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Skin deep: Local woman’s experience shows permanent makeup is no easy fix

Google “permanent makeup gone wrong” and you’ll see a horror show of angry eyebrows, clown lips, and watery red eyes.

After Susan Enos had her brows microbladed and eyeliner applied in a procedure that’s essentially a tattoo, what happened was actually worse than a cosmetic botch.

“I had terrible eye pain,” she says. She also had a headache. That evening, her husband took her to the emergency room—twice. During the first visit, doctors noted she had scratched corneas. She was home for about 30 minutes when she told her husband she needed to go back.

The second time, doctors told her she’d had a hemorrhagic stroke, and she says she has no memory of the next 10 days.

No one, including Enos, 71, is suggesting the permanent eyeliner caused her stroke. But her ER medical report says her scratched corneas were “likely a mechanical abrasion caused by the procedure that she underwent today.”

The pain started when the practitioner applied a numbing cream, she recounts. She says her complaint that it hurt was brushed off.

The pain, she says, was “horrendous.” She says she later called to find out what had been used to numb her for the lower lid eyeliner, and wasn’t allowed to talk to the practitioner, Mariam Ghulam. “They wouldn’t tell me and told me never to come back,” she says.

Ten days after her October 12 appointment, she received a letter from Moxie owners Mike Herzog and Todd Toms that said, “Due to your recent interactions with our staff…, we feel like we can no longer offer you services at Moxie.” Included was a refund check for $375, half of the $750 she’d paid.

“We don’t write that many letters,” says Toms, who describes Enos as “rude,” “agitated,” and unhappy with the environment at the salon.

And he says if Enos’ corneas had been scratched, “we would know immediately. I find it hard to believe we didn’t know.”

Ghulam says Enos was pleased with her eyebrows and eyeliner, and had no reaction to the numbing cream, which she applied 50 minutes before the needle work began.

“If she had been in pain, I would not have proceeded,” says Ghulam.

The Department of Professional and Occupational Regulation licenses salon employees, from hair to nails to cosmetics. To do permanent makeup, says spokesperson Mary Broz Vaughan, a tattoo or permanent cosmetics license is required.

If someone has a problem, she advises filing a complaint with the agency, where it’s possible to look up licenses—and disciplinary actions.

“A cosmetologist license does not authorize someone to perform permanent makeup,” says Vaughan.

And that’s part of the confusion. Ghulam explains that the work she does is not permanent and lasts eight months to a year. She shows a certificate from March 2017 to do semi-permanent makeup and microblading for eyebrows, eyeliner, and lips from Lux Lash & Brow Company, and has an application with the state for a cosmetologist license.

“If we’re going to do something,” says Moxie’s Toms, “we’re going to be certified, we’re going to be insured. Our foremost thing is that no one gets hurt.”

But Steve Kirschner, regulatory operations administrator with the DPOR, says that from the agency’s perspective, “there is no difference between permanent and semi-permanent. If you can’t remove it, it’s permanent. Whether you call it permanent or semi-permanent, it requires a tattoo or permanent cosmetic license.”

He concedes, “There’s a lot of misinformation in the industry.”

Mary Hunter owns Eyebrow Renovation & Permanent Makeup and has been doing permanent makeup in Charlottesville for 10 years. “It’s all semi-permanent,” she says. “I call it durable.”

Before embarking on the procedure, she recommends doing research. “Meet the person,” she says. “You have to trust the practitioner and they have to stay with you.”

Dr. Bonnie Straka, a dermatologist who owns Signature Medical Spa, ends up with patients who have had complications from permanent makeup done elsewhere.

A stroke from having permanent eyeliner done “is pretty much a stretch to me,” she says. However, a corneal abrasion “could absolutely happen.” If the numbing cream seeps into the eye, “it can be extremely painful,” she says. “If a patient says it hurts, the reaction should be to flush out the eye.”

Straka advises clients to check the credentials, training, and expertise of people doing invasive procedures like putting a needle into skin.

