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In brief: Gubernatorial scandal, history of blackface, Long’s good deeds and more

Ralph Northam’s terrible, horrible, no good, very bad week

Up until a week ago, Governor Ralph Northam had great approval ratings. Then last week hit, and with the fallout from a photo of a person in blackface beside someone in a KKK robe on his page in the Eastern Virginia Medical School 1984 yearbook, we’re not sure whether Northam will still be in office by the time this paper hits stands.

January 30: Northam, a pediatric neurologist, discusses on WTOP a bill that would have eased restrictions on late-term abortions, which he said are rare and occur when there are severe fetal abnormalities or the pregnancy is nonviable. His comments about how those cases are handled drew accusations that he was advocating “infanticide”—and may have enraged a medical school classmate, who tipped off far-right website Big League Politics, according to the Washington Post.

February 1: Big League Politics publishes a four-paragraph story about Northam’s yearbook photo. That’s followed by a report that while at VMI, Northam’s nickname in that yearbook was “Coonman.”

February 1, 6:10pm: Northam releases a statement apologizing for the photo. “I am deeply sorry for the decision I made to appear as I did in this photo and for the hurt that decision caused then and now.”

11:15pm: Virginia House Democrats call for Northam’s resignation.

February 2, 9:58am: Delegate David Toscano, “with the heaviest of hearts,” says, “It is now clear that while the governor has done many good things in his career, and has been fighting for those most in need throughout his public life, he has lost the moral high ground at the core of his leadership.”

10:31am: The Democratic Party of Virginia says Northam should resign immediately.

12:20pm: City Councilor Wes Bellamy, who faced condemnation in 2016 for offensive tweets he’d made during his early 20s, says on Facebook he knows “firsthand what it feels like for something that you said in your younger years to come back and haunt you,” but he says Northam should resign.

2:30pm: Northam holds a press conference and says it wasn’t him in the photo—but that he did use shoe polish to appear as Michael Jackson in a dance contest in San Antonio in 1984, in which he moonwalked. He says he didn’t understand that blackface performances were offensive until a campaign staffer in 2017 told him they were, the Post reports.

3:30pm: Residents of historic African American community Union Hill denounce Northam’s commitment to racial justice, noting that he removed two members of the Air Pollution Control Board who had questioned Dominion’s plans to build a compressor station in their town. (The permit was later granted.)

6:44pm: Current U.S. senators and former Virginia governors Mark Warner and Tim Kaine, along with Congressman Bobby Scott, say it’s time for Northam to go.

February 3: Northam attends his Eastern Shore church, the predominantly black First Baptist Church Capeville. That evening, he meets with his cabinet.

February 3, late evening: Big League Politics turns its sights on Lieutenant Governor Justin Fairfax, who would take over if Northam resigns, claiming he sexually assaulted a woman in 2004, an allegation Fairfax denies.

February 4: Protesters demand Northam resign.


A brief history of local blackface

UVA Glee Club photo session, 1917. Ralph Holsinger albert and shirley small special collections library

Blackface has a long history in America, and especially in Virginia, as Rhae Lynn Barnes, a Princeton University professor of American cultural history, pointed out in the Washington Post this week. A sampling of our city’s not-so-proudest moments:

1886: University Minstrel Troupe donates proceeds of a minstrel show to build the UVA Chapel.

WWI: A university-sponsored minstrel show takes place on the steps of the Rotunda.

1924: A Charlottesville Elks minstrel show runs ads ridiculing black soldiers (the same year the Lee statue is erected).

1970s: A Charlottesville Lions Club minstrel show is so popular it is recommended in city guidebooks.

2002: UVA’s Zeta Psi and Kappa Alpha Order fraternity members co-host a Halloween party where at least three students show up in blackface.

 


Quote of the week

“For all the evils in the world, I think apathy is the most dangerous.”—St. Anne’s-Belfield and UVA alum/Philadelphia Eagles defensive end Chris Long upon receiving the Walter Payton NFL Man of the Year Award for his charity work


In brief

A12 going forward

City Council approved a resolution to commemorate the tragic events of August 11-12, 2017, on the second weekend in August with Unity Days. Events will take place on the Downtown Mall, Market Street, Court Square, and McGuffey parks, and on Fourth Street (conveniently making it impossible for any other group to try to hold a rally in those places on the anniversary).

Parole denied

For the 14th time, convicted murderer Jens Soering learned last week that he’d been denied parole. He’s been locked up for nearly 30 years for the 1985 slayings of Derek and Nancy Haysom, though his supporters say recent DNA evidence proves he isn’t responsible. In a new episode of the podcast “Wrongful Convictions,” Jason Flom interviews John Grisham and Sheriff Chip Harding, who believe Soering is innocent.

Charlottesville 12 death

Regina Dixon, one of the first 12 children to integrate Charlottesville schools following Massive Resistance in 1958, died January 27 at age 66. Dixon was 7 years old when she started school in 1959 at Venable Elementary, where a historic marker commemorates the event. She died following a five-year battle with cancer, according to her obituary.

Preston Avenue deux

In December, City Councilor Wes Bellamy called for a new moniker for Preston Avenue, which was named after Confederate soldier and slave owner Thomas Lewis Preston, UVA’s first rector, who met with Union generals and kept Charlottesville from being torched. City Council unanimously voted February 4 to rename the street—to Preston Avenue—for Asalie Minor Preston, a black educator who taught in segregated schools in the early 1900s.


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Beyond the statues: Councilor’s book explores Confederate monument backlash

By Jonathan Haynes

City Councilor Wes Bellamy sat down for a revelatory interview at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center January 10 to promote his new book, Monumental: It Was Never About a Statue.

The title alludes to the former vice-mayor’s push to remove Confederate monuments from Charlottesville parks, and the racist backlash it inspired, which culminated in the August 2017 white supremacist Unite the Right rally. “If it’s just about the statues, people aren’t going to kill you,” he said. “People don’t drive a car into a group of people over the removal of a statue.”

Andrea Copeland-Whitsett, director of member education services for the Charlottesville Chamber of Commerce, conducted the interview. She began by addressing the derogatory remarks Bellamy had tweeted about women, white people, and the LGBTQ community between 2009 and 2014, and the outrage that erupted when the tweets resurfaced in November 2016.

Bellamy called the tweets “something evil-inspired,” and described his personal experience of the scandal for the first time. He was spending Thanksgiving in Atlanta with his wife when he got a call from a blocked number. According to Bellamy, the voice said, “Hey n—-r, we’re going to break you down. This is Trump’s country now.” Then he received another call from his office letting him know that his old tweets had been sent to City Council and local press.

He could hardly believe they were from his account. “I was so far past that [kind of attitude],” he said.

Come Monday, “a tsunami hit.” Friends and allies turned their backs on him. Then-governor Terry McAuliffe publicly denounced him. He was devastated. Though he remained on City Council, he resigned from his positions at Albemarle High School and on the Virginia Board of Education.

Ultimately, he said, the experience was humbling. “I used to walk around thinking I was a hero. It was a very necessary lesson to me that I am not.”

Bellamy’s tweets were dug up by Jason Kessler, who organized the Unite the Right rally the following year.

The movement to remove the city’s Confederate monuments is often presented as Bellamy’s idea. But he gives credit to Mayor Nikuyah Walker and local high school activist Zyahna Bryant, who drafted the original petition asking City Council to remove the statues and rename Lee Park.

Bryant contacted him after McAuliffe vetoed a bill that would protect Confederate monuments in March 2016. “You can remove the statue,” she told him.

He teamed up with then-councilor Kristin Szakos, who had been publicly questioning the presence of Confederate monuments, and calling on the city to end its celebration of Lee-Jackson Day.

