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Burned out

In January, the highly contagious omicron variant brought coronavirus cases to an all-time high in the Charlottesville area. The Blue Ridge Health District reported over 11,000 new cases and nearly 200 hospitalizations—the largest surge since the pandemic started in February 2020.

Over the past few weeks, cases and hospitalizations have significantly declined. On February 13, the health district reported just six new cases. However, UVA Health employees continue to reel from the surge, which heaped additional stress upon the hospital’s limited staff.

“On my days off in January, every day it seemed like I was getting a text from work, [saying] ‘hey do you want to come and pick up, because we’re running close,’” says a UVA nurse, who wishes to remain anonymous out of fear of retaliation. “It was that way all over the hospital.”

Last month, the hospital admitted over 100 coronavirus patients. Many nurses contracted the virus and had to quarantine at home, worsening the hospital’s staffing crisis.

“We started to see more patients who maybe weren’t in the hospital for COVID necessarily, but we later found out they were COVID positive,” says the nurse. “You have to put them on special isolation precautions, which makes them much more labor intensive to take care of.”

Over the course of the pandemic, intense burnout and exhaustion has led numerous health care workers to call it quits. Some units have lost all of their core staff, and are completely reliant on travel nurses, claims the nurse.

According to UVA Health spokesman Eric Swensen, about 21 percent of hospital staff—including nearly 25 percent of nurses—turned over last year. To recruit more employees, the hospital has ramped up its partnerships with nursing schools across the country, as well as developed paid training programs for various positions, like pharmacy technicians. From August to January, the hospital has hired 865 new employees.

This month, the health system received over $2 million in federal funding to expand its peer support program, designed to reduce burnout and stress, and promote mental wellness. The program, Wisdom & Wellbeing, trains employees to identify and address stressors in themselves and their co-workers, and connects them with helpful resources, including exercise classes, nutrition services, and professional counseling, explains program co-creator Dr. Richard Westphal.

“If we can recognize when we have a co-worker who has a potential stress-related illness, how do we help them get connected with professional help early?” says Westphal. “We all know that the earlier that someone engages with therapy and professional services when they have the emerging symptoms of a mental disorder, the better the outcomes.”

Though the nurse believes the wellness program is “well-intentioned,” he thinks the hospital should pay employees better. Last fall, the health system announced it planned to spend more than $30 million this fiscal year on long-awaited wage increases. He’d also like to see employees have more decision-making power.

“Make our wages competitive with travelers—that’s what would make us feel appreciated,” he says.

To keep coronavirus cases down—and reduce the heavy burden on health care workers—community members are encouraged to get vaccinated, wear N95 masks, and social distance. Immunocompromised individuals are now eligible to receive a fourth dose of the coronavirus vaccine three months after their third dose. 

“If you know a health care worker, just stay in touch with them and see how they’re doing,” says the nurse.

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News

In brief: Court Square project progresses, UVA pulls paper towels

Squared up

Charlottesville’s Historic Resource Committee continues to work toward replacing the Court Square slave auction block marker, which was thrown into a river by a local resident in 2020.

During a February 11 meeting, University of Virginia graduate students Jake Calhoun and MaDeja Leverett presented their research on Court Square to the committee. Over the past few months, the students have searched the city’s courthouse books for records of sales of enslaved people.

From 19th century wills, the students learned that the court played a prominent role in selling enslaved people after their enslavers died.

“Normally, what the court decides to do is appoint a commissioner to basically take charge of the enslaved and sell them at the courthouse,” explained Calhoun. “The court is basically acting as an arbiter, or tool of enslavement.”

So far, the students have identified the names of over a dozen enslaved people who were sold on the courthouse steps. They also plan to search for records of enslaved people in the Albemarle County court minute books, as well as share their findings on a public database.

“Simply naming the people who were a part of this is an extremely important aspect, much more so than necessarily identifying the exact spots,” said committee chair Phil Varner. 

Committee member Jalane Schmidt, director of UVA’s Memory Project, said that she plans to continue facilitating research on Court Square for at least another year, and may bring more students onto the research team in the future.

The committee also discussed the Court Square project progress report that it’s doing for City Council. Some members advised against the report title including the terms “human trafficking” and “antebellum.” 

