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Found guilty: Theologian banned from UVA for life appeals decision

When about 40 protesters gathered at the University of Virginia School of Law library April 25 to chase off Jason Kessler, one man was arrested—and it wasn’t the one who brought hundreds of torch-wielding white supremacists to Grounds.

Eric Martin, a local activist and theologian, entered the private room where Kessler was studying, sat down, and quietly began reading The Rise and Fall of Apartheid. On October 2, Judge William Barkley found Martin guilty of trespassing and sentenced him to 30 days in jail, with all of the time suspended on the condition of two years of good behavior. He has also been banned from UVA for life.

Martin says he entered the room because he and the other protesters were unsure whether university officials were providing a safe space for Kessler.

“I just thought it would help clarify the status—does he have a private office or not?” Martin told C-VILLE in May. “And the second thing I thought was, ‘Hold up. They had eight months to protect their students by barring this white supremacist who brought people that maced and beat students and beat one of the librarians into a stroke.’”

A Charlottesville police officer and Stephen Parr, the law school’s chief administrative officer, asked Martin to leave the private librarian’s room. When Martin politely declined, as heard on a police body cam video shown in court, he was arrested for trespassing and removed in handcuffs.

Martin has appealed his conviction, and a trial date will be set in December, according to his attorney, Bruce Williamson.

“You don’t go to courtrooms for any kind of justice,” said Bill Streit, Martin’s friend, supporter, and fellow theologian, outside the courthouse. “If we lived in a just society, there would be no racism. White supremacy would be reconciled by justice.”

Kessler, meanwhile, has been banned from Grounds for four years.

In other white supremacy-related court news, Tyler Davis, the Florida man accused of participating in the August 12, 2017, Market Street Parking Garage beating of DeAndre Harris, pleaded not guilty to malicious wounding in Charlottesville Circuit Court on October 4. He’ll go to trial in February, while two others who participated in the beating have already been found guilty and are serving six and eight year sentences.

And Baltimore-based KKK leader Richard Preston was in the same courtroom that day, to request new counsel for an appeal.

In May, Preston pleaded no contest and was found guilty of firing a gun within 1,000 feet of a school on the day of the Unite the Right rally, when Corey Long famously pointed an improvised flamethrower in the vicinity of the Klansman. Both men claimed to be acting in self-defense, and Preston was sentenced to four years in prison.

In entering the no contest plea, Preston waived all rights to an appeal, says legal expert David Heilberg. However, if Preston wants to object to the advice he received from his lawyer, he has to exhaust the state appeals process first before he can file a habeas petition to complain about the legal representation he got.

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Malice factor: Judge denies Huguely habeas petition

Just days before UVA graduation in 2010, Charlottesville—and the Washington, D.C., area—reeled with the news that fourth-year lacrosse player Yeardley Love was found dead in her apartment and her former boyfriend, George Huguely, had been charged with first-degree murder.

After a two-week jury trial in 2012, Huguely was convicted of second-degree murder and sentenced to 23 years in prison. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear his appeal in 2015, and Huguely filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus in January 2016. On August 10, Judge Rick Moore denied Huguely’s petition.

“Not a surprise,” says legal expert David Heilberg. “A very small percentage of habeas petitions succeed.”

A writ of habeas corpus is a civil lawsuit that alleges the petitioner is being wrongfully imprisoned. It typically hinges on errors made during the trial and inadequate counsel—in this case by Fran Lawrence and Rhonda Quagliana, arguably two of Charlottesville’s top criminal defense lawyers.

Huguely’s petition claims his rights to a fair trial were violated when jurors were given a dictionary during deliberation to look up the definition of “malice,” an element in a second-degree murder conviction. Voluntary and involuntary manslaughter were also options for the jury.

Moore rejects the dictionary allegation from one juror because 10 others said in affidavits they had no memory of a dictionary in the jury room. “I cannot find a preponderance of evidence that the event occurred at all,” writes Moore.

During the trial, witnesses testified that Huguely had been drinking all day May 2, 2010, and was staggeringly drunk when he went over to Love’s apartment, kicked in her bedroom door, and stayed around eight minutes, according to the downstairs neighbor, who heard one thump on the floor during that time.

His petition claims defense attorneys botched determining his blood-alcohol level, which would have led the jury to determine Love’s death was from negligence or accidental.