And she laments that with the demand for aesthetic treatments, “instead of looking for the best trained professionals, people are looking for the cheapest.”

A friend had recommended Enos have the work done at Moxie. “Usually I research everything,” says Enos. “This time I didn’t.”

Says Enos, “I just don’t want anyone else to go through this.”

 

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New city manager wants open-door policy

City Council introduced its pick to be the city’s top executive April 15, and Mayor Nikuyah Walker urged citizens to be open to moving past “the way things have been done.”

Tarron Richardson, currently city manager of DeSoto, Texas, a Dallas suburb, was chosen out of 37 candidates in a process that’s taken almost a year. He said he intends to meet with staff, residents, and business owners to “make sure everyone is receiving the best service.”

Richardson says he’s not the type of CEO who’s rarely seen, and that he has an open-door policy.

Nor was he deterred by some Charlottesvillians’ confrontational style with city and elected officials. “That’s not unique to Charlottesville,” and he’s comfortable being in the hot seat, he said.

“If I’d been worried about being stressed, I never would have applied,” he said.

Richardson, 42, will earn $205,000. Before Texas, he worked two different stints in city government in Richmond, where he earned a Ph.D. from VCU.

While in Richmond, he said he was drawn to the vibrancy of Charlottesville when he came here during a Fridays After Five, and had always kept his eyes peeled for an opening in the city.

The new city manager, who starts May 13, also said he’s a UVA basketball fan. During the NCAA championship game, “I was probably the only one in Texas cheering for UVA,” he said.

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New bud in town: Is hemp flower legal?

It looks like bud. It smells like high-grade reefer. Its different strains have names like Frostbite and Pink Panther.

And after Darryl Rojas bought some hemp flower at Higher Education on West Main Street, he had the police at his door, just as he might if he were smoking fully loaded cannabis here in Virginia.

The legality of hemp flower is still a bit hazy.

Local purveyors insist the bud is legal because it’s hemp, a relative of marijuana that contains very low levels (under 0.3 percent) of THC, the ingredient that gets you high. Both hemp and marijuana contain cbd products, a non-intoxicating cannabinoid believed to have multiple therapeutic benefits.

In 2018, the General Assembly allowed doctors to recommend CBD oils for medical conditions.

Just a few weeks ago, Governor Ralph Northam signed a bill that opens up the production of industrial hemp for commercial purposes.

Since March 21, 360 people have gotten permits to plant about 4,000 acres in Virginia this year, with another 100 applications to be processed, says Virginia Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services spokesperson Elaine Lidholm.

Rojas, 48, sees a “brewing controversy with law enforcement and legal CBD users.” When he smoked the hemp flowers at his Belmont apartment, neighbors called the cops, who showed up at his door, he says. He worries that suspicion of the leafy product will disproportionately affect minorities, and wonders if white students and professors buying the buds are similarly hassled.

The officer who talked to Rojas was unaware hemp buds were being sold by local retailers, and suggested to Rojas that he keep the wrapper should questions about its legality come up again.

A clerk at Higher Education, who declined to give his name because he’s not authorized to speak for the store, says the hemp flower comes legally from Nevada and Florida. Under the 2018 federal Farm Bill, states may not interfere with interstate transportation of industrial hemp.

It’s good for anxiety and pain relief, and “kicks in almost immediately,” he says.

Hemp flowers are also available at Carytown Tobacco on the Downtown Mall, and the Quik Mart on Grady Avenue sells Hemp Mania, seven grams for $29.99.

At the Virginia ag department, Erin Williams is the hemp policy guru. On the legality of selling hemp buds, she says, “Ultimately it’s a decision for law enforcement and commonwealth’s attorneys whether the product is legal or in violation” of Virginia law.

While people can now register to grow, deal, or process industrial hemp, “We advise those entities they should not sell raw bud to someone who has not registered under the Industrial Hemp law,” she says. Growers in Virginia are told, “don’t sell it at the farmers market or to restaurants.”