“If we’re writing a report for council, and we want their support, we should probably keep it as simple and as straightforward as we can. And let them come to their own terms with this new language that is much more emotion-invoking,” said member Dede Smith.

Schmidt explained that journalists and the mainstream public have begun adopting such terms—often used by historians—in recent years, and suggested the report take time to explain human trafficking and other historical terms. 

Council is expected to discuss the report during its next meeting, on February 22.

Super-duper

Bryce Perkins (right) at Superbowl LVI. Supplied photo.

Two UVA alums earned Super Bowl rings when the Los Angeles Rams beat the Cincinnati Bengals over the weekend. Bryce Perkins (right), who starred at quarterback for the Cavaliers in 2018 and 2019, was the Rams third-string quarterback this year. Perkins has had a long road to the top—he suffered a serious neck injury while playing for Arizona State, and transferred to a junior college before leading UVA to its best record in the last 14 years. He went undrafted, but managed to carve out a place for himself amongst the Rams practice squad and reserves.

Meanwhile, James MacRae, a computer engineering major from the UVA Class of 2014, won himself a ring for his work as a video manager for Rams. It takes a village!

Students say, paper please!  

Living in a college dorm has its perks—but it also means sharing a communal bathroom with 20 other people.  You never know what you might find in the sink, especially in the aftermath of a UVA weekend. 

Since January, residents of the school’s McCormick Road dorms have been without access to paper towels, and instead have only hand dryers available. Housing and Residence Life explained that this action was taken for sustainability purposes, but students have started a petition calling for paper towels to be restored, saying that bathrooms have become unsanitary in their absence. Residents also pointed out that  hand dryers can spread pathogens, especially during the ongoing pandemic.

“Whereas students used to clean up after themselves habitually, now in the absence of paper towels, the sinks are caked with toothpaste, hair, hair-dye, and bodily fluids among others,” the petition reads. 

The messes become the custodial staff’s responsibility, which first-year Ezgi Stump, who started the petition, finds unfair. More than 350 students across the university have already signed the petition. 

“As first-years we overwhelmingly do not consent to UVA reaching its ‘sustainability goals’ by subjecting us to noisy and unhygienic conditions,” Stump says. “This decision reflects incredibly poor judgment on behalf of HRL and any other parties involved.” 

Paper towels, we need you.—Maryann Xue 

In brief

Come on down, Joe Biden

POTUS took a trip south of the Capitol last week, making an appearance in Culpeper to speak about health care and prescription drug costs. He reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to lowering drug prices, and also put in a good word for Congresswoman Abigail Spanberger, who represents Culpeper and could be in for a tough 2022 reelection fight in the reshaped 7th Congressional District. Spanberger’s new district is rated “highly competitive” by FiveThirtyEight. 

What in the Dickens?

Ever dream of cracking a century-old code? Ken Cox, a 20-year-old UVA student, won second place in a competition from the University of Leicester to decode parts of a one-page letter written by Charles Dickens in his baffling shorthand over 165 years ago. The son of a Dickens fan, Cox was already familiar with some of Dickens’ writing, and worked on deciphering the code for a few hours each day across a few weeks, reports The New York Times. Thanks to the work of Cox and other decoders, the meaning of 70 percent of Dickens’ text has now been uncovered. (And no, it wasn’t just his shopping list—the note details a dispute Dickens had with a newspaper advertising department.)

Youngkin’s mix-up   

Photo: Public domain.

Governor Glenn Youngkin texted State Senate Majority Leader Louise Lucas to thank her for giving a speech on Black history last week—except the speech was actually given by a different Black woman, Senator Mamie Locke. Youngkin apologized and Lucas told The Washington Post she was initially “going to let that one go,” but after the fight over Youngkin’s cabinet appointees heated up last week, Lucas decided to call the Gov out on Twitter. Lucas posted photos of Locke and herself, and wrote, “Study the photos and you will get this soon!”

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News

Seeing them off

By Finn Lynch

I see a dead body at least once a week. 