When Bellamy and Szakos held a press conference, he began to fear for his safety. Staring down “a sea of individuals” bearing Confederate flags and shouting, “I was concerned someone was going to shoot me,” he said. Afterwards, Bellamy began receiving death threats on a daily basis, and “would hear loud beats on the back window” of his home after midnight.

It wasn’t about the statue, he said. “People believed we were going to change what was theirs, that this is their community.”

Though his tenure in office has been tumultuous, Bellamy professed an unremitting love for Charlottesville, praising local residents for coming together to confront racial inequities. There are other cities that have the same issues, he said, “but we’re really willing to talk about it.”

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In brief: Perriello saves the day, lots of $$$, and council retreat chaos

Perriello’s Sierra Leone rescue

A desperate mother needed to get her 5-year-old daughter out of Sierra Leone in 2003, and asked a stranger at the airport to take her child to her grandmother in the U.S. Fifteen years later, Zee Sesay learned that the man who brought her daughter to safety was former congressman Tom Perriello, according to BuzzFeed. Perriello calls it “one of the crazier experiences” of his life.

Another renaming?

City Councilor Wes Bellamy pounced on the last few moments of the December 17 City Council meeting to suggest renaming Preston Avenue, which gets its moniker from Thomas Preston, a Confederate leader, slaveholder, and former UVA rector. Is Jefferson Street next?

Big bucks

Local philanthropist Dorothy Batten—yes, the daughter of Weather Channel co-founder and UVA grad Frank Batten—will donate $1.35 million to a Piedmont Virginia Community College program called Network2Network, which trains volunteers to match community members with open job listings. 


Quote of the week: “I have never been disrespected the way I have been here in Charlottesville.”—Police Chief RaShall Brackney


Bigger bucks

Following the Dave Matthews Band’s recent announcement that it, together with Red Light Management and Matthews himself, will give $5 million to local affordable housing, came the news that another $527,995 in grants will be doled out to 75 local nonprofits through the band’s Bama Works Fund, which awards similar grants twice a year.

Remains IDed

Police arrested and charged Robert Christopher Henderson with second-degree murder December 20 in connection with the death of Angela Lax, who was reported missing in August. County detectives, who found skeletal remains in the woods along the John Warner Parkway’s trails in November, suspect that Henderson killed Lax in June and dumped her body.

Clerk’s Office closing

Hope you don’t have any important deeds to file or a marriage license to pick up during the first week of the new year, because the Charlottesville Circuit Court Clerk’s Office is moving to new temporary digs during a massive courthouse renovation and will be closed December 31 through January 4 for the holiday and for the move.


Maybe a little bit of “vitriol”

What happens when City Council has a daylong retreat, and two people live tweet the gathering? Here are some excerpts from the December 18 event with Mayor Nikuyah Walker, councilors Wes Bellamy, Kathy Galvin, Heather Hill, and Mike Signer, as narrated by Molly Conger, aka @socialistdogmom, and Daily Progress reporter Nolan Stout. Click to view their threads.

 

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In brief: Take it or leaf it, when racists call, Facebook reprimand and more

Drawing lines in the leaves

It’s that time of year, when the natural cycle of trees becomes a source of controversy, lighting up Nextdoor. One neighbor’s decision to let them lie to decompose and enrich the soil—either through environmental conscientiousness or sloth—is another’s annoyance when leaves drift into a meticulously raked yard.

Some go the mowing route to speed the breakdown of leafy matter into compost, while other city dwellers, who receive a free roll of plastic bags, rake and bag and send everything off to Panorama Farms. Or they corral the leaves to the curb to be sucked up.

It’s enough of an issue that the city is conducting a survey at charlottesville.org/leaves to see what citizens think of its collection method.

Here’s what we learned from city leaf guru Marty Silman:

  • Both bagged and loose leaves go to Panorama Paydirt for composting.
  • The city distributes 25 plastic bags per resident, and anticipates passing out 350,000 this season, at a cost of $50,000.
  • The bags are not compostable nor are they recycled, but they can be returned if you don’t want them, to 305 Fourth St. NW.
  • Last year the city collected an estimated 98 tons of bagged leaves and 145 tons of loose leaves.

Quote of the week

“I didn’t respond to request for comment because I think these reporters are, a lot of them, not all of them…but the majority of these reporters, they have ill intentions and it’s not how I roll.”—Mayor Nikuyah Walker on Facebook Live in response to a Daily Progress article about councilors’ credit card spending


In brief

Racist robocalls

Idaho white supremacist group Road to Power again targeted Charlottesville residents with racist, anti-Semitic calls as jury selection for the James Fields trial began. The same group slimed the area with calls around the August 12 anniversary.

Love refiles civil suit

Sharon Love, the mother of deceased UVA lacrosse player Yeardley Love, has refiled her $30-million wrongful death lawsuit against George Huguely, her daughter’s former boyfriend who was convicted of second-degree murder in 2012 and sentenced to 23 years in prison. In June, Love dropped the case, called a nonsuit in legal terms, which gave her six months to refile.

Having his say

A memoir from City Councilor Wes Bellamy, who was vice-mayor when he called for removal of the city’s Confederate statues, will be available January 1. Monumental: It Was Never About a Statue covers the year before and after white supremacists came to town to protest removal of the statues. Says the book’s press release, “Step into his shoes and read what it felt like to be in the midst of a war for the soul of a community.”

Booted from Facebook

Former C-VILLE editor and Summer of Hate author Hawes Spencer was banned from Facebook for 24 hours November 30 for posting memes that will be presented as evidence in the murder trial of James Fields. Fields posted the images of a car driving into a crowd on Instagram three months before he did so in Charlottesville.

This is the image that got Spencer banned from Facebook for 24 hours.

Going rogue

Virginia students at the largest evangelical Christian school in the country have created an independent news website, the Liberty Torch, after Liberty University President Jerry Falwell Jr. vetoed a negative article about Donald Trump in 2016 in the school’s official newspaper, the Liberty Champion, and said the school administration must approve student articles.

New office

County officials announced last week the creation of the Office of Equity and Inclusion under director Siri Russell. The office formalizes the county’s strategy to engage in work that promotes equity, using data to assess equitable access, according to Russell. 

New leader

Legal Aid Justice Center’s director of litigation and advocacy Angela Ciolfi will take on a new role as its executive director this month. She succeeds Mary Bauer, who left recently for a job at the Southern Poverty Law Center. Ciolfi is now suing the DMV and asked a judge for an injunction to stop the automatic suspension of driver’s licenses, often for offenses that have nothing to do with driving. 

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In brief: Councilors’ credit cards, ACA sign-up perils, abusive language verdict and more…

Using ACA insurance? Read this first

Yes, the Affordable Care Marketplace is still here, and sign-up ends December 15. Counselors at the Jefferson Area Board for Aging have seen a few surprises in the process, and want residents to be aware they could face some unpleasant results if they simply auto-enroll this year.

One big difference: Optima was the only insurance carrier in the marketplace in 2018. This year Anthem is back, which provides more options, but also can affect the amount of the subsidy for those who qualify.

Joe Bernheim at JABA explains: With two carriers, the benchmark plan—that’s the second-lowest-cost silver plan—will be less than what consumers saw last year. That means that government subsidy will be lower, and those whose income allows them to qualify for the subsidy will see higher premiums.

What you need to know

  • Don’t auto-enroll. You may be able to get a better plan or lower premium.
  • Some people have received letters with estimates from the current carrier that are inaccurate and much lower than what the premium will actually be.
  • Consumers are being offered “direct” and “select” plans. The select plans exclude most of the doctors at UVA, while direct plans offer a broad network of local providers. If you auto-enroll, you could be put in a select plan.
  • People who aren’t eligible for the subsidy will see lower premiums and a broader network of providers.
  • If you’re signing up for newly available Medicaid, there’s no deadline, but JABA advises going to the Marketplace website (healthcare.gov) to cancel ACA insurance or you may be charged.
  • Can we say it again? Don’t auto-enroll, and do sign up before the December 15 deadline.

