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Getting out the youth vote

It’s difficult.

Even Virginia’s dean of political analysts Larry Sabato didn’t know how to explain three weeks of inaction in the U.S. House of Representatives at the same time two wars raged worldwide and one American party seemed determined to nominate a presidential candidate who has been found liable in two civil suits and is facing four criminal indictments. 

“Our system is almost built for deadlock, but this is too much, way too much deadlock,” he told 13 bright-eyed teens from Bolivia and Peru who’d gathered in a dingy Hotel C on UVA’s West Range. 

“We’re stuck in a system that was brilliant for its time but maybe we’ve outgrown it,” he said, trying to help the teenagers learn civic engagement in a functioning and, perhaps, non-functioning democracy. (Looking at you, House Republicans.) 

The Civil War-era paintings surrounding Sabato on Hotel C’s walls, plus the human skull behind him, underlined the state of the nation and one glaring question: How do we elders convince young people to participate in a democracy on life support, knowing that if we don’t, democracy’s chances of survival diminish significantly?

“We’re very good at campaigning, we’re less good at governing, and that’s become worse over time,”  Sabato, UVA’s director of the Center for Politics, told the teens. “It may be too much democracy. It’s certainly too much money. It’s $10 [billion] to $20 billion now; an ocean of money before these candidates because the very wealthy want to invest in candidates so that if something comes up, they’ll always have a hearing.”

Meg Heubeck, the other academic in Hotel C, directs both UVA’s Youth Leadership Initiative and the Center for Politics’ outreach to American teens (plus she’s the president of the local League of Women Voters), and is quite clear about impending prospects.

“The future of the country depends on young people,” she says while showcasing the YLI’s mock election program. “It may be hard for teens to see that, but the future really will depend on young people.  If they don’t act—and this is the basics of democracy—if they don’t vote, democracy literally could die. 

“It’s vote or die, like a T-shirt slogan.”

Earlier, UVA media professor Bruce Williams told a small crowd gathered for Democracy and Constitution Day on the Downtown Mall, “If we want to save democracy, we need young people to come out and vote.”

Remember, he cautioned, “No one ever believes that they’re voting in the last democratic election in their country.”

To overcome that possibility, singer-songwriter Taylor Swift has partnered with HeadCount and a dozen other pop stars to up voter registration through their social media followings, and Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy professor John Holbein wrote Making Young Voters: Converting Civic Attitudes into Civic Action, which “shines light on how to help young people follow through on their interest in politics and illustrates the need to lower obstacles to registration and voting in the United States.”

Although the data is not yet available, it’s unlikely a majority of 18- to 29-year-olds did cast ballots in November’s off-cycle election for Virginia’s House of Delegates, Senate, school board, and local governmental seats, as only 46 percent usually vote in national elections, 2 percent higher than Jamaica and about half of Sweden’s youth turnout.   

With the Brookings Institution reporting that 77 percent of “Plurals” (under age 24) and 56 percent of “Millennials” (under age 40) voted Democrat in 2022’s congressional elections, Republican legislatures across the country have made voting harder, including, in some states like Georgia, refusing to allow water to be brought to voters waiting in line and closing polling places in minority and young-persons’ neighborhoods.  

But it’s not just physical barriers: Tufts University’s Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement found that only two-thirds of politically interested students had taken courses in government or civics, and illustrated that America’s existing attempts to bring young people into the electorate are “grossly insufficient and further reinforces existing inequities.”  

Better efforts, CIRCLE reported, reach younger adults where they’re at, like Heubeck’s mock election, E-Congress, and Democracy Corps programs, or the successes Carah Ong Whaley and team had at James Madison University, where 75 percent of students voted in the 2020 election. With Ong Whaley now at UVA, Virginia’s flagship university undertook a dozen initiatives this year to nudge students to vote, including voters guides, video promotions, and an Election Day donut-themed “Do-Nut Forget to Vote” reminder in all dormitories, plus a well-published run to student polling places with UVA President Jim Ryan. 

An upturn in local same-day registration, where voters register and cast ballots on Election Day (their votes are counted after registrations are certified), indicates UVA’s turnout efforts are at least partially successful.

“Our students worked to connect issues that matter to the importance of voting not just in national elections, but in the state and local elections, where decisions are made on policies that impact their daily lives,” Ong Whaley says. “Student-led efforts also aimed to help first-time voters by demystifying the process, so they knew where and how to vote.” 

Young Americans, she notes, are anxious about a range of issues, from gun violence and reproductive rights to climate change, which might drive heavier turnout in 2024’s national elections. And following a century of academic studies explaining climate change, young people can literally see that increased numbers and intensity of wildfires, droughts, hurricanes, and tornadoes imperil their future.  