However, processed hemp fiber or CBD oil can be possessed by anyone, she says.

Charlottesville police spokesman Tyler Hawn referred a call about the leafy substance to city Commonwealth’s Attorney Joe Platania, who had not responded at press time. Given that hemp flowers look and smell just like their illegal cousin, it’s hard to know how local police will be able to tell the difference.

For Rojas, with other states legally cultivating pot, the bigger question is, “Why are Virginians not cashing in?”

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Out of reach: Vets say Vietnam memorial is inaccessible

Charlottesville’s Dogwood Vietnam Memorial, dedicated in 1966, was one of the first memorials to Vietnam veterans in the country. When the John Warner Parkway was built, the memorial was improved and is now visible to those driving by. The problem, say veterans, is getting to it.

In an 18-page letter to City Council, former mayor Tom Vandever, executive director of the Independent Resource Center, says, “We continue to believe the City of Charlottesville is not adhering to federal laws and requirements regarding access to public spaces.”

Parking is foremost among the ways Vandever says the memorial is not compliant with the Americans with Disabilities Act. Veterans wishing to visit the memorial must park at the Charlottesville Albemarle Rescue Squad, and hike nearly a quarter mile, crossing six lanes of traffic at the McIntire interchange and then climbing a 570-foot asphalt ramp, he says.

To skirt ADA requirements, says Vandever, the city designates the ramp a “trail” even though it’s within feet of one of the city’s busiest intersections. “The thing that ticked me off the most was to call that a trail,” he says. “Even if it’s ultimately legal, it galls me the city would take that action rather than serve our citizens.”

Vandever also calls out the lack of signage to direct people to parking. And if they find parking at the rescue squad—or a half mile away at the YMCA—there are no signs explaining how to actually get to the memorial.

As a member of the Dogwood Festival Foundation, Jim Shisler was instrumental in getting the original memorial built and can recall the exact date of the area’s first casualty: “ November 4, 1965, Champ Jackson Lawson.”

Shisler, 85, says access for veterans is “impossible for a lot of them.” If he walks to the memorial from the rescue squad, it takes almost 14 minutes and he has to scale the last 500 feet up a 5 percent grade. “We don’t believe it’s ADA compliant,” he says.

Photographer Jim Carpenter is a vet with five friends who died in Vietnam commemorated at the memorial, who has made the “dangerous” trek to get there. “If ADA gets involved, it’s going to cost the city a lot of money,” he says. “Five cities went up against ADA and they lost.”

“The city believes the trail up to the memorial meets ADA requirements,” says city spokesman Brian Wheeler. He says veterans were involved in the east McIntire Park master plan, but concedes, “They may have been under the impression there would be access through the wading pool park.”

The master plan “did have a paved entrance using the old golf path through the wading pool up until the last presentation,” says Shisler, who notes planning has been going on for more than 20 years. The final park master plan depicts only pedestrian or bike access to the memorial.

The inclusion of the skate park at the site of the wading pool is a relatively new addition. While a parking lot remains there, the gate to it from the U.S. 250 Bypass is closed and skateboarders must walk from a lot near the YMCA across the new pedestrian bridge.

“The reason it’s closed is for safety reasons, because of the on ramp,” says Wheeler. “The dynamics really changed.” The Vietnam memorial and skate park are not the first to lose convenient access as a result of the McIntire interchange. Across the bypass, the Birdwood neighborhood is limited to one exit, despite residents’ concerns about safety and emergency egress.

Skateboarders seem less bothered about the walk to the park. Says David Juer, “I kind of like it you don’t have a lot of cars pulling up.”

Longtime skate park advocate Duane Brown says while it would be nice to be able to park closer, “everybody’s so excited about the skate park itself.”

The city has no plans to provide closer parking to the Vietnam memorial. “It’s a really constrained location bordered by railroad tracks, the bypass and parkway,” says Wheeler. “There’s not an easy or affordable way to build a road.”

