Let’s dance: Hispanic Heritage Month begins September 15, in recognition of five Hispanic countries that declared independence that day. Honor the occasion at Celebrando Herencia Hispana, an outdoor event featuring live performances from a variety of musicians. Kadencia is a 13-piece orchestra specializing in the irresistibly danceable bomba, plena, and salsa of Puerto Rico. Lua Project is husband-and-wife duo David Berzonsky and Estela Knott, who combine the musical traditions of Mexico and the Blue Ridge to create Mexilachian music. Proceeds benefit local nonprofit Sin Barreras.
Saturday 9/18, $20-25, 7pm. IX Art Park, 522 Second St. SE., ixartpark.org.
Bach to basics: The Charlottesville Chamber Music Festival is live again for its 22nd year. Acclaimed musicians from across the country perform classical pieces throughout the area, from local vineyards to The Paramount Theater. Whether you prefer Bach and Beethoven, or lean more avant-garde, there’s a little something for everybody, including an informal pop-up concert and cocktail event.
Sunday 9/19, Free, 8pm. Quirk Hotel Gallery, 499 W. Main St., cvillechambermusic.org.
Man of his word: For Danny Schmidt, it’s personal. All he needs is his husky vocals, lyric-driven songs, and an acoustic guitar to deliver gut-wrenching messages on issues of our time. Whether addressing police brutality or the grief of a miscarriage, Schmidt embodies a deep vulnerability and touching humility that draws listeners in. After breaking onto the C’ville music scene in the early aughts, the Texas-based Schmidt made a name for himself nationally, including a mention in the Chicago Tribune as one of the 50 most significant folk songwriters of the last 50 years.
Sunday 9/19, $15-18, 7pm. The Front Porch, 221 Water St. E., frontporchcville.org.
Rock ‘n’ soul: The soul of rock ‘n’ roll is alive in Melissa Etheridge’s wailing guitars and won’t-back-down attitude. Her music embodies hardscrabble freedom and fierce independence, and has earned her multiple Grammys, an Oscar, and a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame. Etheridge often uses her fame to raise money and awareness for important places and causes, be it climate change, LGBTQ+ pride, or the Charlottesville Free Clinic.
Yakuza Princess stars Masumi and Jonathan Rhys Meyers as unlikely partners in a battle against the yakuza crime syndicate. Photo: Magnolia Pictures.
Early on in Yakuza Princess, it becomes clear that crafting a story around generations of warring crime bosses, an amnesiac hitman, and a mourning granddaughter is a little too much for co-writer/director Vicente Amorim to juggle. There’s plenty of good here in the new film, but not enough awareness of what that good stuff is.
Based on the graphic novel Samurai Shiro by Brazilian author Danilo Beyruth, Yakuza Princess takes place mainly in São Paulo. The city has the largest Japanese diaspora in the world, and the setting serves the story well. The plot bobs and weaves its way through decades of yakuza factions in both Japan and Brazil, and focuses on its main character Akemi (Masumi).
Akemi’s grandfather, whom she’s lived with in São Paulo for nearly her entire life, has recently passed away. She clings to his memory and his personal effects, and seems unprepared and uninterested in moving forward without him. She continues to work, and train as a fighter with her sensei, but she’s just going through the motions. Grief hits her especially hard on her 21st birthday, when, instead of celebrating, she gets into a violent bar fight and flees.
As Akemi begins her emotional journey, a stranger (Jonathan Rhys Meyers) wakes up in a hospital in handcuffs with no memory—and a katana sword nearby. The bedside police chatter makes it clear that nobody knows who he is or why he has so many wounds on his face. He escapes from the hospital in hopes of figuring out his identity, where he got the sword, and why people want to kill him. He encounters Akemi, and they form a tentative partnership in an attempt to get to the bottom of a mysterious connection between them.
This is the setup for Yakuza Princess—and also where it goes off the mark. As the film gets into heftier plot points, its weaknesses become more glaring. Masumi executes the fight choreography beautifully, and does an excellent job portraying the stony, aloof Akemi, but problems arise when Akemi becomes emotionally vulnerable. Masumi’s wooden expressions and flat delivery don’t reflect her softening character.