After practical time, place, and manner concerns, discussions about getting the young to vote center on connecting with compelling issues. Teen Vogue tells political parties to reach out early and often; to think longer term beyond any upcoming election; to use—but go beyond—digital communications and to remember that there is always a cultural element to all key issues. 

“We found that an overwhelming majority of youth said they believe young people have the power to change things,” the magazine reported. “Those who felt that way were more likely to talk to friends about voting, register people to vote, and talk to peers about important issues.”

That’s the focus of a relatively new group at UVA, Students for Equity and Reform in Virginia. Although SERV helped register voters for Virginia’s 2023 election, its prime focus is building a brighter future by getting more students involved in policy nitty-gritty.

“I think young people are inundated with calls to vote; we all get them. But we need to really connect people with whatever issues they care about on a personal level,” says SERV president Kristin O’Donoghue, a UVA fourth-year, who has written for C-VILLE. “That’s the best thing anyone can do. You have to make civic engagement easy and, then, we’re doing our best to connect different advocacy groups across Grounds and make the case about why they should be politically involved. Why they should act. Why they should vote.” 

“Strive for the best,” as League of Women Voters’ President Heubeck paraphrases Teddy Roosevelt, “but resign yourself to the best possible.”

Indeed, “Our job is to do the best that we can do and, over time, make the system better,” Sabato told the Peruvian and Bolivian teens. “Most societies have shown progress over time and when you take the longer view, you are not as cynical.”

Regardless of timeline though, he said, “If there is one thing an election analyst can be sure of in America, it’s permanent employment.”

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Party of one

In an odd way, the handsome 36-year-old at Vinny’s Italian Grill is a bit of a hero.

Philip Andrew Hamilton, a divorced legal process server who’s reasonably new to Charlottesville, got crushed by Sally Hudson two years ago in a delegate race. Now, in the local state Senate “race,” the Republican is challenging central Virginia’s best-known Democrat, Creigh Deeds, who beat Hudson in June’s Democratic primary.

“Race” is in quotes because if American gamblers set odds on political races, as in the U.K., a Hamilton victory in November would fall in the long, longshot category. 

With little support from the Virginia GOP, no campaign staff, and a summer bank account that’s less than a 20th of Deeds’, he is facing a 2023 drubbing in the 11th state Senate District, which Virginia Public Access Project already rates as “strong Democrat.” 

“There’s always a possibility of winning against an incumbent,” Hamilton says at the end of an hour-long conversation about issues that motivate him. “Of course, I’m an underdog but it’ll definitely send shock waves across the state if it happens.

“If I lose, I’m not going to disengage. I’m 36 and I have, hopefully, a bright future ahead of me,” he continues. “If I am to lose, and Steve Harvey [a Republican running against Amy Laufer in a local, but more competitive, House of Delegates race] also loses, I’ll run for the 55th District next time.”

“It takes courage, absolutely, but win or lose, I’m glad I’m doing this.”

And so am I. And probably many other Virginians who are aware that uncontested races, especially at the top of the ticket as this Deeds-Hamilton contest is, underline the age-old issue of whether anyone’s vote actually counts and, therefore, produce long-term repercussions by decreasing community participation in the basics of democracy. 

Today, when 38 states allow victors to be declared before the first ballot is cast and about two-thirds of most names in down-ballot elections are unopposed, it’s reasonable to ask: Why show up to vote at all?

In the 2022 election, 24 Republican congressional candidates ran unopposed across the United States, a factor in today’s tiny GOP congressional margin, while nationwide, according to Ballot Ready, 91 percent of district attorney contests and 85 percent of judge positions went to unopposed candidates. 

In Virginia’s off-cycle 2023 legislative elections, locally both Democrat newcomer Katrina Callsen and Republican Tom Garrett—who was all but driven from Congress for threatening his staff and is undergoing a bitter divorce with accusations of abuse—are running unopposed for the House of Delegates. 

Philip Hamilton (left) is the Republican challenger to Creigh Deeds in the race for the 11th state Senate District, but his odds of winning are slim. Katrina Callsen (right) is running as an uncontested Democrat in the 54th District’s delegate race, and is trying to reach across the aisle. Supplied photos.

Indeed, almost one-third of Virginia delegate seats are uncontested in November, the first election after redrawing all legislative districts to make them fairer. In addition, according to a Charlottesville Tomorrow spreadsheet, there are dozens of down-ballot, uncontested races across central Virginia.

Survey and Ballots Systems notes that uncontested and noncompetitive races have four primary long-term effects: one, it causes people to curtail voting; two, citizens feel inadequately represented; three, the officials themselves feel disengaged; and four, uncontested elections lead to poor governance.