The city is committed to installing appropriate signage, he says. And it’s considering having an on-call golf cart or vehicle to transport disabled veterans—at least those who make arrangements in advance.

“That’s like putting a bandaid on Hoover Dam,” says Carpenter, who wonders how a wheelchair will fit on a golf cart.

At the April 1 City Council meeting, interim city manager Mike Murphy listed the “complex and costly” reasons why nearby parking was a no-go, including that the Warner parkway was limited access.

City Council made it limited access, says Shisler, and could reverse that if it chooses. He also disputes Murphy’s statements that vets wanted the site higher and were in on the planning that did not include nearby parking.

“The fact is, there’s no way to get to the memorial for people with mobility issues,” he says.

Veterans are allowed vehicle access three times a year, says Shisler, and they’re expecting 300 people April 26.

“These Vietnam veterans are 70 now,” says Shisler. “It’s a real chore now to get there. We are concerned why the city positions themselves as in compliance when we don’t feel they are.”

Before the nearest parking lot closed, Beulah Carter visited the memorial to her son, Richard Thomas Carter, an Echols scholar who died in 1970 and was awarded the Bronze Star and Purple Heart. Jim Carpenter

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Ronnie Roberts runs for Albemarle sheriff

In elections, it often comes down to name recognition, and former Charlottesville police lieutenant Ronnie Roberts has it. The Albemarle native spent most of his 44-year career in law enforcement working for the city police department, where he rose through the ranks and served as a well-known spokesman.

Roberts announced his candidacy for Albemarle sheriff April 4 in front of the Albemarle courthouse with several dozen supporters present. His old boss, former Charlottesville police chief Tim Longo, introduced Roberts as a man of “honor, dignity, and commitment” with an “unwavering moral compass.”

Also present were several retired top cops, including former city chief Buddy Rittenhouse and former Albemarle sheriff Ed Robb. Not present was Roberts’ former CPD colleague and current Albemarle sheriff, Chip Harding, who has endorsed Chief Deputy Chan Bryant to succeed him.

Roberts, 64, retired from the Charlottesville Police Department in 2014, and took on the job of Louisa chief of police.

He recalled his walks as a lad in Charlottesville past parked Virginia State Police cars. The troopers showed him the inside of their patrol cars. “That walk stayed in my mind,” he said, and influenced his decision to go into law enforcement.

It also brought an awareness of the importance of community policing. “I came to realize I could relate to people,” he said.

“Putting community first” is the theme of his campaign. “I want to take the Albemarle Sheriff’s Office to the next level as a nationally accredited sheriff’s office,” of which there are only four in Virginia, he said.

He also wants to focus on domestic violence, mental health reform, gang activity, and elder abuse. The sheriff’s office is primarily responsible for court security and prisoner transport.

Roberts said he’d been asked by business leaders and county residents to join the race, which has three other candidates: Dems Bryant and Patrick Estes, a UVA football and NFL alum, who will face off in the June 11 primary, and possibly Republican Mike Wagner, a lieutenant with Albemarle police who has filed but has not formally announced a campaign.

Roberts is running as an independent.

 

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What’s in the works

It can be a long road between submitting plans and breaking ground on a project in both the city and the county. Maybe your apartment complex will be sued by neighbors, as is the case for 1011 East Jefferson with its 126 apartments. Or maybe the project is so complex, like the redevelopment of Friendship Court, that it takes years to get the go ahead.

There are nearly 800 apartments currently under construction in the city and county. That sounds like a lot, but Planning Commissioner Rory Stolzenberg points out that population growth in our area far exceeds estimates, and the new units won’t fill the demand for housing. A variety of factors is limiting the area’s supply of apartments, from a lengthy and unpredictable approval process to zoning that favors single-family homes. The end result? Rising housing costs. 