Quote of the week

“I feel like court’s going to be watching my daughter die again, over and over and over.”—Susan Bro, Heather Heyer’s mother, on NPR.


In brief

Tinsley sexual misconduct suit

Trumpeter James Frost-Winn’s $9-million sexual harassment lawsuit against former Dave Matthews Band violinist Boyd Tinsley is scheduled for trial September 9, 2019, in Seattle. Tinsley announced he would not be touring with the band in February, the same day he got a demand letter from Frost-Winn’s attorney.

Another pipeline delay?

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers has suspended a permit necessary for the 600-mile, $6 billion Atlantic Coast Pipeline to cross the 1,500 streams along its path from West Virginia to North Carolina, for concerns of harm to aquatic life. This is one of several setbacks Dominion has faced since it began building the pipeline this year, but a spokesperson says it’s still scheduled for completion by the end of 2019.

Censorship suit

Local attorney Jeff Fogel has filed yet another lawsuit regarding prison censorship. He’s now representing Uhuru Baraka Rowe, an inmate at Greensville Correctional Center, who claims his First and Fourteenth Amendment rights were violated when prison officials at the Sussex II State Prison censored essays he wrote about conditions in the facility.

Win for Miska

 

Anna Malinowski at a 2017 protest. Staff photo

Local anti-racists like to scream at John Miska, a veterans’ rights and Confederate statue supporter. Recently, in Albemarle General District Court, a judge found Anna Malinowski guilty of abusive language for accosting him outside a school board meeting. At an earlier hearing in the city, a judge let Donna Gasapo off the hook for similar behavior.


Councilors’ credit line

In a much-discussed story that appeared in the November 25 issue of the Daily Progress, reporter Nolan Stout examined the $26,784 in charges (and taxpayer money) that city councilors have racked up on their city credit cards over the past year and a half. All five councilors have one, and four of them have a limit of $20,000—except for Mike Signer, who as mayor inherited the council’s original card, with a credit limit of $2,500.

Vice-Mayor Heather Hill hasn’t used her card, and Councilor Wes Bellamy, who has traveled extensively for various conferences, has spent the most, charging more than $15,000 from September 6, 2017, to October 29 of this year. Local activist group Solidarity Cville has called the article a racist “hit piece” on Bellamy, and said it wouldn’t have been written if white Councilor Kathy Galvin were the highest spender. All councilors were within budget and mostly used their cards for out-of-town meals, hotels, and travel, but here’s what some of the specific charges looked like:

Charged up

  • $1,418 spent by Bellamy at a Le Meridien hotel for a National League of Cities conference in Charlotte
  • $15.52 spent by Bellamy at Kiki’s Chicken and Waffles
  • $41.17 spent by Bellamy at Hooters
  • $1,000 spent by Signer on a hotel to speak on a panel called “Local Leadership in the Wake of Terror” at the SXSW Cities Conference in Austin, Texas
  • $307.19 spent by Signer, mostly for meals and Lyfts in Austin, “many of which were at midnight or later,” notes the reporter
  • $101.09 spent by Mayor Nikuyah Walker at Ragged Mountain Running Shop ahead of her event called “Get Healthy with the Mayor”
  • $132.22 spent by Walker at Beer Run
  • $706 spent by Galvin on a Hyatt hotel for a two-day forum in Washington, D.C.
  • $4.99 spent by former City Council chief of staff Paige Rice on an iTunes bill
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In brief: A booze trail, one new declaration, two new job openings, and more…

‘United by beer’

City boosters and brewmasters have come together to blaze the Charlottesville Ale Trail, a two-mile stretch they’re calling the premier urban and pedestrian beer trail in Virginia.

The six stops along the way are Random Row Brewing Co., Brasserie Saison, South Street Brewery, Champion Brewing Company, Three Notch’d Craft Kitchen & Brewery, and Hardywood Pilot Brewery & Taproom.

After downloading a “passport” at charlottesvillealetrail.org, participants are encouraged to visit each stop for a pint or plate, which will earn them a stamp in their passport. Get a stamp from each spot, and you’ll win a prize.

“Cheers,” said Random Row co-owner Bradley Kipp at a September 3 press conference. He says he’s always amazed by the collaborative nature of local brewers, who pitched in with business advice and tips on how to source ingredients when he opened Random Row two years ago. A press release called this phenomenon “united by beer.”

Chris Engel, the city’s director of economic development, said there was only one brewery in town when he moved here in 2005. Then, in 2012, the General Assembly voted to allow breweries to sell full glasses of beer without restaurants on-site, which “lit a fire under microbreweries,” he said.

Tourism has a $600 million impact on the community annually, according to Engel, and he hopes the ale trail will help drive that.

But to drink half a dozen pints and walk the whole trail in a day? Says Engel, “You gotta be committed.”

Great pay, lousy hours

City Council’s clerk and Chief of Staff Paige Rice is leaving her $98K-a-year job September 21 after eight years. Rice’s job was recently retitled “chief of staff” when it was expanded to include supervision of two new staff positions as well as the assistant clerk, an arrangement that Mike Signer describes as a “parallel government to the city manager.”

Nice raise

Rice’s salary as clerk was $72,842 in 2017, and it was bumped $25K—35 percent—when she became chief of staff.

Suicide support

City councilors  honored Suicide Prevention Month (September) with an official declaration at their September 17 meeting. “Let’s take a moment to check on our friends, even the strong ones. Let’s support each other. Let’s love each other,” urged Councilor Wes Bellamy on Instagram.

Jail board vacancy

Bellamy (center) at the September board meeting. Photo: Eze Amos

Bellamy also announced at the council meeting an opening for a Charlottesville representative on the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail board, which has recently been at the center of controversy surrounding voluntary calls to federal immigration agents when undocumented immigrants are released from jail. Interested citizens are urged to apply (though you’ll have to wait till the position gets posted).

Appalachian tuition break

UVA’s Board of Visitors voted to expand tuition discounts for out-of-state students who live in the federally defined Appalachia region and attend UVA’s campus at Wise, the Cav Daily reports.

Back to work

After the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission issued a stop work order to builders of the controversial $6 billion Atlantic Coast Pipeline earlier this summer because there was concern that it would interrupt federally protected species near the Blue Ridge Parkway, Dominion Energy spokesperson Aaron Ruby said September 17 that the National Park Service and U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service have concluded the project is safe, and work will resume.

Autopsy results

Charlottesville Police have ruled the death of Thomas Charles “Colonel” Franklin, 65, a suicide, as reported by CBS19. Franklin died June 10 when he left the Cedars Healthcare Center and drowned in a nearby creek.

Sisterly love

While some folks in Charlottesville were still hiding from Hurricane Florence on September 17, the delegation visiting its French sister city, Besançon, was celebrating the two towns’ liaison. Mayors Jean-Louis Fousseret and Nikuyah Walker planted a poplar tree to commemorate the dedication of a traffic circle in the French city, named after our town in central Virginia.

Quote of the week:

“Those in glass houses shouldn’t throw stones.” —U.S. Senate candidate Corey Stewart, who accused senators of having their own “secret ‘creep list,’” and advocated the confirmation of Judge Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court

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Overflow meeting: ICE calls continue

After months of thousands of community members urging the authority board at the Albemarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail to stop voluntarily reporting the release dates of undocumented immigrants to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the board held a special meeting September 13 to take a revote on that policy.

At the local jail, and every jail in the state, staff is required by state law to tell ICE when an undocumented immigrant is taken into custody—but they also voluntarily call the federal immigration agents when that inmate is about to be released, and oftentimes, they’ll be there waiting for a newly released immigrant as he walks out the door.