One academic study of legislative actions, published a decade ago, discovered that uncontested candidates turn up less for roll-call votes and introduce or sponsor an average 10 percent fewer bills than those who survive contested races. Uncontested winners also, the study indicated, know and do less in the “sausage making” of committee work and team building. Cross-aisle dialogue especially declines, leading to more polarization and extremism in political life.  

“Collectively,” the study concluded, “our results indicate that state legislators lacking serious political competition are less active in lawmaking.”

More recent work by UVA’s Batten School of Leadership, but focused on the U.S. Congress, underlines the point.  Only one of the 10 most effective Republican congressmen in its Legislative Effectiveness Score came from a safely GOP district, and half of the effectives won by five points or less—two overcoming their Democrat opposition in squeakers. 

“The data that we have for Congress shows that members from uncontested districts in their most recent election tend to dedicate less effort to lawmaking, and are about 10 to 15 percent less effective overall,” says Craig Volden, the Center for Effective Lawmaking’s director. “One of the values in running someone against them is that it helps the winner be more focused.

“Noncompetitive elections affect everything, including how winners behave once in the legislature, and it masks what voters are desiring versus what legislators are not giving them.”  

Research from political analysts across the nation indicates that noncompetitive election winners are also less likely to meet as many actual voters, rarely reach across the aisle for co-sponsors of their desired bills, and are more prone to listen to their party’s extremists.

In Idaho, where only four House districts are competitive and GOP legislators outnumber Democrats by a five-to-one margin, battles between MAGA Republicans and traditional, small-government Republicans have led to censures, “no confidence” votes, and have caused the state’s GOP to teeter on splitting.

“I didn’t leave the party,” one Republican legislator told The Idaho Statesman. “The party may have left me when they started putting in these extreme policies.”

In Tennessee, where the Republican supermajority and gerrymandering are so entrenched that none of the state’s 33 senate districts are rated as competitive, even Republican politicians are worried that uncontested elections—over half in The Volunteer State—lead to policies that most Tennesseans eventually reject. 

“Honestly, I think I was a better state representative because my district was almost a 50-50 district,” former GOP House Speaker Beth Harwell told The Washington Post recently. “That made me more responsive, and I certainly listened to the other side more than I would have otherwise.” 

In an August special session, gun-rights’ Republican legislators in Tennessee turned back weapon control measures sought by conservative Christian mothers whose children suffered in March’s Covenant private school shooting, in spite of a Vanderbilt University poll indicating 82 percent of Tennesseans want stronger background checks on gun purchases and 72 percent desire red-flag laws. 

Today, half of American states have veto-proof legislative supermajorities that promote, anecdotal evidence indicates, not only more uncontested elections and less effective legislators but also more extremism and polarization. 

Carah Ong Whaley, UVA’s Center for Politics’ civic engagement coordinator, who while working at James Madison University is credited with a 2020 program prompting 75 percent of JMU students to vote, notes that while a half dozen factors contribute to uncontested elections, for her the key bottom line is citizens rarely show up when there is no contest.

Turnout in Indiana and Kentucky dropped 12 percent when mayoral elections were uncontested, according to a 2018 study from Rice University’s Center for Local Elections.

“We could be on the downhill slide for democracy,” Whaley says. “Free, fair, and competitive elections should be the cornerstone, but, it seems, we are building the lack of competition right into the structure.” 

“When a race is uncontested, you [candidates and parties] don’t have to educate voters so you don’t have to cultivate, or inform, the electorate; don’t have to present policy ideas. Plus, uncontested elections increase thoughts of  ‘My vote doesn’t matter. I don’t need to turn out because I know my party is going to win,’ or ‘I’m not turning out because my party can’t win.’”

“If we want representative democracy to work, people need to know that they’re represented.”

For that reason, Katrina Callsen, the Democrats’ uncontested 54th District delegate candidate, isn’t taking her seat for granted.  

“I’m still trying to make sure I’m getting out and communicating with people who didn’t vote,” she says across an insightful hour at C’ville Coffee. “It’s funny, the trajectory of the campaign, in that I’ve returned to the start [before she outpolled Dave Norris and Bellamy Brown in the Democratic primary], to meeting people and then always asking people who are two other people I should meet.” 

The deputy Charlottesville city attorney and former Albemarle County School Board chair spent August contacting local leaders—including Republican Rob Bell—for tips on finding a solid legislative assistant and how to be a successful legislator. In September, she plans to restart her weekly C’ville Coffee listening hours, open to all, including, she hopes, Republicans. In October, she will again begin canvassing what is now “her” district, saying she’s determined not to lose focus on the issues. 

One of those, she promises, is urging others to sign their names on the dotted line.