The decedent in front of me today is an old man who died in hospice care. We have him dressed for viewing in a dark suit and his favorite striped tie. His clothes are a little too big for him now. We placed a bit of clay under his bottom lip, allowing us to glue his lips together in a peaceful, pursed position. We’ve closed his eyes, and fixed them closed with spiky eye caps hidden under his lids. I stand and stare at him. 

My manager enters, and tells me the decendent’s daughter, waiting downstairs, would like us to shave him. I have the razor in my hand. I stare at the man laying on the porcelain prep table. His wrinkled skin is soft and lies delicately over his bony features. His beard is patchy but his mustache is more defined, and it’s really only the bit under the chin that looks unseemly. I’m not sure whether I should shave his whole face or not.

We go talk to his daughter. She’s waiting in the arrangements room, sitting at an old desk with papers in front of her, focused on the information my manager has given her. We’re at Hill & Wood Funeral Service in downtown Charlottesville, where I work as a funeral assistant. 

When I ask how much of his facial hair I should shave, she says we should have him clean shaven. My manager assures her we’ll have him looking his best. 

As we leave to finish preparing him, the daughter sheepishly asks us for a favor. She reaches out and places two mint candies into my manager’s palm, and asks if we could tuck them into her father’s pants pocket. 

This isn’t the first time we’ve had this kind of request. Families often like to honor their loved ones with little tokens—lipstick, tobacco, stuffed animals, and candies. Something comforting to take with them, something to make them feel loved. 

This man always had something sweet with him, she says. So we make sure he has sweets for the next life, too. 

My job is hardly ever a pretty one, and only sometimes a happy one, but the work I do is nevertheless humanizing and loving. It shows me how much people care for one another—love can be stored in little mint candies. 

Another decedent I worked with was a woman who died at home. I went with my co-worker to pick her up and take her into the care of the funeral home. She had spent her final moments surrounded by parents, brothers and sisters, nieces and cousins; all there to make her feel safe and loved. 

There was one issue. The front door and hallway were too tight for our stretcher to enter. We wouldn’t be able to move her onto it, and wheel her out as efficiently as we could with other decedents.

We have a tool for that, however. We left the stretcher just outside the house and used the Reeves stretcher, a dark canvas with handles all along the edges. We tuck it underneath decedents, so we can lift and carry them in a hammock-like style. As my co-worker and I went through this process, the woman’s family assisted us—the weight of a person is difficult to maneuver, even after they’ve passed. The family helped us get her onto the purse, wiped her nose when she dripped blood, and carried her onto the stretcher with us. I covered her with a sheet and a soft red blanket, then I watched as her brother carefully tucked them around her feet. He saw me looking. “I don’t want her to get cold,” he told me. 

Once my co-worker and I got the woman into our removal van, we said our farewells to the family and let them know how to reach us. As we began to drive away, the decedent’s father approached our vehicle. He thanked us again and asked, somewhat hesitantly, if we could play songs from her favorite musician on the way back to the funeral home.

I hooked my phone up to the aux cord, and we listened for the entire ride back. Even when we were out of sight of the family, even when we were miles away, I made sure that the woman in the back of our vehicle knew she was safe with us. Later, when she was lying on a prep table in the funeral home and I was washing blood out of her hair, I found myself singing the lyrics she loved.

The families we help in the funeral industry mourn loss and celebrate life in different ways. They choose cherrywood or mahogany caskets, or urns made of Himalayan salt or Grecian marble. Some have groups sing songs at the funerals, some release birds. They are almost all guided by a common central thought: It’s what they would have wanted. 

Some gather for a formal ceremony, united in love and loss. Others scatter ashes in a river, reconnecting with each other on the journey. Some families pay tribute by donating the deceased’s organs and bodies to save lives and educate the next generation of doctors and surgeons. We always try to honor the wishes of the dead. 

People like to think the funeral industry and these rituals are meant for the dead. And of course we do take care of the decedents. We clean them up and make them look decent. We put their favorite cufflinks on their stiff wrists or apply blue eyeshadow to their closed lids. But this isn’t for the benefit of the deceased—as much as people like to claim their loved ones would insist on being seen a certain way. All of the work is for the living. 