At a July board meeting, jail Superintendent Martin Kumer said ICE picked up 25 undocumented immigrants from the ACRJ between July 2017 and June 2018, who were charged with crimes such as malicious wounding, domestic assault, abduction, drunk driving, driving without a license, public swearing or intoxication, failure to appear in court, and possessing drugs.

A vote didn’t happen at the September 13 meeting, but further discussion on the practice did, and Kumer introduced new information that could eventually lead to ending those ICE notifications.

VINE, a tool on the jail’s website, could be the game changer. Kumer said anyone—including ICE agents—can sign up to receive notifications on any inmate’s custody status or release date. The system updates every 15 minutes.

While the program currently has some kinks—as noted by Albemarle County Commonwealth’s Attorney Robert Tracci, who uses it often—Kumer said he’s already working to update the system, and would support encouraging ICE to track undocumented immigrants’ status through VINE instead of having staff call the federal immigration agents upon an inmate’s release.

But the absence of a vote didn’t sit well with community members who have long been calling for the jail board to end the process, and who prompted the special September meeting.

“They’re kicking the can down the road, obviously,” said Margot Morshuis-Coleman, a representative with the Charlottesville-Area Immigrant Resource & Advocacy Coalition, outside the jail. She noted that the “heart of the conflict is criminalizing immigration,” because ICE is currently notified of all undocumented immigrants’ release dates, not depending on the seriousness of their crimes.

“The jail should not do ICE’s work,” she said.

During a public comment session, only three of approximately 20 speakers held the same opinion. Most of them asked the jail to continue notifying ICE of the inmates’ release dates, which puzzled another CIRAC member, Priscilla Mendenhall.

“We question the fact that the majority of the public comment was by folks who were for maintaining notifications,” said Mendenhall, who was waiting in line outside the jail by 11:30am for the 12:30 meeting. Only about six of the people in line in front of her could have been in favor of continuing notifications, she reports, and when she signed up to speak, only about six or eight names were in front of hers.

Kumer said speaking time was given on a “first come, first serve” basis, and he allowed folks to enter the meeting room early because it was raining outside. He also noted that in all of the other related meetings, those against ICE notifications have dominated the public comment portion. More than 30 people signed up for public comment at the most recent meeting, and for those who didn’t get their turn, written comments were accepted and added to the meeting minutes.

Michael Del Rosso, chairman of the Charlottesville Republican Committee, was the first to speak.

“They are illegal aliens. They have no reason to be here anyway,” he said, and encouraged the jail board to continue its practice to help “get them off the streets.”

Many claimed notifying ICE of their release from jail makes the community safer, but opponents say it does quite the opposite.

In a September 12 letter to Charlottesville Sheriff James Brown—who abstained from voting on the matter in January—more than two dozen community groups and individuals encouraged him to vote to end the policy.

“While Tracci and ICE have repeatedly attempted to paint everyone who is taken into ICE custody from the ACRJ as rapists, murderers, and members of organized crime, the reality is that they are our neighbors, coworkers, classmates, parents—beloved members of the community you represent,” the letter said. “The portrayal of these inmates as violent criminals is untrue and a danger to the community in and of itself, as it stigmatizes, isolates, and persecutes an already marginalized population.”

Albemarle Sheriff Chip Harding, who encouraged the board to learn more about the VINE system before voting, was prepared to vote against ending the notifications.

“It bothers me greatly that the current ICE practice is to place detainers on almost everyone coming into our jail that is here illegally,” Harding wrote in a September 2 letter to the board.

He noted that ICE only takes a percentage of undocumented immigrants into custody after they leave the jail, and after review, some are released back into the community.

“Reportedly/understandably, the time this practice requires has a detrimental impact on the family,” he wrote, but he cites his oath of office, and said he feels compelled to comply with ICE, which has been charged by Congress to enforce 400 federal statutes.

Tracci shares Harding’s opinion of compliance, and in a letter that Tracci addressed to the Albemarle Board of Supervisors September 12, he said the ACRJ becoming the first Virginia jail to discontinue ICE notifications for inmates subject to federal detainers would have “safety and legal consequences,” partially because they’d all be released back into Albemarle where the jail is located, rather than the jurisdictions where they committed their offenses. The ACRJ houses inmates who were charged in Albemarle and Nelson counties, and Charlottesville.

But the man who holds Tracci’s job in the city, Joe Platania, wrote an August 10 letter of stark contrast.

The jail board’s position of voluntarily reporting and the media coverage surrounding it has left many community members “legitimately feeling angry, scared, and isolated,” according to the city’s commonwealth’s attorney.

“In some cases, primary caretakers or breadwinners are removed and are no longer able to care for their children, who are oftentimes citizens,” wrote Platania. “I am also concerned about witnesses and victims looking at voluntary notification as a reason to be uncooperative with local law enforcement and not report crimes or participate with prosecutions because they fear the deportation of charged individuals.”

He noted the “significant concern” of two of the immigrants deported between July 2017 and June 2018—one charged with DUI and the other with assault and battery—whom a judge had released on bond prior to their trials.

“They are currently considered fugitives from justice,” Platania said. “One problem presented by this scenario is that individuals who may not be guilty of the crime they have been charged with have no ability to assert their innocence and stand trial.”

And, he added, if they were tried and convicted before their deportation, they would have been held accountable for their actions, and Platania’s office could use those convictions as evidence in the event of a second offense. Each prosecutor is also able to reach out to ICE and request assistance in cases where they believe removal is the best option, he said.

When undocumented immigrants are charged with a crime and held without bond, Platania said his office determines whether they present a flight risk, are a danger to themselves, or a danger to the community. If prosecutors can’t establish any of those factors, they recommend release back into the community with terms and conditions, and if they do establish one or more of those factors, they ask that the immigrants be held until their trial.

Platania also said he “concurs wholeheartedly” with a July 1 letter from the jail board—signed by Kumer and board chair Diantha McKeel—in which they said undocumented immigrants don’t pose an inherent danger based solely on their citizenship status.

“If the board agrees with the letter it wrote, it may be useful to have ICE articulate with specificity how the voluntary notification policy furthers legitimate local public safety needs,” Platania said. And after examining available data on city cases, “I am unable to see the positive impact the current policy has on family stability or public safety.”

Echoing the local activists’ position, he said, “If community safety is one of our guiding principles, and it must be, it seems unwise to have a policy that perhaps unintentionally (albeit foreseeably) undermines it.”

At the meeting, City Councilor and jail board member Wes Bellamy suggested that if the ICE notifications must continue, the board should be open to compromise. He suggested leniency for undocumented immigrants charged with nonviolent crimes such as public intoxication, loitering, or civil matters related to paying child support.

The board will meet again in November to further discuss their policy and hear an update on any VINE system upgrades that have been initiated.

“The decisions that we make, they have consequences on people’s lives,” Bellamy said. “This is something we have to get right.”

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Budget busters: Finding the funding for affordable housing, schools

By Melissa Moody

This is a story about numbers.

The number of families currently served by public housing and rental assistance vouchers: 826. The number of people on the waitlist for public housing or assistance: 1,866. The number of units Charlottesville needs to serve low-income residents: 3,975—or 20 percent of the city’s housing supply—in a city where 54 percent of the households qualify as low-income, very low-income, or extremely low-income.

And now there is a new number—$50 million.

That’s the amount of a bond the Charlottesville Low-Income Housing Coalition requested for affordable housing redevelopment and improvement that was discussed at a City Council capital improvement program budget work session September 6.

“At this point, housing for low-income residents within the city, outside of subsidized units, is pretty much non-existent,” said neighborhood planner Brian Haluska. “The rental vacancy rate in the city is 1.7 percent, while a healthy vacancy rate is around 5 percent.

