steven Meeks as president of the Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society has brought grumblings from former board members and a loss of half its dues-paying membership. Now the city is citing leadership and transparency issues in its proposal to up the rent for the McIntire Building, where the nonprofit is housed, from $182 a month to $750, according to Chris Suarez in the Daily Progress.

 

 

 

Accused murderer arrested

Huissuan Stinnie, the 18-year-old on the lam since being accused of the September 11 murder of New York man Shawn Evan Davis on South First Street, was arrested in Fluvanna September 25. He faces charges of second-degree murder and use of a firearm in commission of a felony.


Store it in style

Lifelong mountain biker and Charlottesville resident Eric Pearson was frustrated by the hassle of having to back his car out of his garage each time he pedaled home and needed to hang his bicycle back on the hook over his workbench, so he committed to buying an outdoor storage container for his two-wheeler.

“I quickly discovered that no elegant product existed,” he says, and decided to build a device for those who also wanted an aesthetically pleasing way to keep their bikes from becoming one of the 1.5 million stolen in the country each year. Thus, the Alpen Bike Capsule was born.

Courtesy Alpen

Each slim silver cylinder uses an integrated Bluetooth lock to provide secure access, is waterproof, lightweight, durable and bolts to any surface. While Pearson says his capsules look great outside any home or apartment, or on the back of an RV, we think it looks like it came straight off a Star Wars set—and we’re okay with that.

The product should hit the market by mid-2018, he says. And though it’ll set customers back about $1,000, Pearson says early orderers can expect significant discounts.

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Alleged Deandre Harris attacker denied bond

The Georgia man charged with kicking a counterprotester who was on the ground in the Market Street Parking Garage August 12 was denied bond this morning in Charlottesville General District Court.

Alex Michael Ramos, 33, appeared before Judge Bob Downer seeking bond for his release from Albemarle Charlottesville Regional Jail. Ramos surrendered August 28 to the Monroe Sheriff’s Office in Forsyth, Georgia.

His attorney, John Joyce, stressed that Ramos had no criminal record “at all” and that he turned himself in.

Assistant Commonwealth’s attorney Nina Antony said that Ramos did not immediately turn himself in after the FBI released wanted posters August 24.

Ramos said he didn’t know about the arrest warrant until a friend called and told him about it August 28. “I’ll be honest, I had a hard time thinking about it,” he told the judge, but he did go to police several hours later.

Ramos was not part of the group of alt-right protesters that have been seen in video and photographs beating Deandre Harris, according to his attorney, and he was on the opposite side of the street when he came over to the garage. “I would note he did not have any weapon on him,” said Joyce.

He added, “It may have been Mr. Harris that struck the first blow.”

Antony noted Ramos had no ties to Virginia aside from one friend in Richmond, and the “level of violence” in arguing to keep him in jail. “Mr. Ramos came into a fight he had no part in,” she said. “He strikes someone who is on the ground.” Harris ended up with multiple injuries, including a broken wrist and eight staples in his head.

Judge Downer agreed when he denied bond. “Hitting a person when they’re down and running up like that is a vicious offense,” he said.

Ramos is scheduled to be in court again October 12.

Also in court this morning was Jacob Smith, the Louisa man accused of punching Hill reporter Taylor Lorenz in the face August 12 on Fourth Street after a car plowed into a group of counterprotesters and told her to stop recording. His case was continued to November 3.

.

 

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Tarped: Students shroud Jefferson statue in black at Rotunda

By Natalie Jacobsen

“No Nazis, no KKK, no racist UVA!” a parade of students crossing University Avenue chant.

“Louder!” shouts a woman with a megaphone.

Just after sundown around 8pm Tuesday night, as the rain fell, more than 100 students gathered in front of the Rotunda and surrounded the Thomas Jefferson statue. Two students drummed a beat on a pair of buckets while a mixture of graduate and current University of Virginia students held banners and chanted familiar Black Lives Matter phrases:

“What do we want?” asks one student.

“Justice!” others respond.

“When do we want it?”

“Now!”

Within moments of reaching the statue, three students were hoisted by peers and climbed atop. One climbed up Jefferson himself and draped a black tarp over the university founder’s head and raised his fist to cheers.