Charlottesville

Cedars Court Apartments 1212 Cedars Court 19 units

1725 Jefferson Park Avenue 1725 Jefferson Park Ave. 19 units

600 West Main 510 W. Main St. Starr Hill 56 units

William Taylor Phase II 523-529 Ridge St. 27 units

Albemarle County

Brookdale Mountainwood Road 96 units*

The Lofts at Meadowcreek Pen Park Lane 65 units

Old Trail Crozet 183 units

Riverside Village Pantops 24 units

The Vue Jarmans Gap, Crozet 126 units

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Foy story: Broadcaster joins new regional polling project

Last fall, longtime WINA morning co-host and producer Jane Foy was unceremoniously dumped by the station where she’d worked for almost 20 years. WINA’s loss became the Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service’s gain when it recruited Foy to help launch a new regional survey service called BeHeardCVA.

The “Morning News” show was known for Plug Away Monday, in which nonprofits could call in to tout their events. “One of [Foy’s] main things was to give voice to nonprofits,” says Tom Guterbock, director of the UVA Center for Survey Research. “Her network includes a lot of groups that can benefit from BeHeardCVA.”

“The folks from Weldon Cooper Center had been on the radio show quite a bit,” says Foy. And when they wanted a community outreach person with deep ties in the area, Foy was an obvious choice.

She will help recruit people who will become the survey pool, which will encompass the Thomas Jefferson Planning District: Charlottesville, and Albemarle, Fluvanna, Greene, Louisa, and Nelson counties.

Guterbock sees a big demand for a regional survey pool. “National panels don’t have enough people in the region to do a good sample,” he says. And cold-calling landlines—or cellphones—makes it more difficult and more expensive to get responses. “The rates of answering phones has changed greatly,” he says.

Instead, by recruiting an initial survey panel of 800 participants, which Guterbock and Foy would like to see ultimately grow to around 3,000, “We’re likely to get a broader sample,” Guterbock says.

BeHeardCVA is recruiting by mail, by randomly dialing cellphone numbers, and by reaching out to leaders and organizations, says Guterbock.  And because people who sign up will provide information such as race and gender, that also allows a balance of survey participants, he says.

Foy has been meeting with organizations like the Chamber of Commerce, neighborhood associations, and PVCC.

And the nonprofits Foy has worked with are BeHeardCVA’s target market. “There’s a need for local nonprofits to have a survey sample if they’re considering a policy change,” says Guterbock. There are hundreds of nonprofits, and “people who can’t get the information they need.”

One thing BeHeardCVA will not be: a tool for partisan political polling, say Guterbock.

Since leaving the radio station, Foy hasn’t just been sleeping in past 4am. She’s also written a book: The A to Z Guide for Primary Caregivers of Dementia Patients, and it will launch at New Dominion Bookshop at 7pm March 29.

Foy, who takes care of her husband, started the book 14 months ago, and she readily answers what “L” is. “L is laughing,” she says. “You and your loved one should have a good one every day.”

And she’s really jazzed about her new gig, which she says will help smaller counties like Fluvanna and Louisa have their voices heard.

Says Foy, “I want this to be an example for a regional survey whose goal is community service.”

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UPDATE: Northam calls for end of automatic driver’s license suspensions

Governor Ralph Northam was in Charlottesville today to announce a budget amendment that would end the automatic suspension of driver’s licenses for nonpayment of court fines and costs. The amendment would also reinstate driving privileges for 627,000 Virginians whose licenses are suspended.

At Legal Aid Justice Center, which has filed suit against the commissioner of the Department of Motor Vehicles for the automatic suspensions that don’t consider someone’s ability to pay, Northam said, “It is time that we end this unjust practice and allow hardworking Virginians to get back to work”

A bill to end the practice failed in this year’s General Assembly, and one concern of legislators was that part of at $145 license reinstatement fee goes to the DMV and the Trauma Center. Northam said he’s providing $9 million in his budget amendment to cover the impact of the loss of the fee revenue.