The movie also buckles under the weight of its plot. The number of flashbacks and reminders of who is talking about whom, or which character died when, should have been a sign to the director and editor that there is just too much story here. We only ever get short character insights and histories because Yakuza Princess needs to keep its breakneck pace to squeeze in way too many players.
In trying to be too many things, Yakuza Princess never fully develops the emotional world of its characters, yet it expects the audience to care about their family history. The film excels in the realism of its on-screen fights (gore hounds will delight in the visceral volume of blood throughout the movie), but it doesn’t lean in to being a martial arts film. It reveals the fantastical world of São Paulo’s Japanese section, but never immerses the audience in it. Sometimes movies suffer from a dearth of good ideas, but Yakuza Princess has the opposite problem: In trying to convey so many strengths, they are turned into weaknesses.
Tim Reynolds and Michael Sokolowski sync up synths and strings on Soul Pilgrimage, their new record. Publicity image.
Tim Reynolds is busy these days. He’s shredding on tour with Dave Matthews Band while playing Dave & Tim shows in between. He’s dabbling in livestreams, and is only two years removed from his last TR3 album.
But when his old Charlottesville friend, Michael Sokolowski, called during the pandemic last year, Reynolds freed up some time in his schedule. “We’ve been working together for almost 30 years,” Reynolds says. “We go way back.”
Sokolowski’s proposal? A follow-up album to the duo’s 1992 collaboration Common Margins, a direct-to-two-track recording of Sokolowski on acoustic piano and Reynolds on semi-hollowbody jazz guitar.
For fans of the first album waiting on the edge of their seats for 29 years, the new collab might not be what they expected. On Soul Pilgrimage, which dropped as a digital album and streaming on August 25 (CDs and vinyl records are coming in fall), the friends worked together from a distance, and Sokolowski set the tone with a more electronic-minded perspective.
“I don’t know if it was what we were expecting,” Sokolowski says. “I’m not even sure what those expectations were. Over my career, I’ve always played piano. I’ve had synths and electronic keyboards in bands, but I’ve never gotten deep into synth patch creation, the analog synth world. It took the lockdown to get really into it.”
Reynolds has gone the other way on technology. He doesn’t have a home studio—or even a computer, legend has it—so for Soul Pilgrimage, Sokolowski laid down his side of the project and sent it to Reynolds along with a decent-quality digital audio recorder.
Reynolds listened to the piece of music—“just some great Michael shit,” he says—and played a guitar part as an accompaniment. He didn’t love his first pass.
“The first time, I was not locked in,” Reynolds says. “On the second take, I realized I didn’t need to mess with the knobs. I just needed to play guitar…It was like, ‘just smoke a joint and get into it.’”
Reynolds was satisfied the second time around and sent the recording to Sokolowski. Back in Charlottesville, the pianist-cum- producer started putting the pieces together.
The first thing Sokolowski noticed? Instead of plugging directly into the recorder, Reynolds jacked into his own amp and used the recorder’s microphone to pick him up. “Had I known, I would have sent better mics,” Sokolowski laughs. “You could hear where he clicked the pedal. I was sort of nonplussed. But I got past that and just let it wash over me.”
The happy accident limited Sokolowski’s ability to chop the recording up and make distinct songs, so he built a 27-minute title track around the heart of Reynolds’ guitar playing. The only thing he changed about the original recording was to break the jam into three parts to make it vinyl-ready.
Sokolowski used other pieces of Reynolds’ performance to produce five more tracks. For the album’s balance, he reversed the creative process, reacting in his studio to the guitar parts. On penultimate track “Homunculus,” for example, Sokolowski uses a portion of Reynolds’ playing as a rhythm loop and lets another guitar piece trot over it as lead. It’s the most obvious example on the record of sound collaging, which Sokolowski says he did less of than expected, due to Reynolds’ own process.
“At the beginning, I thought I would just put some cool sounds down and he would send back super-clean guitar tracks,” Sokolowski says. “I realized he had the right idea anyway. It has shape and form and flow and melody and all of that stuff. He was hearing form in all of my sounds that I maybe only heard intuitively. I was putting it down—not in a haphazard state—but not in the way it would end up.”
And how does Soul Pilgrimage end up? On the surface, it sounds more in line with an electronic record than a strings-and-keys duo—more Groove Armada than Bill Evans and Jim Hall. But at its base, it’s guitar and piano playing, something Sokolowski wanted to highlight by avoiding emulated sounds throughout.