Everything we do is for the people left behind. We make sure that families feel reassured as they arrange services. We help them figure out how to make their budget work, where to hold the service, what kind of prayer cards or music or flower arrangements might be needed. Our job is to take care of the deceased, but it’s also to take the worry off the shoulders of their families.  

I’ve found that people in mourning often don’t think of funerals this way. The living think they don’t need a ceremony to be reminded that their loved one is gone. They tell themselves the trouble they’re going to and the money they’re spending is dedicated to honoring the deceased—during this process, people can fail to see how these services and ceremonies bring the living comfort, ease, and closure. 

Loss can be frightening, whether you’re the one leaving or the one left behind. But our funeral rituals help ease the struggle, the loneliness, the grief. We use these small details to make our loved ones feel remembered and comforted in their next life, and those small details do the same for us. We remember our departed in their favorite eyeshadow or cologne, in the lyrics of their favorite song, in the taste of their little mint candies.

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News

FOIA showdown

Less than a year after a new Freedom of Information Act law expanded public access to police investigative files in Virginia, Delegate Rob Bell has sponsored a bill that would reverse the reform, citing concern for victims’ privacy.  

“There were immediate efforts to access what I would call very private information,” Bell says. He described a TV producer requesting access to a case file from the parents of murdered UVA student Hannah Graham, soon after the new law went into effect in July 2021. When the Grahams refused, Bell says the producer sought the complete investigative file in Graham’s murder through a FOIA request.

Bell’s bill passed through the House General Laws Committee last week on a party-line vote,  helped by support from the parents of Graham and Morgan Harrington. It has alarmed family members of another woman, Molly Meghan Miller, whose 2017 death was investigated in Charlottesville and ruled a suicide. 

“For over three years, this grim experience, from start to finish, has left our family with countless unanswered questions and unresolved concerns,” write Miller’s aunts, Tina Hicks and Lori Goodbody, in an affidavit attached to a FOIA lawsuit. The pair hopes to use the more expansive FOIA laws to learn more about the investigation into Miller’s death. The suit was sent to the city as formal notification of their intent to take legal action, and was received on February 3.

Miller was reported missing in December 2017. After a three-day search, Charlottesville police located her remains inside her own home. Miller’s death divided her family, with her mother publicly expressing support for police and requesting privacy, while other family members and friends expressed doubts about the investigation and what really happened to Miller.

“We lost our daughter, Molly Meghan Miller, to suicide on January 1, 2018,” reads a statement from Miller’s mother, Marian McConnell. “The case was closed in 2018. Tina Hicks and Lori Goodbody have no right and no need to any of Molly’s police investigative records…For 4 years we have asked them to accept the truth, honor Molly’s memory and respect our loss. We have been forced to disavow them due to their continued reprehensible behavior.  If they file suit, we will respond accordingly.”

Hicks and Goodbody’s suit claims that they filed a FOIA request with Charlottesville police for records in Miller’s case in July, soon after the new law took effect. Police initially provided a time and cost estimate for fulfillment, then, after multiple delays, reversed course. In October, the department denied the request for any records in the case. The suit alleges that complete denial violates the new FOIA law.

The Miller family’s situation offers another case study for Bell’s bill. If it becomes law, the bill would prevent access to closed police case files by anyone other than immediate family, defined as a spouse, parent, child, sibling, grandparent or grandchild. In Miller’s case, that would mean only her mother. 

“This bill [says] that victims should certainly still be allowed to have access to those records,” Bell says. His bill also calls for victims’ family members to be able to file an injunction against anyone seeking information in a case through FOIA.  

Hicks and Goodbody’s attorney, Matthew Hardin, the former Greene County commonwealth’s attorney, spoke against the bill at a subcommittee hearing on February 8.

“The problem is when records can be released on a discretionary basis, which is how it used to be, the police could decide unilaterally when they wanted to give up records and when they wanted to keep them secret,” Hardin tells C-VILLE. “Of course, they release the records that make them look good, and they don’t release the records that make them look bad.” 

Hardin, a Republican, says the current FOIA law already grants an exemption to police allowing them to withhold crime scene photos and other personal information about victims and witnesses. He points out that Bell’s bill’s reference to immediate family doesn’t fit with a lot of Virginia families, which may include same-sex parents or step-parents. 