Brianna Morgan, one of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit, described losing her license over a minor traffic infraction during a high-risk pregnancy when she had no money. She was unable to take her father, who’d had a stroke, to doctor’s appointments. When her son had an asthma attack at school, it took an hour on the bus to get there. “Suspending people’s driver’s licenses for court debt they can’t pay hurts families,” she said. “It hurt mine.”

Plaintiff Brianna Morgan, center, with Delegate Cliff Hayes, Legal Aid Justice Center executive director Angela Ciolfi, Senator Jennifer McClellan, and Legal Aid policy coordinator Amy Woolard following the governor’s announcement that he wants to end automatic driver’s license suspensions. Legal Aid Justice Center

“The practice of suspending a person’s driver’s license for nonpayment of court fines and costs is inequitable—it’s past time we end it,” said Northam. “A driver’s license is critical to daily life, including a person’s ability to maintain a job. Eliminating a process that envelops hundreds of thousands of Virginians in a counterproductive cycle is not only fair, it’s also the right thing to do.”

Northam’s amendment goes back before the legislature when it reconvenes April 3.

The lawsuit, Stinnie v. Holcomb, was back in U.S. District Court March 25  after a big victory before Christmas. That’s when federal Judge Norman Moon issued a preliminary injunction reinstating the plaintiffs’ licenses, and said they were likely to prevail in their arguments the “license suspension scheme” is unconstitutional.

In the latest hearing, the state argued a motion to dismiss, still insisting driving is not a fundamental right, and that a traffic summons and a form given in court offered people plenty of notice that their license would be suspended 30 days after their conviction if they didn’t pay up—and if they read the form, they’d know they could request a payment plan, community service, or just ask the judge to forego the fine and court costs all together.

“What if a person 15 days later runs into a government shutdown and doesn’t get a check?” asked Moon. “What tells them they’re entitled to a hearing?”

“There is no notice before the automatic suspension,” said McGuireWoods attorney Jonathan Blank, who, with Legal Aid Justice Center, represents the plaintiffs.

He said the automatic suspension of driver’s licenses is a coercive way to collect debt, a technique private creditors can’t use. “It’s crazy and it’s not constitutional,” said Blank. “People are threatened with jail if they can’t pay their debts.”

He also called the state law “one of the worst statutes that’s in the Code of Virginia today.”

The plaintiffs filed a motion to certify a class action that would include everyone whose license is currently suspended and all future suspensions.

The commonwealth disagreed, and said the class was way over broad and would include people who could afford to pay.

“Every individual deserves the right to notice [of license suspension] regardless of their ability to pay,” said McGuireWoods attorney Laura Lange.

Judge Moon did not rule on either motion, and a weeklong trial is scheduled to begin August 5.

Legal Aid Justice Center executive director Angela Ciolfi says she can’t predict when or how the judge will rule, but “relief can’t come soon enough for the hundreds of thousands of families living under this brutally unconstitutional law.”

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Monuments men: It was never about a statue, say Landrieu and Bellamy

Former New Orleans mayor Mitch Landrieu and Charlottesville City Councilor Wes Bellamy have a lot in common. They’re both Southerners who, as elected officials, have gotten death threats for daring to say it’s time for Confederate monuments to go.

And they’ve both written books on the topic, which brought them to the same Jefferson School African American Heritage Center stage March 20 for the Virginia Festival of the Book.

Bellamy, who signaled he was going to run for a second term on City Council, talked about the toll his 2016 call to remove the statue of General Robert E. Lee has taken on him and his family. His therapist suggested he write about it, and he wrote what became Monumental: It Was Never about a Statue to tell his side of the story and get it off his chest, with little concern about whether it ever got published.

“Deep down I was hurting,” he says.

A lot of people blamed him for bringing white supremacists to Charlottesville, he says. He had to grow up publicly following what he calls “Tweetgate,” when earlier offensive tweets were unearthed and he lost his job with Albemarle schools. And there was the unrelenting stream of “vile” threats.