“It’s hard to see a path forward using just market forces to provide additional housing for low-income residents.”

City Manager Mike Murphy and city staff briefed councilors on existing projects, unfunded improvements and new projects, and deferred maintenance for the city to be included in the CIP plan for the next five years. Increased funding for new affordable housing initiatives was a major focus of the session, as was expansion and modernization of city schools, both of which would cause substantial increases in the city’s budget over the next five years.

City staff briefed councilors on the current budget, including $131 million of debt that is paid by taxes and utility revenue, and the city’s policy of maintaining a 9 percent debt service to operating expense ratio, with a ceiling of 10 percent. According to staff, an increase in the city’s debt to fund new affordable housing initiatives would increase the debt service ratio or need to be backed by an increase in revenue streams.

But the issue also is a story about people and the repercussions of a history that echo across generations—from the work of enslaved people at the University of Virginia 200 years ago to the displacement and destruction of Vinegar Hill just 50 years in the past.

“Affordable housing is an issue of our city’s values,” said Elaine Poon, managing attorney of the Charlottesville office of the Legal Aid and Justice Center. “The city—the residents, the developers and those who need affordable housing—know that the history of systemic and institutional racism in Charlottesville and the country are directly linked to affordable housing needs today.”

The low-income housing coalition’s goals, aligned with those of the Public Housing Association of Residents, are that the city: prioritize extremely low-income housing; increase funding for the Redevelopment and Housing Authority, including issuing the first $50-million bond; earmark revenue for CRHA so that it has a stable source of income; increase funding for the Charlottesville Affordable Housing Fund to support nonprofit developers of affordable housing by at least four-fold; upzone areas of high opportunity for affordable housing; purchase and dedicate land for CRHA and nonprofit developers; and collaborate with major players in the area to develop workforce housing.

Murphy emphasized the need for council to prioritize projects to meet its goals—particularly in light of the fact that some of the goals exceed the current budget. Mayor Nikuyah Walker and councilors Wes Bellamy, Kathy Galvin, and Heather Hill agreed on the need to plan the budget strategically, to specifically address major projects like affordable housing and school modernization and expansion through more work sessions devoted to those topics in particular, and to bring in internal and external partners for input.

The cost to meaningfully address affordable housing redevelopment and maintenance and school expansion and modernization each exceed the current five-year CIP budget, Hill said. “Working with CRHA, Charlottesville City Schools, and other stakeholders to flesh out the actual costs and required timelines is critical to setting priorities.”

Community contributions to these conversations are also vital, according to council members.

Bellamy noted the importance of continuing discussions about how to fund affordable housing redevelopment and maintenance. “I think we at the very minimum, because of the history of our community and things that have transpired, we owe that much to our public housing residents.”

Council is planning to meet with housing representatives by late November. The budget discussions will continue across departments and come back to City Council in March 2019.

To watch a video of the September 6 budget work session, visit Charlottesville TV10.

Supply and demand

  • Public housing units: 376
  • City rental assistance vouchers: 450
  • People on the waitlist for public housing or assistance: 1,866
  • Years many of those people have been on waitlist: often more than eight
  • Units the city needs to serve low-income residents: 3,975—or 20 percent of the city’s housing supply
  • Percentage of Charlottesville households that qualify as low-income, very low-income, or extremely low-income: 54 percent
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Council listens: Citizens unhappy about heavy police presence, downtown lockdown

In sharp contrast to an August 13 press conference, in which 18 officials representing public safety agencies thanked and congratulated each other for a job well done over the August 12 anniversary weekend, city councilors heard a different assessment the next night.

Around three dozen citizens at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center voiced concern and outrage about the presence of 1,000 cops, often in militarized gear, as well as the lockdown of the Downtown Mall and the searches of bags before entering the mall.

Several times over the weekend, including at the UVA Students United demonstration August 11 at UVA’s Brooks Hall and the memorial for Heather Heyer August 12 on Fourth Street, the presence of riot-clad police threatened to set off an actual riot.

Roberta Williamson called for police de-escalation training and offered to pay for it. “I almost want to demand this become a line item in the next city budget,” she said.

Nancy Carpenter denounced the appearance of BearCats and snipers at Fourth Street on the anniversary of Heyer’s death. “How dare you do that?” she asked. “We were in mourning.”

Several people complained about the presence of K9 dogs. “That’s a Bull Connor visual,” said Carpenter.

Civil rights attorney Jeff Fogel excoriated the limited access to the mall and the searches to enter. “You could be stopped on the streets of your city without probable cause,” he said, calling that the “hallmark of an authoritarian” government.

“And then to play that game of calling it consensual,” he said, a reference to police Chief RaShall Brackney, who said the day before that all the searches of bags before coming onto the mall were “consensual.”

Fogel and others questioned the declaration of a state of emergency without a factual basis of a threat.

“What intelligence did the city have to shut this city down?” asked Katrina Turner, a member of the newly formed Police Civilian Review Board. “Was it shut down because of antifa?”

One speaker castigated Vice-Mayor Heather Hill for thanking police, although Councilor Wes Bellamy said he appreciated Hill’s attempt to help with negotiations when officers refused to let mourners enter the mall at Fourth Street.

Of the 30 plus speakers, only one said he was glad police were there, although an unexpected defender was Mayor Nikuyah Walker. “The police were rather calm,” she said. “I did not see police officers as aggressive as what I’ve seen my entire life.”

And she said, “If we had similar people show up as last year, I’d want police to be there.”

Several people thanked Bellamy for defusing the tense scenes at Brooks Hall and Fourth Street. He acknowledged that in some instances, a “lack of communication about what was going on” could have exacerbated the situation.

And he also experienced the anxiety many felt seeing masses of riot-attired cops. Said Bellamy, “When I saw police marching choo choo choo, my blood pressure went up.”

He explained that Sunday when police removed the barricades on Fourth Street, people moved out onto Water Street, and were upset police wouldn’t let them back in and sent them through the checkpoints. “We don’t know who was in the crowd,” he said.

One thing City Council learned from last year’s violent weekend was to let people speak out about the weekend sooner rather than to wait more than a week, and the August 15 listening session was already on the calendar.

And the question asked by Tyler Magill—and many others, still to be determined: “Where is the middle ground between last year and this?”

 

 

 

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Etched in memory: Pilgrimage to Montgomery honors local lynching victim

pilgrimage is a spiritual journey that, with its elements of symbolism, ritual and enlightenment, seems almost medieval in the 21st century.

The symbolic reason approximately 100 Charlottesvillians boarded buses July 8 for a six-day civil rights pilgrimage was to commemorate the 1898 lynching of John Henry James, which was virtually unknown until about two years ago. The group took soil from his murder site, now owned by Farmington Country Club, to Montgomery, Alabama, where the Equal Justice Initiative collects jars of dirt from 4,400 documented lynchings, mostly in the South.

There was a healing element to the journey after last year’s Summer of Hate, and a desire for truth-telling to help transform the community and move it forward. Because the events of August 11 and 12, say the trip’s organizers, were not isolated aberrations, but part of a 400-year history of racial terror.

The pilgrims visited more than a dozen civil rights museums and sites along the way, because understanding this country’s dark history is key to changing the narrative, according to pilgrimage organizers Andrea Douglas, executive director of the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center, and Jalane Schmidt, a UVA religious studies professor.

“This trip is part of an effort to educate students, teachers and all community members about the legacy of anti-black racial terror and black resistance in Charlottesville specifically and across the South more broadly,” says Schmidt.

“Dr. Schmidt and I wanted to take hold of a narrative people were trying to tell for us,” says Douglas. She says she was asked the inevitable question about revisiting this history: Can’t we just move on?

She replied, “When my past is no longer my present.”

The pilgrims boarded two buses—the bus itself symbolic of the civil rights movement: back-of-the bus, bus boycott and Freedom Riders bus in flames.