“It’s not just a problem under FOIA,” Hardin says. “This is actually an attempt to take the definition of family back to the 1950s.”

While Bell claims his bill would protect victims’ and witnesses’ privacy, Hardin believes greater transparency helps build trust between police departments and the communities they serve. 

The Virginia Coalition for Open Government also opposes Bell’s bill, according to Executive Director Megan Rhyne.

“We believe that like any other governmental entity, there needs to be some sort of oversight over how police and prosecutors do their jobs,” Rhyne says. “We don’t want to interfere in the ability to conduct an investigation, but once it’s completed and there’s no harm to come from disclosure, they should be releasing records the way other public bodies do.”

She also points out that not all victims have the same reaction in these situations—victims of the 2019 mass shooting at Virginia Beach supported expanded access to police case files. 

As Bell’s bill wends through the General Assembly, Hardin says he is waiting for a response from the city before filing the FOIA lawsuit in Miller’s case. City Attorney Lisa Robertson did not return a call requesting comment.

Hardin says he’ll continue to speak out against Bell’s bill, and he hopes other victims of crimes who prefer greater police transparency will also speak up.

“I think that all we’re saying is, once [an] investigation’s over, let the public take a look at it and see what went right and what went wrong,” Hardin says.

Updated 2/16 to add a statement from Marian McConnell.

Categories
Culture Food & Drink

A drink refresher

Do you find yourself stuck in a loop at cocktail hour? When it’s five o’clock somewhere and Miller time has arrived, many people reach for the same beverages again and again. Lucky for us central Virginians, it’s easy to find exciting, locally made products to vary our drink of choice. 

Here are a few that fly under the radar, but are worth adding to your cocktail routine.

Bitters

Think of bitters as a spice or a condiment for drinks, much in the same way salt or pepper are used in food. Bitters are simply a base of neutral alcohol infused with botanicals, and as the name implies, some of these usually impart bitter flavor. Originally marketed as medicinal, then finding popularity as digestifs, bitters today are usually used to bring interest and depth to cocktails. 

There are two small-batch producers of note close to Charlottesville: Blackwater Bitters based in Lynchburg, and Artemisia Farm and Vineyard outside of Marshall. Both feature online ordering as well as recipes on their websites. 

Vermouth

Vermouth is broadly defined as aromatized, fortified wine. Aromatized is the addition of botanicals and fortified is the addition of a spirit to increase the alcohol content. It can be sweet or dry. Historically, vermouth was sold as medicine, but today it is commonly served as an aperitif or part of a cocktail.

There are several local, high-quality vermouths worth seeking out. Flying Fox produces one each quarter with botanicals that match the season. The Wool Factory features a private label vermouth in its cocktail program, and offers bottles for sale through the wine shop. And Rosemont, in nearby La Crosse, partners with Capitoline Vermouth in Washington, D.C., to produce a beautiful sweet version.

Amaro

Amaro comes from Italian origins and is a liqueur that has been infused with a complex recipe of herbs and spices. There are thousands of versions of amaro, and the recipes are often closely guarded. Most amaro has at least some bitter component to it, but it can also be quite sweet. Historically served neat as a digestif, amaro has become popular in cocktail recipes.

Don Ciccio & Figli is a family business founded in Italy that was revived in Washington, D.C., by Francesco Amodeo, who has been recognized for preserving his family’s traditional recipes and techniques. Experiencing great growth since its 2012 inception, the company now produces 15 different bottlings.

Closer to home, Spirit Lab Distilling produces Forage Amaro each year with pawpaw, maypop, and hardy oranges that are foraged from the Charlottesville area. Hyper-local and made only in very small batches, this is a true reflection of the season and the local terroir.