“If it was about a statue, people wouldn’t tell me they’re going to hang me from a tree or harm my wife and children,” he says.

Landrieu says he also got hate mail, typically in a white envelope with red ink, that his wife hid from him.

The statue issue is “about race in America,” he says. “It’s about institutional racism.”

Landrieu, who wrote In the Shadow of Statues: A White Southerner Confronts History, never thought too much about the Confederate monuments when he was growing up in the Big Easy. Then a friend, jazz musician Wynton Marsalis, “popped” him on the head and asked, “Have you looked at it from my perspective?”

In May 2017, Landrieu made a landmark speech about his decision to remove four Confederate statues. In Charlottesville, he referred to one of its points, a scenario in which an African American parent has to answer a child’s question about a statue of Lee, in which the girl asks, “Wasn’t that the side that wanted to keep me a slave?”

As Southerner and as a white man, Landrieu holds no truck with the “heritage not hate” argument often posited by Lost Cause adherents. He lists historic facts that some whites have a hard time with.

“The Confederacy was on the wrong side of humanity,” he says. The Civil War “was fought for the cause of slavery.” And that needs to be acknowledged to get to the point where the country can heal, he says.

Even though progress has been made, there are a lot of people in the country who are afraid and there’s a lot of dehumanization. “Donald Trump is not the cause of it but he’s an accelerant,” says Landrieu. “White nationalism and white supremacy are having a field day,”

Bellamy expounded on why he’s called on Governor Ralph Northam, “a personal friend,” to resign. “It’s not his place to believe he can lead a discussion about race and equity after what has transpired.”

The worst for Bellamy was the day after Northam apologized for wearing blackface, when he attempted to moonwalk. Northam didn’t understand how offensive and degrading minstrel shows are, says Bellamy. And when Northam followed the press conference by calling the first African slaves “indentured servants,” says Bellamy, “That shows me you don’t get it.”

He did suggest ways the governor could use his position and privilege to redeem himself: by funding “historically underfunded” black colleges, by reforming marijuana laws and the criminal justice system, and by talking to his conservative friends in the General Assembly “who block the legislation we need to move the statues.”

Those, notes Landrieu, are “institutional racism.”

While Landrieu called for having those painful conversations on race, Bellamy seemed talked out when such engagement results in no action. “You shed a couple of tears and you go home.” he says of those privileged to live in nice homes while most in poverty are black and don’t have the same luxuries. “That is not equity,” he says. “I’m the bad guy for saying that.”

Both men believe it’s necessary to repair the damage that’s been done by racism. “There can be no repair and reconciliation without the redistribution of resources,” says Bellamy. “If you mess something up, you fix it.”

He also touched on civility, which he describes as “almost synonymous with comfortable.” People were yelling at City Council meetings because they’ve been ignored for years and it was an expression of their rage, says Bellamy.

He thinks that’s had an effect. “We got your attention,” he says. More resources have been allocated to affordable housing and the county banned Confederate images in schools. “You think that came from being civil?” he asks. “Pffft.”

With the Democratic primary deadline looming March 28, Bellamy says he’s still debating whether to run again for City Council, but indicated he was likely to because to change policy, “the best way to do that is through elected office.”

 

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Takeout equity: Meals tax impact on low-income diners

Affordable housing is a priority for Charlottesville, and to pay for that in its $188 million budget, the city proposes raising the meals tax, an idea restaurant owners traditionally hate.

The 1 percent increase on the current 5 percent meals tax adds 10 cents to a $10 meal and would raise $2.4 million, according to the city. The proposed budget also ups the lodging tax to 8 percent.

In a March 12 Facebook post, Mayor Nikuyah Walker suggests that those who don’t support the increase don’t support equity. “The restaurant and hotel industry are selfishly making arguments about their failed revenue projection,” she writes. “A few small business owners who have not turned their hobbies into successful enterprises are blaming our potential tax increase as the foundation for their demise.