An unidentified student explained they were “here to reclaim [their] Lawn and grounds,” referring to the August 11 torchlight rally, led by UVA alum/white nationalist Richard Spencer, that took place at the foot of the same statue. “Ten months ago, Donald Trump was elected president, and rolled in a new wave of white supremacy across the nation. But each day, there has been an unparalleled response and resistance that says…‘no’ to all forms of aggressive suppression.”

One by one, students took turns using the megaphone to express concerns, share anecdotes and state the demands of the Black Student Alliance: Relocate Confederate plaques to a museum, explicitly ban hate groups from campus and require all students to be educated on white supremacy, colonization, slavery, the university and the city of Charlottesville. The Student Council acknowledged and endorsed BSA in a public statement on August 21.

Kevin, one of the BSA leaders who organized the event and who asked that his last name not be used, says “[this event] is us telling the administration that we’re here to stay and will do anything it takes if they are unwilling to do anything about it.”

Three students made an amendment and added their own demands, reflecting recent news about DACA and local Dreamers. “UVA needs to protect and house children of undocumented immigrants and continue to provide them education,” says one, identified only as Danielle.

Speeches were made over the course of almost four hours as the three students who ascended the statue continued wrapping it in black tarp, pausing to tear and tape it down as they went along. Occasionally, they would hold up signs passed up to them by the students: “TJ is racist and a rapist” and “Hate has had a place here for over 200 years.”

Several students echoed sentiments that the University of Virginia administration has not “denounced anybody” or “taken [enough] action” in response to what students say felt like a “series of personal attacks” over the past year. About 20 faculty members, dressed in their PhD robes of their own alma maters, looked on from a few feet away. None were willing to comment.

Throughout the event, which Kevin described as “positive and peaceful,” dozens of onlookers stopped to listen and photograph the event. An unidentified female BSA member shouted into the megaphone, “We are your community, and you need to stand with your community,” directing the message at students on the periphery. “There is only one right side,” she says.

A handful of opposition members raised their voices to counter the students’ reasoning for draping his statue. De-escalation team members, unaffiliated with the protesters,  were there to approach and intervene, while four UVA policemen stood around the perimeter of the square. There were no physical altercations.

Around midnight, as the crowd dispersed, Brian Lambert, a self-proclaimed member of the alt-right, according to his Facebook page, and affiliate of Jason Kessler, was arrested for public intoxication near the statue. Police say Lambert was openly—and legally—carrying a gun.

UVA released a statement on Wednesday saying the tarp was removed an hour after the event ended, and that it was already gone when university staff arrived to do so.

On Facebook, veterans activist John Miska, who attempted to remove the tarp covering General Robert E. Lee shortly after it was installed August 23, says it was “patriots” and students “in the face of Communist aggression” who removed the Jefferson shroud.

In a message to the university community, President Teresa Sullivan says, “ I strongly disagree with the protestors’ decision to cover the Jefferson statue.” She adds that she recognizes their right to express their emotions and opinions.

In a separate missive to alumni, Sullivan says the shrouding desecrated “ground that many of us consider sacred.”

“If they’re not going to take action on our demands, we are going to shroud every statue on the grounds,” says Kevin.

Updated 10:42am with the addition of John Miska’s information on the removal of the covering.

 

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In brief: Rally shooting & beating arrests, intro to local government and more

Charlottesville civics 101

At last week’s tumultuous City Council meeting, many citizens asked questions that suggest Charlottesville’s form of government is not well understood. Here are a few basics.

  • City Council: Five elected members choose a mayor and vice-mayor. The mayor is one among equals who represents the city at ribbon cuttings and who sets the agenda for City Council meetings.
  • Council-manager form of government: City Council hires a city manager to be CEO and run the city, and almost all of city staff, including the police chief, report to him. Council acts like a board of trustees, setting policy, passing a budget prepared by the city manager, and addressing citizen concerns. City Council can fire the city manager; a single councilor or the mayor cannot.

Why couldn’t City Council refuse to grant the Unite the Right permit?

  • The First Amendment protects speech, even if it’s a hateful affront to the values of this city. The city’s attempt to move the rally to McIntire Park was blocked by a federal judge as unconstitutional.
  • Mayor Mike Signer has called for the Constitution to be amended to address “intentional  mayhem,” such as the violence planned by alt-right attendees.