They came from a wide spectrum of life here that included elected officials, students, activists, clergy and church members and UVA staffers, students and faculty, with scholarships offered so that the $1,500 cost would not be an obstacle to anyone who wanted to go.

On the journey, Courtney Maupin became more aware of the huge role students played in the civil rights movement, which she pointed out to her 13-year-old daughter Jakia, who also was on the pilgrimage.

“This is a trip only a few people get to take,” says LeBron Booker, a Charlottesville High student. “It’s seeing things you really don’t get to learn about in school.”

The six-day pilgrimage hit civil rights landmarks in Appomattox (1), Danville (2), Greensboro (3), Charlotte (4), Atlanta (5), Birmingham (6), Selma (7) and Montgomery (8).

What happens after the pilgrimage will be determined in the coming weeks, months and years.

Some, like UVA professor Frank Dukes, want to see a truth and reconciliation commission “going back to our founding, to the native roots and displacement, slavery, reconstruction, Jim Crow and beyond,” he says. “We also need to tell the stories of resistance, of resilience, of accomplishment, too.

“Charlottesville—and the nation— have to understand how the violent white supremacist rallies last summer fit into a legacy of racial terror,” says Douglas. “This is our challenge: Can we create a process that uncovers and disseminates racial truth?”

A pilgrimage is one way to start.

Day 1: From Civil War to civil rights

Councilor Wes Bellamy slams a United Daughters of the Confederacy-produced film the Danville Museum of Fine Art and History shows about tobacco magnate William Sutherlin that doesn’t mention the role slaves played in amassing his fortune. Eze Amos
Lorie Strother calls the outburst at the Danville Museum of Fine Arts and History “disrespectful.” Eze Amos

Ninety-six Charlottesvillians boarded buses on the one-year anniversary of the July 8 KKK rally and headed to Loyal White Knights country—but did not stop at KKK headquarters in Pelham, North Carolina—on the first day of their six-day pilgrimage to Montgomery.

Martin Luther King called Danville the worst segregated city he’d seen in the South. It’s where the Confederate cabinet met for the last time before General Robert E. Lee surrendered in 1865. And it’s also the site of Bloody Monday, a 1963 civil rights demonstration during which 47 protesters were beaten by police.

Confederate president Jefferson Davis stayed in the Italianate mansion that was the home of William Sutherlin. It’s now the Danville Museum of Fine Arts and History, and Civil War history and civil rights history coexist there—at times uneasily.

A film about slave-owning tobacco magnate Sutherlin produced by the Daughters of the Confederacy did not sit well with some in the Charlottesville contingent, including City Councilor Wes Bellamy, who denounced being subjected to a “culturally incompetent whitewashing” on the anniversary of the Klan rally.

“You’re being disrespectful,” countered UVA employee Lorie Strother, who said that while she didn’t necessarily disagree about the film, it was unfair to “come into their house and raise hell.”

The mood calmed after a panel of civil rights activists, who were teenagers in 1963, talked about trying to end segregation with peaceful protests that brought movement leaders, including King, to Danville.

Pastor Thurman Echols was 16 and “one of the first to be arrested.” Police went to his house and arrested his mother and father, he said, which happened when the demonstrators were underage.

Carolyn Wilson was 15 years old and described being taught by civil rights leader Andrew Young “how to curl up in a ball so you wouldn’t get as severely hurt when beaten.” And she assured the survivors of August 12 that just because she followed King’s practice of nonviolence didn’t mean she didn’t want to beat someone. “We were spat on and rocks were thrown at us,” she said.

Dorothy Batson was 17 when she was dragged from Belk department store—but had someone ready to step in to lead the demonstration after her arrest. “Be organized,” she advised.

She went on to organize against the poll tax and to teach people how to read and write so they could register to vote, because literacy tests were another way to disenfranchise black voters.

“That’s what we went through,” she said. “It hurt my heart that you wanted to walk out because you didn’t like what you heard,” referring to the earlier kerfuffle.

A Charlottesville teen said she could see going back to fighting for civil rights again, which drew chuckles from the panelists, one of whom said the battle had never ended.

The museum was the site of a battle over a Confederate flag that flew outside in 2015. The building is owned by the city of Danville, and the city council refused to allow its removal—until the Charleston, South Carolina, church massacre.

Another traveler asked what was being done about all the Confederate flags that went up when the museum flag came down, including the largest one in the country on U.S. 29 that cost $30,000 and is on private property, according to Martinsville Vice Mayor Chad Martin.

“No industries want to come to Danville,” said Echols, who suggested not supporting business owners who fly the flag.

The buses were loaded and had left the museum when they pulled into a parking lot so the group could see the Bloody Monday historical marker in downtown Danville.

Earlier in the day, the pilgrimage stopped at the Appomattox courthouse, where Lee surrendered and which is now a national park. Former 5th District congressman Tom Perriello and his nephew joined the group for a bit. Perriello recalled first visiting the national park as a Boy Scout, and said the historical retelling had gotten more accurate over the years.

Historical interpretation was the topic after leaving Appomattox, where its focus was very much on the military history, with little about the enslaved people who were there. “I would have liked a little bit more,” said Virginia Humanities’ COO Kevin McFadden.

And his colleague Justin Reid, director of African American programs, called it a “missed opportunity” and said Historic Jamestowne is “cutting edge” on the interpretation of African American history while Monticello is incorporating that history throughout the site.

Day 2: First sit-in and Greensboro’s August 12

Don Gathers and Beloved Community Center’s Nelson Johnson embrace in Greensboro. Eze Amos

“Ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around.” July 9, the second day of travel, began with a song from Joyce Johnson, a native Virginian who was present in Greensboro, North Carolina, when the Ku Klux Klan and Nazis shot and killed five activists at a black public housing complex in 1979.

Johnson and her husband, Nelson, founded the Beloved Community Center. They were Communist Workers Party activists at the time of the murders, and after two white juries found the KKKers not guilty, they organized a truth and reconciliation commission.

Beloved’s focus these days is training and healing, said Joyce Johnson, a mission that struck a chord with the Charlottesvillians scarred by August 11 and 12.

The story of the Greensboro murders and lack of police intervention seemed to activist Don Gathers an “eerily familiar story” 39 years later. While Charlottesville became international news, city fathers in Greensboro preferred not to dwell on November 3, 1979, a date that’s as notorious with the Johnsons as August 12 is in Charlottesville.

Much like Danville, many on the trip had not heard of the Greensboro KKK murders.

“My two children saw their Auntie Sandy with a bullet between her eyes,” said Nelson Johnson. The story got worse. Johnson was jailed with a bond double that of the accused Klan killers and “demonized,” he said, with police putting out a false narrative that the incident was a shootout.

The only legal satisfaction for the family of one of the victims was a civil suit that found the Klan and Greensboro police liable, the latter for their deliberate absence, said the Johnsons.

Joyce Johnson summarized the questions from the Charlottesville contingent as, “what do you do?” and “how do you do it?” Said Johnson, “I’ve been there.” She recounted being a 17 year old from Blackwell outside of Richmond and thinking, “We’ll get the country straight in a few years.”

Community is the key to change, she said. Interact with people. “You use all avenues.” And have a song you can sing.

Nelson Johnson once met with a Klan grand dragon who was coming back to Greensboro. “This was an effort to speak to the soul that was there,” he said. “That may not work for everyone.”

And initiatives like the Charlottesville pilgrimage is another path. “What you’re doing today is almost off the radar,” said Johnson.

Many in the pilgrimage were moved by the Nelsons’ determination in the fight for civil rights over the years. Sitting in the front row, Ashlee Bellamy could see the emotion and the tears in Joyce Johnson’s eyes. “Here in Greensboro, they’re still dealing with that,” said Bellamy.