For Reynolds, the results couldn’t be more different from the type of guitar he plays on a nightly basis with DMB. This time, he’s filling the space between, you might say.
“When I’m playing with Dave, there is a different sense of space because the music has a different purpose,” Reynolds says. “But I love it. I’m a fan of ambient music. It has a lot of surprises, and it’s all wonderful.”
Former House of Delegates Democratic
Leader David Toscano’s
new book seeks “to show why states matter in this great nation of ours,” he writes. Photo: John Robinson.
Some of our states are up to no good. Texas just passed a comprehensive and dangerous abortion ban. Florida has banned mask mandates in schools, even as the delta variant sweeps across the nation. At press time, California voters are standing in line for a bizarre recall election that could see a candidate currently polling at 28 percent take the governorship.
Of course, since the founding of this country, states have always had control over their citizens’ lives in material ways. But the Trump era accelerated “a trend that has been apparent for years—states increasingly acting to fill the policy void,” writes longtime Charlottesville lawmaker David Toscano in his new book, Fighting Political Gridlock: How States Shape Our Nation and Our Lives. Reading the news the last few weeks, it’s hard to argue with his thesis. The challenge now is pushing back.
Toscano knows a thing or two about the powers of states: He spent 14 years as Charlottesville’s representative in the Virginia House of Delegates, and served as the Democratic leader from 2011 to 2018. (Republicans controlled the chamber for that entire stretch.) He retired from the House in 2020, though he’s still practicing law. He’s as eager as ever to gab about local and state politics, and writes regularly on his blog.
Fighting Political Gridlock, which was published by UVA Press and hit stands on September 7, isn’t a memoir. You won’t find Toscano waxing poetic about the halls of the state capitol or spilling juicy secrets about his former co-workers. Nor is it a polemic, in which he argues on behalf of the issues he spent so long fighting for in the legislature. Fighting Political Gridlock is more of a civics lesson than anything, an effort “to show why states matter in this great nation of ours,” he writes in the acknowledgments.
The book’s second chapter opens with a well-known quote from Supreme Court justice Louis Brandeis: “A single courageous State may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country.”
Brandeis’ optimistic notion of our states is borne out in some ways, Toscano tells C-VILLE. “Look around at a place like Virginia, that’s been leading the way on the transformation towards a renewable energy economy,” he says. “We can do it a lot faster than the feds can, because they’re bogged down. It’s very difficult for the Congress to make decisions.” And in other areas, like election laws and criminal justice reform, Virginia has made real progress in the last few years.
As recent events show, however, state autonomy is a two-sided coin. To return to Brandeis’ laboratory metaphor: “Some scientists are geniuses,” Toscano says, “and some are evil geniuses. The things you produce in a lab can have really, dramatically bad consequences for people if you let them out.”
In theory, one major check on the worst impulses of the states is the body on which Brandeis sat—the Supreme Court. But in recent years, the court has repeatedly abdicated its duty to moderate the states’ laboratory experiments, Toscano argues.
“Although there are some places where the courts will rein in the excesses of the states, if you look at what’s happening in the Supreme Court, you can’t be particularly confident that they’re going to do the right thing,” he says.
Texas Governor Greg Abbott recently signed off on the Texas Heartbeat Act, which bans abortion after six weeks. Earlier this month, the Supreme Court allowed the legislation to stand. Photo: Gage Skidmore.
So if the court won’t watch over the states, who will?
First and foremost, “the way to control the excesses is through citizen participation,” Toscano says. “It’s going to be citizen engagement—voting, pressuring, organizing at the state level—that’s going to hold people to account.”
For an illustration, Toscano turns to Georgia. In 2013, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority gutted the Voting Rights Act of 1965, removing a provision that required the federal government to sign off on new voting laws from states with a history of discrimination. That “unleashed a wave of voter suppression efforts,” writes the Brennan Center for Justice, and gave places like Georgia free rein to pass new, restrictive voting laws.
In the years since, Georgia has become “a really good example” of citizens pushing back on state recklessness, says Toscano.
“They have been working at the grass roots on voter rights for some time,” says the former delegate. “And they are having an impact. They’ve been able to make voting easier for people even though the state legislature tries to make it more difficult.” As a result, Joe Biden was victorious in Georgia, and two Democrats won in the state’s U.S. Senate runoff election.