In the mix

Blackwater Bitters began with two friends making Christmas gifts. Now, it’s a woman-owned business in Lynchburg. Look for traditional flavors such as orange, but don’t miss the mocha bitters. Cacao and locally roasted coffee beans impart bitterness, along with orange peel, chicory, cinnamon, and sweet molasses. blackwaterbitters.com

Artemisia Farm and Vineyard is farmed by Andrew Napier and Kelly Allen. Their love of cocktails and interest in botanical wines has led to five original recipes utilizing native plants. Artemisia’s Incendia combines a brightly acidic cherry component with underlying flavors of smoke and black tea. artemisia.farm

Flying Fox Vineyard and Winery produces four versions of vermouth each year to match the seasons. The Winter is popular thanks to its deep and complex flavors, but it makes sense to pair these year-round with the changing seasons. flyingfoxvineyard.com

The Wool Factory currently features Bitte as part of its bar program. This is a bitter, dry, white vermouth that was designed specifically for use in cocktail recipes, but also makes an excellent digestif when paired with soda water or ginger ale. It’s available for sale at The Wool Factory’s on-site wine shop. thewoolfactory.com

Rosemont partners with Capitoline Vermouth of Washington, D.C., to produce a deliciously sweet vermouth featuring flavors of orange and citrus peel along with local herbs and other aromatics. This is vermouth that can be consumed on its own, but also brings brightness and sweetness to a favorite cocktail recipe. rosemontofvirginia.com

Don Ciccio & Figli makes a wide range of products from traditional Italian family recipes. You’ll have to find your own favorite, but the Amaro delle Sirene recipe dates back to 1931, and sources more than 30 roots and herbs. Complex flavors of licorice, eucalyptus, stewed fruits, and chamomile stand out in this great example of what traditional amaro is. donciccioefigli.com

Spirit Lab Distilling makes Forage Amaro once a year from fruit and flowers found in the Charlottesville area. The use of maypop lends the flavor of passion fruit to this unique product, which sells out almost as soon as it is released—so get on the mailing list if you are interested in the next batch. spiritlabdistilling.com

Categories
Culture

Pick: Walking Tour of Monticello’s Vanished Plantation

Tracing steps: In honor of Black History Month, archeologists are leading a Walking Tour of Monticello’s Vanished Plantation. The excursion focuses on the experiences of the enslaved people who lived and worked at Monticello, and examines how archeology informs our understanding of their lives. The walk makes stops at various hidden sites along the Fourth Roundabout before ending at a recently excavated 19th-century domestic site where enslaved agricultural laborers once lived.

Friday 2/18 & Saturday 2/19. Various times, included in the price of admission. Monticello, 1050 Monticello Loop. monticello.org

Categories
Arts Culture

Pick: Sun June

No regrets: Indie-pop band Sun June makes mesmerizing music with a hint of melancholy. The quintet formed in Austin, Texas, where lead vocalist Laura Colwell and songwriter/lyricist Stephen Salisbury met while working on director Terrence Malick’s Song to Song. After adding Sarah Schultz on drums, Michael Bain on lead guitar, and Justin Harris on bass, the group released Years, coining the term “regret pop” to describe its wistful, country-influenced songs. The band’s 2021 release, Somewhere, features a new pop-heavy sound.

Monday 2/21. $15-18, 8pm. The Southern Cafe & Music Hall, 203 First St S, thesoutherncville.com

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News

Flood the zoning

By Maryann Xue

As Charlottesville continues to search for new ways to address its housing shortage, City Council voted unanimously Monday to approve rezoning for a vacant lot on Nassau Street. The city moved the lot from the R-2U designation, two-family residential, to R-3, the medium intensity residential category.

“The purpose of the rezoning is to be able to build more, smaller units, rather than fewer, larger units,” says Nicole Scro, one of the project developers. “Larger units…result in higher rents, since they are more costly to build. The smaller the units, the less expensive the construction costs, and therefore the lower the rents.” 

In December, the Charlottesville Planning Commission unanimously recommended the parcel for rezoning, stating that the proposal aligned with the city’s goals of “engaging in robust and context sensitive urban planning and implementation” and creating “quality housing opportunities for all.”

The project was met with opposition from a certain faction of city residents, however. Mark Kavit—who most recently appeared in C-VILLE in 2020, when he circulated a petition opposing the construction of a 15-unit apartment building geared toward adults with developmental disabilities in Belmont—spoke up against the Nassau Street rezoning. 