Moore didn’t buy that argument and called it “Monday morning quarterbacking.” He writes that it is “naive to think that when a jury hears a person had 25 to 40 beers in a relatively short period, over one day, this would produce leniency. I believe that is sheer speculation, and contrary to common sense.”

The more substantial complaint from Huguely was that Quagliana emailed one of the defense expert witnesses about a prosecution witness’ testimony.

“I agree that the violation of the rule on witnesses…was deficient performance,” writes Moore. But he says he doesn’t believe that because an expert witness wasn’t allowed to testify on the effect of CPR on Love, that would have changed the outcome of the trial.

And because that was the only instance he found “where trial counsels’ actions fell below the standard,” he rejects the argument that defense screw-ups accumulated enough to warrant a new trial.

Says Moore, “As is commonly iterated, a defendant is entitled to a fair trial by competent counsel, not to a perfect trial by perfect counsel.”

Lawrence and Quagliana did not respond to a request for comment.

Heilberg says, “What it really comes down to in the end is Fran and Rhonda are great lawyers and the only ding is in talking to a witness.”

Huguely was scheduled for an evidentiary hearing August 17, which became moot after the judge made his ruling.

Huguely’s mother, Marta Murphy, says in an email, “After waiting for a ruling for over two years and then finally being granted two days for evidentiary hearings, with more than 20 witnesses subpoenaed and George’s transportation order signed, we are very disappointed with the court’s recent ruling.

“The jury clearly struggled to interpret the definition of malice and used a dictionary for a better understanding. Coupled with George’s counsel making some serious mistakes,” she writes, the jury was prevented “from hearing expert medical testimony that was critical to understanding Yeardley’s superficial injuries and ultimately what caused her death.”

Those errors kept the jury from reaching a manslaughter verdict or even an acquittal because it didn’t get to hear testimony that Love did not die from blunt force trauma and that a hemorrhage in her brain was caused by CPR, according to the petition.

Huguely believed Love was alive when he left her apartment, and during his police interview, he repeatedly expressed disbelief upon being told Love was dead, says the petition. His attorneys maintain that Love’s cause of death was accidental asphyxia stemming from her BAC of at least .16 and being found face down on her bed.

In 2012, Love’s mother, Sharon Love, filed a civil suit against Huguely, which she nonsuited in June.

In yet more court proceedings, a federal judge ruled an insurance company did not have to cover Huguely on a $6 million policy Murphy and her husband had because the policy excludes criminal acts. In that suit, Sharon Love filed a brief that said because Huguely’s BAC was an estimated .38—the level that constitutes drunk driving in Virginia is .08—he was unable to form an intent to harm her daughter.

And that, says his mother, was what they’ve contended all along—that Yeardley Love’s death was accidental.

Huguely is now held at Augusta Correctional Center. His attorney and mother did not respond to a question about whether he intends to appeal.

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First brush with the law: Know your rights when encountering police

Let’s just go ahead and get the obligatory warning out of the way: Don’t do illegal stuff.

But we know that some of you will, and when you encounter police, at least be aware of your rights so you don’t get yourself in more trouble than you’re already in. For legal advice, we consulted attorney David Heilberg, who reiterates: Don’t do illegal stuff. Don’t possess anything on your person, in your home or in your car that you don’t want the police to find in a search.

Here’s his advice for those who don’t heed that advice and find themselves in these typical situations.

Pulled over by police

The most common question Heilberg gets when he talks to sororities or fraternities is what to do if an officer asks you to consent to a search of your car. Decline permission. “That’s like waving a red flag in front of a bull,” he concedes. “They’re going to come up with a way to do it. The police can smell marijuana better than ordinary folks whether it’s there or not. Often they will try to detain you long enough for backup to arrive with a drug-sniffing K-9 to justify your search and arrest.”

However, “You have to assert your rights,” he says. And we don’t have to tell you that would be the Fourth Amendment protection against unreasonable and warrantless searches, right?

Make sure dashboard camera footage is preserved. And don’t talk to officers if they find anything.

Underage drinking party raid

“Don’t have a party, don’t have alcohol,” stipulates Heilberg.

First, dump the contraband. Should you run into the woods?

“If you’re not physically under arrest, you can walk away,” says Heilberg.