“Running for any seat is hard,” Callsen says, “and running for a seat where you don’t have a chance, it’s almost like a public service.”

I don’t agree with many of the concerns that motivate Philip Hamilton, especially his blaming the Appomattox School District for a transgender student getting sexually trafficked twice, but I’m glad he’s running for Virginia’s 11th District state Senate seat.

Too many of we the people can’t find even the time to submit an absentee ballot, yet Hamilton, who shuttles all over central Virginia to deliver subpoenas, putting miles and miles on his Ford, is sticking his neck out for another likely execution.

“What does a challenger gain in entering a race when they know they’re going to lose?” The Center for Effective Lawmaking’s Volden asks. “It does take a special person to say, ‘I know it’s a lost cause but I’m still going to fight it.’” 

Editor’s note: The original version of this story described Katrina Callsen as running in the 55th District. Callsen is running in the 54th. The story has been updated to reflect this change.

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The African Company Presents Richard III

stage Before there were docu-dramas or historical fictions, there were Shakespeare’s histories—just enough fact to make a good story believable and a believable story great. Playwright Carlyle Brown takes the origin of America’s first black theater company and twists it wonderfully into a history within a history and a play within a play for Culbreth Theatre’s production of The African Company Presents Richard III.

Successfully producing Shakespeare’s Richard III in 1821 New York, the black company, which exposes “the emperor’s new clothes” issues in the motives of Richard and Lady Anne, discovers that success can draw the ire of the establishment—notably Stephen Price (Joel Grothe), owner of New York’s Park Theater, who is opening with a renowned English actor in the part of Richard.

Price conspires to close the African Company with the help of a dimwitted but determined Irish-American police constable (played delightfully by Sam Rabinovitz), while the African cast explores merging art and humanity into a new culture. Lead actor Jimmy Hewlett (Todd Patterson) struggles with both the concept of love and the Booker T. Washington conflict inherent in attempting to assimilate.

While Patterson shines in his brilliant and disturbing conversion from “Hamlet” to a minstrel performer in the second act, he needs the aide of Papa Shakespeare’s (Keith Morgan) superb translations of love’s signals to overcome male pride and recognize housemaid Annie’s desires. In her role as Annie, Lauren Collins is first overshadowed by Rhavynn Drummer’s rambunctious Sarah, but ultimately sparkles as she morphs into a fiery, black Lady Anne.
With inventive lighting (designer R. Lee Kennedy often literally puts the spot on the audience) and costumes (Papa Shakespeare’s Jamaican field hand is especially intriguing) the play’s only technical flaw is, at times, overbearing sound. Like a sitcom laugh track, the heavy-handed music sometimes battles Brown’s written subtlety and Theresa Davis’ insightful directing.

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The Pillowman

stage Run Rain Man, 48 Hours, Stalin, Mother Goose, The Brothers Grimm and The Passion of The Christ through the mind of Stephen King, add a dash of Kafka, a smidgeon of James Kilpatrick and a Beijing Book Review and you’ll have The Pillowman.

It’s easy to see why Martin McDonagh’s work won an Olivier Best New Play Award in 2004 before garnering a pair of Tonys from six nominations in 2005. The “life imitates art” theme incorporates horrific child abuse, brutal torture and a half-dozen murders yet miraculously manages a Hollywood ending, albeit one from a mind like Quentin Tarantino’s.


Martin McDonagh’s The Pillowman puts the "sense" into "senseless violence" at Live Arts.

Opening with a police interrogation of a failed writer whose stories are plots for a series of child murders, the play twists and turns with Hitchcockian skill. The plot builds from the interrogation, and the audience is led into the chilling tales and the mind behind them, with the stream of word-/fist-/gun-play from two antagonistic cops to guide them to the killer.
Although he dropped a few lines in the preview performance, Michael Horan (as the writer, initialed “K.K.K.,”) is solid throughout the three-hour, three-act production and truly shines when, encased in his own ego, he narrates his grisly and suspicious stories. His mentally damaged brother (played by Christos Vangelopoulos) steals Act Two, alternating between brilliant naiveté and cold-blooded viciousness. The pair of cops, played by Satch Huizenga and Mark Washington, begin the play slowly but sparkle in the final act.

Interspersing the “once upon a time” attitude of Mother Goose with the biting visual satire of  “Family Guy” or “South Park,” director Lydia Horan makes wonderful use of John Gibson’s up-down set and the troop of actors filling K.K.K.’s freakish imagination.

Strange as it seems to laugh in horror, McDonagh’s writing earns chuckles amidst a macabre conglomeration. McDonagh truly takes the audience on a wild and relentlessly savage trip, yet manages to make sense of it all. The man can write, no doubt about it.