In some circumstances, Toscano says, it’s also possible to push back on new state laws in state-level courts. State constitutions, crucially, often contain clearer language than the federal constitution. For example, the right to vote is not actually enshrined in the U.S. Constitution, but many state constitutions include “the right to fair and equal elections,” or a phrase to that effect. That allows for challenges to voting laws at the state level, and such challenges are underway around the nation. “At least 30 lawsuits are aimed at laws in 11 states that opponents say restrict voting access,” reported The Wall Street Journal this summer.
Is that recipe—grassroots organizing combined with legal action—enough to secure voter rights for all in a place like Georgia? “We’ll have to see, over the next few years, how this plays out,” Toscano says.
In the meantime, he hopes everyone in the country will pay attention to state politics more consistently. A politically supercharged Supreme Court case with national implications for abortion law draws plenty of eyes to the Texas legislature, but the day-to-day function of state government remains under-discussed, Toscano argues.
The book includes some horrifying figures about state-level political participation: Just one in three Americans can name their governor, and less than a quarter of Americans aged 18 to 34 can name a single one of their senators, according to two studies conducted in the last four years.
The state has a tremendous amount of control in education policy, Toscano says. Redistricting fights take place at the state level, and ultimately determine the makeup of the U.S. Congress. These and other issues often don’t break through in our ever-more-nationalized political discourse.
“For some time I have been concerned that people focused so much on the national government that they lose track of really important decisions that are being made at the state level,” Toscano says. “I hope this book will contribute to the dialogue about how we can fix it.”
Over the past few weeks, local schools have had dozens of COVID cases. Graphic courtesy of Albemarle County Public Schools.
Last month, Charlottesville and Albemarle County schools opened their doors for full-time, in-person learning for the first time since March 2020. Both school divisions require employees to show proof of vaccination—or submit a negative COVID test every week—and have implemented universal mask mandates, among other strict mitigation measures. Still, the divisions have seen a rise in COVID cases over the past few weeks.
As of September 10, 17 students and eight staff members have confirmed active COVID cases at CCS. Meanwhile, ACPS—which serves about 10,000 more students than the city—has 30 students and six staff members with COVID. Since schools reopened, 39 students and 20 staff members in the city, and 90 students and 25 staff members in the county have contracted the virus. In the county, 223 students are in quarantine after being exposed to a positive case.
Despite the increasing cases, some parents and teachers remain positive about the in-person school experience.
“[My son] is very glad to be back in school and happy to be masked,” says Renee Branson, whose son attends Lakeside Middle School in Albemarle. “He really struggled with being away from a regular routine and seeing friends.”
Branson says she is pleased with ACPS’ mask enforcement and transparency about COVID cases, contract tracing, and quarantine efforts. If the division were to take even stricter precautions, such as mandating vaccines for eligible students, she says she would support the decision.
“It would take things starting to really fall apart at the school before I would be concerned about sending him in, because he is vaccinated and he really struggled over the past year and a half,” says Branson. “But I certainly understand parents who maybe have a lower threshold of tolerance for that.”
“My students have just been really excited to be back in person,” says Andrew West, who teaches at Henley Middle School.“There’s this weird almost feeling of normal that a lot of kids are latching on to. There’s a lot of really good energy at the school—last year was absolutely horrible for everybody.”
West does wish the school division would return to offering classes four days per week, which he says gave both teachers and students more time to prepare for classes and decreased stress levels last year. In general, though, he’s been pleased with the administration’s support for teachers.
“A lot of our plans are as good as they can be expected to be,” he says. “Most of the complaints I’ve heard are just people who feel like we’re being too restrictive.”
In Charlottesville, parent Christa Bennett, a city school board candidate, says she is grateful the district’s administration has taken the pandemic seriously. She’s glad that vaccinated teachers are now able to take paid leave if they are exposed to the virus, after a teacher brought up the issue to administrators last month.
“As part of my campaign, I’m researching the consequences of last year’s virtual learning,” says Bennett, who has two kids in the city schools, “and how we as a district can support our children in their social wellbeing and recovery of learning losses.”
With the highly contagious delta variant continuing to drive up COVID cases, everyone understands that the situation is constantly evolving.