Kavit says the street is a floodplain, and that development in that area is therefore risky. “If you put people who are economically challenged or don’t have a lot of income into these areas that are, you know, hazardous, they don’t have the ability to survive or take care of their needs,” he says. 

During the council meeting, city engineer Jack Dawson gave a presentation, at the request of the council, on the city’s role in floodplain management and a general assessment of the risk of developing in the floodplain. 

Dawson explained that at the last council meeting, incorrect floodplain data had been shared with the public. Kavit and others raised concerns that, based on the map shown at the time, the floodplain goes across the street, but Dawson clarified this was not the case and showed the correct data. 

Mayor Lloyd Snook noted that the rezoning process isn’t the procedurally correct time to address the floodplain question anyway. Later, the building will have to pass a site plan inspection. “If we pass the rezoning, it’s not saying ‘oh and by the way we don’t think there’s a floodplain issue,’” Snook said. “What we would be saying is the floodplain issue isn’t an issue at the rezoning stage but it still is a potential issue at the site plan stage.” 

According to Scro, part of the rear of the property is currently located in the floodplain, but the property will be elevated such that it will be entirely out of the floodplain by its completion. She also added that the buildings will have concrete foundations to mitigate mold growth. 

“I feel very confident about it being safe, and about it being a healthy environment for people to live in,” Scro told City Council on Monday. “We want to build something that not only is safe and healthy but also reaches lower price points.” 

Categories
News

Cops (not) out

After protests over police brutality rocked the nation in the summer of 2020, both Charlottesville and Albemarle ended their school resource officer programs. The districts replaced the officers with care and safety assistants, unarmed adults tasked with building relationships with students, monitoring hallways, de-escalating conflicts, addressing mental health concerns, assisting with security issues, and upholding the school’s code of conduct.

Since those changes went into effect, the presence of school resource officers has become yet another flash point in Virginia politicians’ war over the state’s education system. Republicans, who swept to victory in 2021’s elections in part by campaigning on education issues, have since proposed bills that would require every public elementary and secondary school to have one school resource officer on duty. It’s among the many GOP initiatives that aim to undo changes made in the state in the last few years (p. 17).  

Governor Glenn Youngkin has voiced his support for the initiative, and promised $50 million in state funding for SROs over the next two years. A House of Delegates bill requiring resource officers in middle and high schools passed the House education committee 12-10 this week. The state Senate, which Dems control 21-19, remains in the way of Republicans passing whatever laws they want, and defeated its version of the bill in the Senate education committee. Still, community activists who advocated for the removal of resource officers warn against the consequences of continued GOP pressure on this front.  

“Since the advent of school resource officers…we’ve seen how young people get tangled up not just in one spider web of school discipline structures, but in two spiderwebs at the same time when we bring law enforcement into the equation,” says Amy Woolard, policy director for the Legal Aid Justice Center. “A lot of our clients were facing having to fight their suspensions for certain behaviors at the same time they were fighting essentially criminal charges.” 

A 2018 report from The New York Times indicated that in Charlottesville, Black children are five times as likely to be suspended from school as white children. “Students of color are more likely to go to a school with a police officer, more likely to be referred to law enforcement, and more likely to be arrested at school,” concluded a 2016 report from the ACLU. “Nationally, Black students are more than twice as likely as their white classmates to be referred to law enforcement.” 

Parent Lara Harrison of the Hate-Free Schools Coalition of Albemarle County points to the troubled history of SRO programs. Beginning in the 1960s and ’70s, several major cities began putting police into schools in response to Black and Latino student protests against racism. “The U.S. has a history of using policing to squash dissent from BIPOC people and to keep targeted groups in a constant state of fear and intimidation,” she says.

The ACLU’s research also concludes that SROs do not prevent school shootings, which has been cited as justification for their increased presence since the 1990s. Instead, SROs are more likely to inflict violence upon students of color and disabled students. Numerous videos showing police detaining, assaulting, and injuring students—as young as kindergarteners—have gone viral on social media in recent years.

“I have seen more than one video of a child being slammed to the ground,” says Christa Bennett, who has two daughters who attend city schools. “The risk of that happening in our schools outweighs the potential benefit that if police were in a situation where there is violence, they would be able to stop it—and as a whole there’s no evidence that having police in schools does that.”