Why is the statue of General Robert E. Lee still here months after City Council voted to remove it, while other states took down statues immediately after August 12?

  • Virginia is a Dillon Rule state. That means that unless the General Assembly says it’s okay to do something,
    city and county governments can’t do it.
  • And in fact, state law specifically prohibits the removal of war memorials, which to many includes the Lee and Jackson statues. Odds of the General Assembly changing that law to allow localities to do with monuments as they see fit: murky.
  • A lawsuit has been filed against Charlottesville for City Council’s vote to dispatch the Lee statue. The issue could be decided in court, but it seems unlikely it will happen at the local circuit court level, where a hearing is scheduled September 1.

Who’s in charge?

In Virginia, it’s pretty much the General  Assembly, which grants limited power to localities.

City Council: has the power to hire and fire city manager; acts like a board of trustees; addresses citizen concerns.

Mike Signer, Kristin Szakos, Wes Bellamy, Kathy Galvin, Bob Fenwick

City manager: is the top administrator and runs city operations; prepares annual budget. Reports to City Council.

 

 

Chief Al Thomas. Photo Eze Amos

Police chief: runs the day-to-day operations of the police department. Reports to city manager.   

 

 

 


“Please provide an explanation.”—Used 16 times in a leaked memo written by Mayor Mike Signer to City Manager Maurice Jones before an August 24 closed-door meeting with City Council


Retroactive retribution

ACLU video

Richard Wilson Preston, 52, was arrested August 26 for allegedly firing a gun on West Market Street during the August 12 Unite the Right rally and is being held in Towson, Maryland. Daniel Patrick Borden, 18, was arrested August 25 for malicious wounding related to a beating in the Market Street Parking Garage of Deandre Harris, and he’s in custody in Cincinnati. Alex Michael Ramos, 33, has been charged with malicious wounding for the same assault. Police are still looking for Ramos.

Marching season

First, Dreamers set foot from UVA to Richmond August 25 to fight for protection from deportation, and to stand up against the repeal of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. Three days later, a group of about 100 people, including several clergy members, began their March to Confront White Supremacy from Emancipation Park to D.C.

Sisters sue white supremacists

In a lawsuit seeking $3 million in damages, Tradint and Micah Washington say they were physically and emotionally injured when James Alex Fields Jr. plowed into their Toyota Camry during the August 12 rally, in an act that killed one person and injured many. They have named 28 alt-right defendants, including Jason Kessler and David Duke, in their suit.

MTV gets involved

The popular music television network’s Video Music Awards turned political August 27 when Susan Bro took the stage to present the award for Best Fight Against the System and to announce the creation of a nonprofit for her daughter. The Heather Heyer Foundation will provide scholarships for students interested in social justice. Pastor Robert Lee IV, a direct descendant of General Robert E. Lee, introduced Bro.


By the numbers

Stop and frisks

Civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel released information obtained from a Freedom
of Information Act request with Charlottesville police, which indicates the continuing trend that the majority of those detained by police are black. In the first half of 2017, 72 people out of 102 detainees were African-American.

Percent of people detained that are black

70 percent

First half of 2017

76 percent

January 1 to October 13, 2016

68 percent

2015

78 percent

2014

68 percent

2013

Categories
News

Spin cycle: Leaked memo throws Jones under the bus, council to discipline one of its own

Usually it’s hard to squeeze personnel matters discussed in closed session out of city councilors. That’s why the August 25 leaking of a confidential Mayor Mike Signer-written memo to City Manager Maurice Jones demanding explanations of the events leading up to the August 12 hate rally was such a shocker—as was Jones firing back a response that included the mayor’s threats to fire him.

And in the latest sign of a City Council in turmoil since outraged citizens commandeered its August 21 meeting to voice anger over the violent Unite the Right rally, a closed special meeting has been called for August 30 to “discuss the performance and discipline of an elected official,” according to the notice.

Mayor Mike Signer tries to bring the council meeting to order August 21. Photo Eze Amos

“It’s rather extraordinary,” says former mayor Dave Norris. “I can’t recall another time when the mayor and city manager were going after each other publicly with press releases or memos and trying to throw each other under the bus.”