“By the end of the semester, things could totally be different and just be sad and depressing again,” says West. “But I feel like as long as we are still in the building together, kids are going to be pretty happy that they’re still together.”
Charlottesville Mayor Nikuyah Walker was elected in 2017, and her term will end on December 31, 2021. Photo: Eze Amos.
Charlottesville Mayor Nikuyah Walker has called off her re-election campaign. She had planned to compete this November for a second four-year term on City Council, but pulled her name off the ballot last week in the immediate wake of the firing of Police Chief RaShall Brackney. Walker, the city’s first Black woman mayor, was elected in 2017 following the deadly white supremacist Unite the Right rally. Her term will end on December 31.
“I’ve wanted to stay and fight because the only people who will lose will be Black and other vulnerable people in this community,” Walker wrote in a Facebook post last Wednesday.
“I’ve been fighting overt, covert, and internalized racism everyday of my life, and it feels like it has been more prominent than oxygen during my time on council,” she continued. “However, I still managed to get up everyday and work for pennies to make this community a better place. I fight for you all as if I earn billions. I am tired.”
Walker did not respond to a request for comment from C-VILLE, though she did speak to The Washington Post, directly tying her resignation to Brackney’s firing. “They fired [Brackney] for doing exactly what she was hired to do, and they can’t give an answer as to why,” Walker told the Post. “If this is how a local government is going to operate, the work that I was elected to do isn’t even possible.”
City Manager Chip Boyles fired Brackney on September 1, saying in a brief press release that he supported her efforts to fight racism in the department but wanted a leader who was “effective [at] building collaborative relationships with the community, the department, and the team at City Hall.” The firing came shortly after publication of an anonymous survey of police officers criticizing the chief, though the city manager and some councilors say the survey and the firing are unrelated.
The mayor made her announcement the morning after a heated City Council meeting, which Walker said was the “final straw” after several months of contemplating dropping out of the race.
In February, Walker faced public scrutiny when she announced she was being investigated for using her city-issued credit card to buy gift cards to hand out to city residents who spoke at council events. (There was no criminal investigation, and the credit card policy was later revised.) The following month, the mayor received national attention after penning an explicit poem highlighting the city’s racist past and present.
During last week’s meeting, Walker asked to add a discussion of the controversial firing of Brackney—the first Black woman to occupy the position—to the council’s consent agenda, but no other councilor seconded her motion. Still, Walker thanked Brackney, who led the department since June 2018, for her leadership, and apologized on behalf of the city “for a termination that tarnished her reputation.”
“To take what doesn’t seem like much information and terminate her in this very public way, release press releases without names on it…and not own to the community what you’ve done, that is shameful,” Walker directed at Boyles.
During public comment, several local Black activists and residents criticized the councilors for not seconding the mayor’s motion, and voiced frustration with the city’s treatment of Black leaders.
“If you don’t want to be accused of racism, stop doing racist things. We as a people deserve better than this,” said Don Gathers.
“We’re tired of these gunshots. We’re tired of not being able to be listened to as a community,” said Rosia Parker. “Y’all are harming my children, my grandchildren, and the generations to come, which have already been afflicted for 400 years.”
In response to those comments, Councilor Lloyd Snook said it was unclear if the city was allowed to discuss Brackney’s dismissal publicly.
“There are libel, slander, and other procedural issues that may come up. We’re opening ourselves up for more problems,” said Snook.
Walker later asked her fellow councilors if they held secret meetings with Boyles and had advance knowledge of Brackney’s termination. All said no, but Snook, Councilor Heather Hill, and Vice-Mayor Sena Magill expressed their support for Boyles’ decision.
Michael Wells, representing the Virginia Police Benevolent Association, called in to the meeting to commend Boyles “for doing the right thing and a good job,” and criticized Brackney for the department’s issues with “internal procedural justice.” He also claimed that the department doesn’t target people of color, but “people who break the law.”
When Walker later asked Wells if he secretly recorded meetings with Assistant Police Chief James Mooney and used them to threaten Boyles, Wells refused to answer and asked her for “facts about racist policing” before hanging up.
In her post announcing her withdrawal, Walker criticized Councilor Michael Payne for not defending her during the meeting, as well as Magill, Hill, and Snook for upholding white supremacy. She also expressed disappointment in Boyles, and emphasized the need for a new form of city government allowing the voters—not council—to elect the city manager.