You’re under no obligation to take a breathalyzer, he says, “but if they smell alcohol, they may arrest you for possession.”

Stopped on the street

“If accosted on the street, without being rude or impolite or a jerk, you’ve got to assert your rights,” says Heilberg.

Again, you don’t have to talk to police unless you’re in a traffic accident when you are required to exchange personal, vehicle and insurance information with anyone else involved and police.

Remember these questions: Am I under arrest? Am I free to go?

Help solve a crime

In the 2007 alleged smoke bomb plot in which a disturbed teen talked about blowing up two Albemarle high schools, a 13-year-old boy was asked to come to the police station to help with the case—and he was charged with conspiracy.

If you’re asked to come down to the station for a friendly chat, “That’s when you call your lawyer,” says Heilberg. And make sure your parents are involved to stop the questioning until you have a lawyer, he advises.

Heilberg’s pet peeve: “Most people don’t know police are allowed to lie to you. I don’t think this should ever be permitted when the suspect is a juvenile. Why should your first encounter with the law teach you you can’t trust police?”

You don’t have to talk to police. “If you didn’t do anything wrong and want to talk to police, if that conversation doesn’t end in a reasonable time and shifts to an interrogation, it’s okay to say, ‘I want my parents, I want a lawyer,’” he says.

In another notorious local case, 18-year-old Robert Davis was arrested for a double homicide in Crozet, coerced into what has been called a “textbook” false confession and spent 13 years in prison before he was pardoned by then Governor Terry McAuliffe. His mother, Sandy Seal, before she died just weeks after his full pardon, said, “I’ve been kicking myself. I never talked to my kids and said, ‘If a policeman wants to talk to you to clear something up, say you want a lawyer.’”

Says Heilberg to would-be teen clients, “I look forward to not meeting you in my office.”

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Activist group encourages resistance—to grand juries

“I was already run over by a car, I will not be bullied by the federal government,” said Star Peterson, a victim of the August 12 vehicular attack in which a white supremacist bowled over a group of counterprotesters with a dark gray Dodge Challenger.

Peterson was among about 20 members of activist group Solidarity Cville, who gathered in front of the United States District Court on West Main Street on December 13, to protest what they call state repression.

The group says at least two victims of the summer’s Unite the Right rally have been subpoenaed to testify before a federal grand jury about the events of the tragic day that left three people dead and dozens injured.

An assistant U.S. attorney has justified the subpoenas by saying he’s only seeking to indict the white supremacists and neo-Nazis who took over the town, such as James Fields, the alleged driver of the Dodge, according to Ibby Han of Solidarity Cville.

“Yet, we don’t know if they are also seeking to indict the anti-racist activists who defended our community this past summer,” she said at the protest.

U.S. Attorney’s Office spokesperson Brian McGinn offered a written statement dated August 13, and said the office is unable to comment further because it is an ongoing investigation.

“The Richmond FBI Field Office, the Civil Rights Division and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Virginia have opened a civil rights investigation into the circumstances of the deadly vehicular incident that occurred earlier Saturday morning,” said U.S. Attorney Rick Mountcastle in the statement. “The FBI will collect all available facts and evidence and will ensure that the investigation is conducted in a fair, thorough and impartial manner.”

Han says people who have been subpoenaed and refuse to cooperate with the federal prosecutor and grand jury face serious jail time.

“The survivors of a terror attack should not be subjected to 18 months in jail simply for refusing to participate in the unjust process of a grand jury,” she said, adding that people who are called to testify aren’t allowed to have their attorney present in the room. “The prosecutor may ask any and all questions they deem relevant, and they are not obligated to reveal the subject of their investigation.”

Legal expert Dave Heilberg says if a witness doesn’t show up to testify when summoned, she can be held in contempt and sanctioned, possibly in jail. If a witness appears and refuses to testify before the grand jury and invokes her Fifth Amendment rights, she is sometimes given immunity and required to answer questions anyway, even if incriminating.

The Fifth Amendment protects people from being forced to be witnesses against themselves.

“If they then refuse to answer, they can be held in contempt and face the same sanctions,” Heilberg says.

In Han’s plea for subpoenaed victims to not cooperate, she claims grand juries have historically “been used as a tool of political repression to surveil and incriminate social movements.”