A few blocks away is the Woolworth’s where four North Carolina A&T State University students staged the first student sit-in at the segregated lunch counter on February 1, 1960, which sparked a wave of resistance around the country. The former five and dime is now the International Civil Rights Center and Museum.

The original lunch counter is still there and the building itself is an artifact, one that was nearly torn down to build a parking garage, according to the tour guide, LT.

“Segregation is the sequel to the movie called slavery,” said LT, who traced the beginnings of the civil rights movement and then went back to expose the racism, hatred and hypocrisy woven into the original fabric of the country, citing the words of Charlottesville’s own slave-owning progenitor Thomas Jefferson: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

Louis Nelson, UVA professor of architectural history and vice provost for academic outreach, has visited the much larger National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, D.C., and he said he was impressed with the Greensboro civil rights museum, particularly its depiction of America’s racial terror. Fractured images evoke “the shattered glass of physical violence, and the powerful effect of violence shattering lives and families,” he said.

The exhibition of photos of mutilated bodies is one often avoided, he said. “The curators made the decision the season of submitting to delicate sensibilities is over.”

On the road to the Levine Museum of the New South in Charlotte, a gospel sing-along began that continued later on as the pilgrimage buses motored to Atlanta.

Pilgrimage organizer Jalane Schmidt, who got the Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society’s KKK robes out of the closet last summer, encounters a Klan hood at the Levine Museum of the New South in Charlotte. Eze Amos

Day 3: Atlanta and the MLK effect

The cart was difficult, but it was the lunch counter in Atlanta’s civil rights museum that had many in tears.

The Charlottesville pilgrimage began its third day—July 10—in Atlanta, where it’s all Martin Luther King Jr. all the time. And that means at both the Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change and the National Center for Civil and Human Rights, the travelers got to experience his life and legacy—and his assassination and funeral—twice in one day.

Song is a nonviolent protest tactic, and on at least one of the two pilgrimage buses, song has become part of the journey. As the bus loaded up to leave the hotel, the Reverend Susan Minasian of Sojourners United Church, a member of the pilgrimage’s clergy team, led a round of the South African hymn “Siyahamba”—“We are marching in the light of God”—in both English and Zulu.

At the King Center, Atlanta City Councilor Amir Farokhi, who represents the MLK district, welcomed the Charlottesville delegation.

“I would presume it’s as much about healing as it is about empowerment,” he said of the pilgrimage. “We’re inspired by the work you’re doing. Charlottesville is the tip of the spear.”

The pilgrimage visits historic Ebenezer Baptist Church.

The area where the sprawling center is located is now a historic district, thanks to Coretta Scott King asking her friend, former president Jimmy Carter. It became a national park this year. She also lobbied to have her husband’s birthday become a national holiday.

In the MLK museum was the wooden cart drawn by mules that carried King’s body through Atlanta for his funeral. Vizena Howard had been to the King Center before, but on this trip, “that cart—that bothered me,” she said.

Elsie Pickett said visiting the King site made her think, “We are still trying to find that dream Martin Luther King preached about in 1963.”

The cart that carried Martin Luther King’s body is at the Martin Luther King Center for Nonviolent Change in Atlanta.

The Charlottesville group lunched in the Sweet Auburn District, where Coretta Scott King founded the Historic District Development Corporation to preserve and revitalize the MLK Historic District without displacing residents.

“So much of the Charlottesville story has affinity with Atlanta,” said pilgrimage organizer Andrea Douglas. “We have that historic fabric. We don’t have that recovery.”

Affordable housing is very much in the mind of Charlottesville—and Atlanta, where the historic district’s redevelopment has had the unintended effect of spawning gentrification.

Mayor Nikuyah Walker noted that when urban renewal claimed the historic black community Vinegar Hill in Charlottesville, the property “was stolen” from its owners.

“We can’t take these trips and kumbaya it” without going back to Charlottesville, having conversations and doing the hard work of coming up with an affordable housing solution, she said.

Some were exhausted by the time the buses reached the National Center for Civil and Human Rights around 4pm, but that visit turned out to be, for many, the most powerful of the six sites the group had visited so far.

An interactive lunch counter lets visitors experience all too uncomfortably what it was like to be an African American sitting in at a segregated diner. Participants put on headphones, closed their eyes and could feel the hot breath of hate in their ears and menacing kicks to the stools on which they sat.

Almost everyone tried it out, and a number left the counter in tears.

Miriam DaSilva experiences what it was like to sit-in at a segregated lunch counter. Eze Amos

“This was a little more emotional to sit down at that table,” said Courtney Maupin. “I ended up crying.”

And the “step-by-step exhibits leading up to the assassination of Dr. King, with him doing his eulogy months before, this one was more intense,” she said.

Back on the bus, Dona Wylie felt “overwhelmed with a sense of grief.” She graduated high school in 1962 and was aware of the civil rights struggles going on at that time. “It made me feel so sad we’re where we are, that things haven’t moved more than they have.”

Some solace was to be found at Sweet Auburn Seafood—besides the killer shrimp and grits and peach cobbler. A DJ had set up as the group readied to leave, and an impromptu dance party ensued.

As civil rights activist Joyce Johnson advised at the Beloved Community Center in Greensboro, you’ve always got to have a song you can sing.

Or in this case, a dance.

Day 4: Into the belly of ‘Bombingham’

The violence in the civil rights struggle got worse the further into the Deep South one went, and it doesn’t get much worse than at 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham. Sony Prosper and Abby Cox leave the church. Eze Amos

No matter how many civil rights museums one sees, Birmingham and Montgomery, as well as the state of Alabama itself, always have starring roles as the hearts of segregation darkness. On July 10, the fourth day on the road, the Charlottesville pilgrimage started in Birmingham with that most heart-rending of civil rights landmarks: 16th Street Baptist Church, where a white supremacist bombing murdered Carol Denise McNair, 11, and 14-year-olds Addie Mae Collins, Carole Robertson and Cynthia Wesley on a Sunday morning in September 1963.

“I don’t think anything moved me more than thinking about those four little girls,” said retired pastor David Garth.

The Charlottesville group learned that during the 1950s and ’60s, Birmingham’s nickname was “Bombingham.” Bombings were the terror tool of choice for white supremacists there, and Bethel Baptist Church, led by activist Fred Shuttlesworth, was bombed three times.

“I thought it was one, but it was repeated bombings,” said Garth.

The stained glass window was a gift from Wales to 16th Street Baptist Church after the 1963 bombing. Eze Amos

That surprised fitness instructor Myra Anderson, too. “To hear this church got bombed twice and this other church got bombed, I was like, my God,” she said.

For Anderson, 16th Street Baptist was the hardest of all the sites thus far. “Knowing the history of the church and what happened there—it was overwhelming. My heart felt heavy.”

Churches are the center of the African American community, said Anderson, making it all the more appalling that hate would invade that sanctity. During a film about 16th Street, she watched the choir continue to sing and the congregation continue to move forward.

“I cried,” she said. “I cried for my mother and for my grandmother. I just sat there and cried.”

At the same time, “I also felt inspired learning about the role young people played.”

Among sites the pilgrimage has visited like Danville and Greensboro, students played key roles in the struggle for civil rights because many adults feared losing their jobs if they protested unjust laws and treatment. Students, who didn’t have mortgages to pay and families to support, were ready to take up the fight.

Armand Bragg, the tour guide at 16th Street Baptist, was an activist as a college student. “I was a freshman in college and happy to get out of class,” he joked. But that wasn’t the only reason.

“Dr. King could make the hair stand up on the back of your neck,” he said.

Birmingham native Dr. Clifton Latting, whom several on the pilgrimage had met during a trip in May to Charlottesville’s sister city in Ghana—Winneba—agreed that people would “jump in the fire” if King said to do so.