“Dear Black People: I feel like I’ve failed you…Every time an image of a little Black girl pops into my head, I fall apart,” wrote Walker.
Walker said that many people tried to convince her to run again, but “I’m losing myself right now,” she wrote at the end of the message. “I need to choose me.”
Lisa Lorish, a Charlottesville-based former public defender, began her term on the Virginia Court of Appeals this month. Supplied photo.
This year, Virginia’s Democrat-led legislature authorized a historic expansion of the Virginia Court of Appeals. The move pushed the number of judges from 11 to 17, and diversified the court significantly: The new crop of judges includes four Black people, four women, two public defenders, and a legal aid attorney. One of those public defenders, Lisa Lorish, is also the first-ever Court of Appeals judge from Charlottesville.
Lorish, a lecturer at the UVA School of Law, started her term on the court September 1, and she’ll serve until 2029. She and her fellow judges will be tasked with managing a large new load of cases—thanks to legislation passed this year, Virginia now guarantees everyone the right to appeal all civil and criminal decisions by lower courts. The Old Dominion had been the only state in the country that didn’t guarantee that right.
“Being on the Court of Appeals is a very different role than my current work,” Lorish says. “Right now I’m an advocate. On the Court of Appeals, I’ll be a neutral, impartial judge who applies laws, instead of arguing under the law.”
Locally, Lorish is a member of the board of directors of the Fountain Fund, a nonprofit that provides low-interest loans to formerly incarcerated individuals, and has served as the president of the Charlottesville Albemarle Bar Association. At the law school, Lorish founded the Federal Criminal Sentence Reduction Clinic and has been a lecturer for the school’s criminal justice reform seminar.
“As a public defender, we don’t get to choose our clients. We represent whoever the court tells us to represent, and we make the best arguments we can, but it typically only impacts the life of that one person,” Lorish says. “[That’s] still incredibly significant and important work. [But] I’m really looking forward to the opportunity to apply and interpret the law in ways that will impact people across the commonwealth.”
On being the first judge from Charlottesville to be elected to the Court of Appeals, Lorish says she is excited to represent this part of Virginia but also emphasized the diversity of the whole slate of new judges the General Assembly named to the court.
“I’m eager to do my best to represent this part of the state, although ultimately I think the other aspects of diversity are also really important as well. Racial and ethnic diversity and diversity of background and experience is also really significant,” says Lorish. “Collectively, I think that the group that is coming on to the court has a lot of those aspects of diversity.”
Crystal Shin, an associate professor of law, general faculty, and director of the Holistic Juvenile Defense Clinic at UVA, says Lorish will be a welcome addition to the Court of Appeals due to her background and expertise in public interest law.
“It is significant to have someone with Lisa’s background and experience on the court,” says Shin. “In the past, it was much more common for openings at the trial court or the appellate court level to be filled with former prosecutors. It is important to have former public defenders and defense attorneys be appointed to the bench, too.”
Speaking about the broader changes to the court, Shin says the expansion in the court’s jurisdiction to guarantee the right to an appeal for all Virginians is long overdue.
“Previously, parties had to petition an appellate court…for the right to appeal, and the court granted appeals at its discretion,” says Shin. “Virginia was the only state in the nation without a right of appeal from civil judgments and criminal convictions.”
Sally Hudson, Charlottesville’s Democratic representative to the House of Delegates, says Republican accusations that Democrats are court-packing are unfounded. The House of Delegates voted along party lines to elect Lorish and the other judges to the Court of Appeals, while a few Republicans in the state Senate joined all of the Democratic members in electing the new judges.
“I wish that Richmond had a history of more bipartisan cooperation, [but] it is true that Republicans have run judicial appointments for a very long time in Virginia,” says Hudson. “And so the appointment of judges who share the values of the current majority is long overdue. Now that some of that balance has been restored, it would be great to see bipartisan cooperation going forward as future judges are appointed.”
Hudson says Lorish ultimately stood out among the dozens of judges considered during the selection process due to her expertise and legal background.
“Everyone I spoke to was blown away by Lisa Lorish in the vetting process,” Hudson says. “It just took a General Assembly that would even give a female public defender like her a fair hearing for her to shine in the role that she so richly deserved.”