“A few restaurant owners want you to believe that they’re catering to low- to middle-income families and that the extra 10, 20, or 50 cents will prevent you from eating out.”

But some owners who actually do cater to low-income customers also see a problem with the tax.

Mel Walker owns Mel’s Cafe, which is known for its fried chicken, as well as its affordable home-style food, where the most expensive thing on his menu—the 12-piece chicken wing ding— is under $9.

“I don’t think it will affect me that much,” he says of the proposed increase. “It’ll hurt the poor people. It’s local people who eat here.”

He already has to explain to customers why their bill is more expensive than his posted prices when he rings them up and adds the 5 percent meals tax and 5 percent sales tax to the bill.

“I don’t think it’s necessary to raise it,” he says.

Mike Brown, also famous for his fried chicken at Brown’s, says increasing the tax is a good idea— “if you want to punish your people.” He says his customers are mostly locals from all walks of life.

Increasing the tax “affects locals more than those who come in once in a blue moon,” he says.

Brown also is not happy about the city’s 55-cent cigarette tax when people “can ride down the road and buy cigarettes in the county.”

He estimates he collects between $1,700 and $2,000 a month in meals taxes already. “I don’t pay it,” he says. “The customer does.” And a lot of his customers are “people struggling paycheck to paycheck.”

The city last raised the meals tax in 2015, and C-VILLE reported then that some argue it’s not a regressive tax because eating out is, as one councilor said, discretionary and a “luxury.”

Rapture owner Mike Rodi says, “No one who studies economics says that a sales tax isn’t regressive.”

Even an extra dime “is a more significant chunk out of someone’s income who makes $20,000 than it is for someone who makes $250,000, says Rodi. Housing, food, and clothing all “disproportionately impact people with lower incomes.”

His concern is that when there’s a budget shortfall, the “autopilot response” is, “Let’s just raise the meals tax.”

Says Rodi, “I just want to make sure other options are considered before raising taxes.” He notes the commissioner of the revenue office says tax collection is outpacing expectations and there could be surpluses. He also says the city’s reserve has been untouched for years and could be tapped into. “Or how about a smaller increase on meals, housing and lodging so it’s not always the meals tax?”

Like Mel Walker and Mike Brown, Rodi says, “There’s a misperception [the meals tax] is paid for by visitors and rich people. Look at the lines at Bodo’s and McDonald’s.”

Rodi acknowledges that even with an increase, “I will be in a better position than the people we’re trying to help. I recognize my privilege.” At the same time, “this isn’t a yacht tax” that affects only luxuries afforded by the rich.

Mayor Walker took aim in her Facebook post at restaurant owners. “Low- to middle-income families would like to not have to take out a small loan to take their families out to eat at your establishment,” she says. “Don’t use low- to middle-income people as scapegoats. I would like for you to figure out a way to pay your staff a living wage and allow them to accept 100 percent of their tips and give them quarterly bonuses.”

“You can’t have it both ways,” says Rodi. “I can’t pay someone $25 an hour and buy local, sustainable food and charge you Burger King prices.”

Working in a restaurant is one of the last industries where upward mobility can happen, he says.

Nancy Carpenter, homeless prevention coordinator at the Haven, doesn’t think an extra 10 cents is going to stop someone who’s homeless from buying a cheeseburger. She says they’re also eating at soup kitchens and having breakfast at the Haven.

“The lack of affordable housing options—that’s more important than whether my McDonald’s is going to cost $1.10 or $1.25,” she says. “I don’t foresee this as onerous. It’s onerous when you don’t have a key to a place to live.”

Currently, Walker and Wes Bellamy support the meals tax increase, and Kathy Galvin suggests a half-cent increase because the $35 million capital improvement expenditure is a one-time expense.

City Council has a public hearing on the budget tonight at 6:30, and work sessions scheduled for March 19 and tentatively for March 27.