And so far, federal prosecutors have “backed down” when at least one victim refused to be cooperative, she said. “Resistance works.”

Advises Heilberg, “Nobody who is subpoenaed as a grand jury witness for any reason should follow the unqualified and unauthorized legal advice of any third party or organization.”

 

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Korte’s plea: Judge rebuffs offer, sends child porn case to another judge

Without expounding on why, Albemarle Circuit Court Judge Cheryl Higgins rejected a plea agreement from a former UVA professor and the prosecution November 14, and said the matter will be heard by a different judge.

Walter Korte, 74, who had a long and distinguished career at the University of Virginia as a film expert, faced two counts of possession of child pornography. The plea agreement was presented in court in August. At that time, Higgins expressed reservations about the plea, asked for a pre-sentencing report and wanted to see the two images for which Korte was charged.

The case started during the summer of 2016 when Korte disposed of his porn collection in a dumpster outside Bryan Hall, where UVA’s English department is housed. University police staked out the dumpster and observed him tossing plastic bags on a couple of occasions.

Most of the thousands of images were legal, adult porn, but among the adult fare were images of clothed and naked young males—and magazines with Korte’s home address, according to Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney Amanda Galloway in court in August.

The prosecution sent questionable images to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, which found one known child pornographic image. The state attorney general’s office determined that nearly 700 images were child erotica, which depicts no nudity or sexual activity and is legal. The ages for pubescent males in 16 images could not be determined, according to Galloway.

In the plea, the parties agreed that Korte, who has no criminal record, no hands-on victims and whom a psychological assessment determined was not a threat, would serve a maximum of 12 months in jail and register as a sex offender.

Galloway told the judge that if Korte had been convicted of one count, sentencing guidelines called for probation and no sex offender registry.

“The court is going to reject the plea,” and it will be assigned to another judge, said Higgins three months later.

The agreement was either too lenient—or too harsh, opines legal expert David Heilberg. “Judge Higgins wasn’t of a mind to accept it,” he says.

Heilberg says there are two types of plea agreements. A judge usually accepts a recommendation plea but is not bound to follow it.

“What Higgins rejected was an appropriate plea,” he surmises. That means the commonwealth and the defense agree on the appropriate way for the case to come out, and the court can accept or reject it, but can’t change it, he explains. “Judge Higgins must have felt it restricted her too much.”

Korte will get a new judge at the December 4 docket call.

 

Related links:

Plea postponed: Judge wants report, photos in Korte child porn possession case 

Invalid warrant: Judge allows evidence in Korte case anyway
UVA prof charged with child porn possession

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Foxfield lawsuit: Plaintiffs say there’s no finish line in sight

Garth Road neighbors and horse racing aficionados have filed a lawsuit against the Foxfield Racing Association to affirm that selling any of its acreage would be illegal. The catch? It wasn’t listed for sale.

“There has been a lot of discussion in the community about the future of the land and a lot of speculation, as one might expect, when there is a prominent property like this,” says Ashley Taylor, the Richmond-based Troutman Sanders attorney representing the eight plaintiffs.

The suit reads, “This case arises from defendants’ decision to sell the approximately 137 acres of land on which the Foxfield Races have been run for decades.” Such a sale would mean an end to the Foxfield Races, which is unlawful because the will of the late Mariann S. de Tejeda mandates the continued operation of the races and use of the land for that purpose, contends the suit.

Plaintiffs John Birdsall, Harry Burn, Reynolds Cowles, Landon and Kiwi Hilliard, John G. and Dudley Macfarlane III and Jack Sanford Jr. either declined to comment or could not be reached. But in the suit, they noted they are beneficiaries of the land and are seeking a declaratory judgment that the defendants—the Foxfield Racing Association and its owner, Winchester resident Thomas J. Dick, both trustees—must hold the property in trust for the purposes de Tejeda intended.

Their attorney says there has been overwhelming community interest in helping to keep the property the home of the Foxfield Races. “This is not a situation where these folks aren’t ready to roll up their sleeves,” says Taylor. “They want to participate in maintaining the property.”

Defense attorney James Summers declined to comment on the pending litigation, but C-VILLE’s legal expert Dave Heilberg discusses challenges the defendants and plaintiffs could face.