Latting didn’t protest in high school, he said, because he was afraid and thought white people were cruel—and he wanted to go to college. But he understood the anger that fueled others. “I sat in the segregated part of the bus and I had to stand up if a white person wanted a seat,” he said.

“We couldn’t stop to urinate between Birmingham and Montgomery” because the available restrooms were white only. “Students were the driving spirit that changed that.”

Across the street from the church is the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute. For Robert Lewis, pastor at Hinton Avenue United Methodist Church in Charlottesville, “That one hit me the hardest of any so far.” That it followed the bombed church probably contributed to that, he acknowledged.

When the exhibit reached the inevitable KKK robe, seeing “such clearly orchestrated brutality on the part of whites, I wanted to go around and apologize to every person of color on the trip,” said Lewis. “It made me angry that the onus of responsibility is passed forward.”

He mentioned Latting: “His view of white people was that they were brutal, violent people—uncivilized.”

Further commemorating white-perpetrated racial terrorism, across the street from the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute is Kelly Ingram Park, where Bull Connor, Birmingham’s public safety commissioner for more than two decades, sicced dogs and turned fire hoses on protesters. Statues depict those low points in humanity.

Art imitates life in Birmingham’s Kelly Ingram Park. Eze Amos

In an interview with Birmingham television station CBS42, Tanesha Hudson said she’d always wanted to come to to that city.

“We have to continue the fight our ancestors started for us,” she said.

Being in the actual spaces where civil rights struggles took place galvanized those on the pilgrimage, which took an unscheduled detour to Selma to walk across the Edmund Pettus Bridge, where peaceful protesters seeking the right to vote were savagely beaten by police on Bloody Sunday—March 7, 1965.

The two-lane roads to Dallas County, which had the lowest percentage of registered black voters in Alabama, made it all too easy to imagine civil rights activists being murdered by angry white supremacists.

Driving into Selma, with its many boarded up houses and buildings, Charlottesville native Robert King observed from the bus, “So this is what hate did to this town.”

The pilgrimage to Montgomery detours to walk across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma. Eze Amos

Walking across the iconic bridge, Rabbi Tom Gutherz of Congregation Beth Israel reminded the pilgrims, “You’ve got to think of the footsteps.”

A chorus of “Freedom” rang out.

Memorials lined the other side of the bridge. One was to the Tomb of the Unknown Slave, which had sacred objects typical of Western Africa, such as coins, rhythm instruments and cowrie shells, said UVA religious studies prof Jalane Schmidt. A marker to the multiple victims of lynching had been installed by the Equal Justice Initiative in Montgomery, which was the Charlottesville delegation’s ultimate destination.

The group gathered on a gazebo near the bridge, held hands and was led in prayer by Don Gathers. Some prayed for the sacredness of the place. Another prayer was in “recognition of those upon whose shoulders we stand.” Tears were dabbed, “Amen” was sung and then, with a chorus of “Ain’t Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me Around,” the group got on the bus and headed to Montgomery.

Day 5: Say his name

Next to nothing is known about John Henry James—not his age, his family nor his occupation. All that is certain is that he died on July 12, 1898, at the hands of a Charlottesville lynch mob.

On the 120th anniversary of his death, the pilgrimage delivered soil from his slaying site to the collection at the Equal Justice Initiative, which opened the National Memorial for Peace and Justice to commemorate the nation’s lynchings earlier this year.

Several local officials, including City Councilor Kathy Galvin and Albemarle supervisors Diantha McKeel and Ned Gallaway, as well as 5th District Democratic candidate Leslie Cockburn, flew in for the ceremonial delivery of the soil to the Equal Justice Initiative.

But the biggest headliner was EJI founder, public interest attorney and social justice activist Bryan Stevenson, who, it turns out, had a role in the Charlottesville group ultimately being there.

EJI founder Bryan Stevenson says the country is still burdened by its history of racial bias. Eze Amos

That stemmed from his visit to the Virginia Festival of the Book in March 2016—three days before then vice-mayor Wes Bellamy called for the removal of statues of Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson.

After Stevenson spoke to the crowd, Bellamy stood up and said he’d been at that book festival event and had asked Stevenson whether Charlottesville should remove its Confederate monuments.

“If you wouldn’t have said yes, we wouldn’t be here now,” said Bellamy.

Stevenson reminded everyone that what happened in Charlottesville on August 12 was part of the country’s legacy of racial bias, starting from its earliest days, which made the new nation founded on notions of equality “comfortable with 200 years of slavery.”

Said Stevenson, “We’ve all been infected and compromised and contaminated by this legacy, this history of racial inequality.”

And changing that narrative of white supremacy got to the heart of the pilgrimage to commemorate a victim of racial terrorism. “You are modeling what that change is about,” said Stevenson.

Within the soil transported to Montgomery are the sweat, blood and tears of those who were forced to exist upon it, said Stevenson. “In the soil there is the possibility of something new we can create.”

The delivery of the soil became the much belated funeral service for James, and clergy members on the pilgrimage carried out a requiem for him. There were tears, sobs and a literal “Kumbaya”-singing moment.

Charlottesville pilgrim Marie Coles Baker transfers dirt from the site where John Henry James was lynched in Albemarle into an Equal Justice Initiative jar in Montgomery, where EJI is collecting soil from lynchings all over the South. Eze Amos
Kevin McFadden contemplates a wall of soil at the EJI offices in Montgomery that was collected from lynchings. staff photo

The emotional roller coaster didn’t stop there. Next up was the EJI’s Legacy Museum, located on a site where enslaved black people were imprisoned before being taken to market during Montgomery’s human trafficking peak.

For UVA staffer Anne Lassere, in a week of hitting every civil rights museum between Charlottesville and Montgomery, the Legacy Museum was the most profound because of “seeing the line so clearly drawn from slavery to mass incarceration.”

She’s also glad it used the word “terrorism” in describing the effects of white supremacy in the subjugation of the black population through lynching and daily Jim Crow humiliations.

And then there was the National Memorial for Peace and Justice, both a commemoration of the more than 4,400 known people lynched and a hall of shame to those places where the murders occurred. More than 800 coffin-like rectangles hang from the ceiling, each bearing a county and state’s name, as well as the names of those lynched there.

The memorial site itself evokes Maya Lin’s Vietnam memorial. “It’s just sublime,” said Louis Nelson, UVA vice provost and professor of architectural history. “Its simplicity is its genius.”

Bronze statues at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice in Montgomery depict the stark brutality of selling human beings. Eze Amos

The day began with a couple of other notable civil rights landmarks: the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Civil Rights Memorial Center and Dexter Street Baptist Church, headquarters for the Montgomery bus boycott and congregation of the 26-year-old Martin Luther King Jr.

“What I like about Southern Poverty Law is that they got the story right,” said pilgrim Susan Bro, the mother of Heather Heyer, who was murdered August 12. (A tribute to Heyer is featured in the SPLC’s memorial center.) “She wasn’t a leader. She wasn’t singled out. She was an ordinary citizen.”

Susan Bro at Southern Poverty Law Center notes the day—July 12—is about the lynching of John Henry James, and wonders about his killers praying before the lynching. Photo Eze Amos

At the historic Baptist church with its magnificent acoustics, music inevitably became part of the visit, starting with 15-year-old Dante Walker, son of the mayor, playing the piano as the Charlottesvillians streamed in.

Church tour director Wanda Howard Battle, before instructing the group to hold hands and sing “We Shall Overcome,” said, “I pray that when you leave this place today, you’ll never be the same.”

And that, undoubtedly, was the theme for #CvillePilgrimage.

 

Correction: The original version should have identified Historic Jamestowne as doing historic interpretation that Justin Reid said was “cutting edge.”  And Marie Coles Baker’s name was misspelled.