The nine-page leaked memo calls out Jones for taking vacation before the rally, for not deciding to move the hate fest to McIntire Park until a week before the event, for not having police posted at Congregation Beth Israel synagogue and for “the apparent unwillingness of officers to directly intervene during overt assaults captured in many videos in the time before the unlawful assembly was declared and after it was declared.”

The memo also takes aim at city spokesperson Miriam Dickler, and cites an email from Signer to Jones in which he says her refusal to work with crisis communications firm Powell/Tate “bordered on insubordination” and was “exhausting for me to deal with.”

And the confidential file devotes nearly a page to Signer not being allowed in the command center in the Wells Fargo building, where he came despite Jones and Police Chief Al Thomas asking him not to. And it was there, according to Jones’ rebuttal memo, that Signer threatened to fire him.

“On two separate occasions during the height of the crisis, the Mayor threatened my job and that of the police chief because of our concerns about allowing him to be part of the command center,” he wrote. “He said, ‘You work for me’ and I replied that ‘I worked for the City Council.’”    

“Typically during emergencies, it’s the city manager and police chief who have the lead roles,” says Norris. In the past, “the mayor and councilors didn’t try to micromanage.” 

Because Charlottesville uses a council-manager type of government, the mayor does not have the CEO job like the mayor of Houston does, says Norris. “In a crisis, the mayor and City Council need to be in the loop, but we have professionals and they don’t need a part-time politician to be in the room.”

The councilors who responded to C-VILLE Weekly were not pleased with the leakage. “I didn’t like it,” says Fenwick. “I didn’t do it. And it’s not moving us forward.” Fenwick declined to say who he thought leaked the memo, but he says the memo itself appears to blame Jones and Thomas for the violent encounters August 12 that left Heather Heyer dead and dozens injured.

And he notes that Signer was on vacation the same time he was accusing Jones of being on holiday.

Vice-Mayor Wes Bellamy declined to comment on the leakage, and Councilor Kathy Galvin did not respond to an email. Councilor Kristin Szakos calls the breach “appalling,” and says it “erodes trust and makes it difficult to work together.”

Szakos says the memo was a compilation of councilors’ concerns, but did not reflect the concerns of City Council as a whole. “It was not something we had gotten together on,” she says. In the memo with its 17 issues that ask Jones to “please provide an explanation,” two are from other councilors: Szakos with an email asking where the police were during accounts of violence, and one from Galvin conveying concerns about the vulnerability of Friendship Court residents.

Jones’ public response to the Signer memo was justified, says Szakos, because the memo was “one-sided” and did not include answers he had given to councilors in the August 24 closed-door meeting. And some of the memo points, she says, “turned out to not be factual.”

“I think it was Mike Signer,” says independent council candidate Nikuyah Walker. “I haven’t talked to anyone who doesn’t think he did this.”

Signer did not respond to a call from C-VILLE about the perception by many that he’s the leaker.

Signer was a fixture in the national spotlight the week after the rally, and was called a “hero” by the Jewish newspaper Forward. But at the August 21 council meeting, Charlottesville again made national news for the chaos and the mayor’s total loss of control over the meeting. Protesters mounted the dais holding a sign that said, “Blood on your hands.”

City councilors faced demands that they resign. Signer declared the meeting canceled, and left for about 10 minutes.

In an August 24 Facebook post, Signer explained his absence: “I needed to talk and meet with and reassure my very worried wife, which I felt I had no option but to do.”

Walker doesn’t buy that explanation. “He had become upset because he couldn’t handle [the meeting],” she says. “He thought the rest would follow him. That’s not what happened. That was just his excuse for not being able to handle the criticism.”

“I don’t think that was a shining moment on the City Council, when the mayor abandoned ship and left four councilors,” says Norris. “I’ve got to commend [Vice-Mayor] Wes Bellamy for stepping up and throwing the rules out the window, and running it as a town hall.”

Norris declined to say who he thinks spilled the memo, but offers this: “Anytime there is a leak of information, there’s a strategic reason for it being leaked. These don’t happen accidentally. Clearly someone had a motivation for releasing that memo that tries to put the city staff and police in a bad light and put council and the mayor in a good one.”

cityCouncilLeaked memo