In turn, SROs can create a tense learning environment for students, and make them feel unsafe. “Exposure to police surges significantly reduced test scores for African American boys, consistent with their greater exposure to policing,” says one recent study from education professors at Harvard and Columbia. 

Charlottesville School Board chair Lisa Larson-Torres says the district’s new safety program has been “going great,” and she does not want the board to be forced to end it. She believes every school division should be able to choose its own safety model.“There have been fewer fights at Charlottesville High School than during most years prior to the new model,” says Larson-Torres. 

Instead of SROs, schools should invest in hiring coaches, mentors, counselors, and other support staff, especially as students continue to recover from trauma caused by the pandemic, says Woolard. “We should be first looking to fully fund the positions we already need.” 

The state must also work to address inequities outside the classroom, which are often the root cause of student misbehavior, adds activist Ang Conn of Charlottesville Beyond Policing.

“We have not provided enough funding to vital aspects of growth and development: proper housing, proper mental health care, food resources for families,” says Conn. “They go after youth who are the products of these [inequities].” 

Bennett encourages community members to let the Charlottesville School Board know they do not want SROs to return to city schools, and to get involved in local advocacy groups, like the newly established Charlottesville United for Public Education.

“It’s important for white parents to speak out about this and use our privilege to say that this is not something that we support,” says Bennett. 

If the proposed law is passed, Bennett hopes the city school board will use its utmost discretion when creating a new contract with the Charlottesville Police Department. Meanwhile, Harrison urges the county school board to do all that it can to preserve its new safety program.

“ACPS must use all resources available to keep police out of all schools—whether it be in the courtroom or at the legislative level,” adds Harrison. 

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They want a do-over

The 2022 General Assembly session is in full swing. In November’s election, Republicans flipped the House of Delegates, taking a 52-48 lead after two years in which Democrats controlled all three chambers of government. In recent weeks, GOP House members have worked to undo many of the laws Democrats put into place during their time in the majority.

In 2020, Democrats passed a law allowing localities to disallow possession of firearms on city property. Both Charlottesville and Albemarle have since taken advantage of that law, passing ordinances banning guns from parks and government offices. Last week, House Republicans passed HB 827, which would “remove the authority for a locality by ordinance to prohibit the possession or carrying of firearms” on that locality’s property. 

Democrats also passed bills to increase Virginia’s minimum wage. The Dems’ new $11 minimum wage went into effect this January, and the party had set up a schedule that would see the minimum wage hit $12 an hour starting in 2023 and $15 an hour in 2026. A GOP bill which passed the House 51-48 last week cancels those increases and leaves the minimum wage at $11. 

Expanding ballot access was a major component of Virginia Democrats’ platform, but new laws in that area are now on the Republicans’ chopping block. Last week a party-line vote saw HB 185 pass the house—the bill repeals a 2020 law that made it possible to register to vote on the day of an election. 

All of these bills have yet to be debated by the state Senate, which Democrats still control 21-19. Stay tuned for more updates as the legislature continues to work in the coming weeks.

Other House bills aimed at rolling back Democratic reforms are coming up down the pipe too, even if they haven’t reached a vote yet. Democrats expanded the authority of civilian review boards to investigate reported police misconduct, but a bill introduced by the GOP would completely remove the ability of towns and cities to set up civilian oversight review boards at all.

In addition to the ballot access measure mentioned above, House Republicans also have bills in the works to repeal absentee voting by drop-off ballot, require an excuse for voting by mail, shorten the early absentee voting period, and require photo ID to vote. All of these measures, if passed, would invalidate Democratic reforms from the last two years.

Can’t we all just get along

Virginia’s legislature passes most of its bills unanimously or close to it. State-level legislatures are responsible for running the day-to-day operations of their states, not just arguing over high-profile issues. That work is very much ongoing, too. Thus far, unanimous votes have included extending the duration of oyster farming season, requiring law enforcement to train in human trafficking prevention, allowing Bath County to charge for solid-waste removal, establishing the position of mental health care coordinator at the Department of Veterans Services, and many more.  

Virginia’s legislative session began on Jan­uary 12 and will conclude on March 12.