For the defense, a declaratory judgment is harder to defend, he says. But Virginia’s Uniform Trust Code that went into effect in 2006 was created to provide a greater certainty to trustees as to when claims could be brought against them, often making it more difficult for a plaintiff’s claims to be validated.

“It’ll be interesting to see if there’s a statute of limitations that applies,” he says. “Especially because the beneficiaries weren’t exactly known at the time the trust was created in the ’70s.”

The court will decide if the claims are from valid beneficiaries. “[Foxfield] was kind of broadly intended for everyone in Albemarle County. The neighbors don’t have to be beneficiaries,” he says. Heilberg could see the neighbors taking a position on the other side of the fence just as easily.

“It’s actually a little surprising,” he says. “The neighbors would rather have to worry about the horse races twice a year than whatever would go in there if they sell the property.”

The biannual Foxfield races are known to draw massive crowds, often filled with heavily intoxicated college students in big, floppy hats and pastel khakis. Spring race arrests were up in 2016. Of the 20 arrests, 15 were alcohol related, and 17 people were taken to jail. In spring 2015, there were seven arrests.

Additionally, Heilberg says a judge would be more likely to rule that a cemetery is in perpetuity versus a horse racing track. “I don’t know if using that particular property for horse races is going to be considered enough of a purpose to survive,” he says.

Jim Bonner, an associate broker with Roy Wheeler Realty and owner of Luxury Charlottesville International & The Land Office, says plenty of people would be vying for the deed to that desirable chunk of land on Garth Road, but it would come with a hefty price tag. “Let’s call it several million dollars, for sure, he says.

A court date has not been set yet.

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Former Farmington president admits to stealing from widow

The former president of Farmington Country Club, Victor Dandridge III, admits he stole money from his friend’s widow, but quibbles about the amount in a January 6 response to her lawsuit.

Dandridge, who also served as president of the Farmington Property Owners Association and the Virginia Athletics Foundation, which raises money for UVA’s athletic scholarships, says he acted alone in the scheme to bolster his bleeding businesses. He says that other parties named in the suit, including his wife, Ann Claiborne Dandridge, his father, Victor Dandridge Jr., his friend and HBK Capital Management officer Richard Booth, Virginia National Bank and Richmond wealth management firm Thompson Davis, which he joined in 2012, had nothing to do with his swindlings.

He also admits that for years he was an unlicensed and unregistered manager of other people’s money, and that his own businesses, which include Timberlake Lighting and Huntington Learning Center franchises, were “hemorrhaging monies for years,” according to the complaint.

Richmonder Lynne Kinder alleges in her November 17 suit that after her husband, Trey, died unexpectedly at age 41 from a heart attack on New Year’s Eve 2005, Dandridge, who grew up with her husband in Roanoke and was a groomsman in the couple’s wedding, told Kinder he owed it to his friend to take care of her and her two young children.

She trusted Dandridge with nearly $7 million and has recovered only $735,000, according to her suit.

In his response, Dandridge says he is “solely responsible and to blame for his despicable conduct and the other defendants only fault would have been to believe him.”

He also alleges multiple times that he returned $1.35 million to Kinder in 2007 to pay for taxes, $50,000 on three separate occasions in 2016 and various amounts for tuition, living expenses and taxes that were not acknowledged in Kinder’s suit.

Attorney David Heilberg, who is not connected to the case, describes Dandridge’s falling on the sword to protect his wife and father as trying to “insulate them” as a source of funds for recovery by saying, “I did it.”

The lawsuit claims the other parties “should have known” about Dandridge’s misuse of Kinder’s funds. Heilberg says Kinder would have to prove they had “actual knowledge” of the thefts, “which would be hard to prove.”

Lawyers call the strategy of admitting guilt “confessed judgment,” says Heilberg. “He’s confessed to liability and he’s confessed to causation.”

He says such a strategy is common in personal injury cases facing a jury. “It’s a credible defense—’I admit I did it but I didn’t cause all these damages.’ The defendant expects to pay something but not all that the plaintiff alleges.”

In his response, Dandridge admits to taking Kinder’s money, but says he has “insufficient information and knowledge to state specific amounts” over the nine years he managed her portfolio. He denies her claims that she lost more than $5 million of the money she entrusted with him, adding that some of the losses were market driven.

The lawsuit says the FBI is investigating the bilking allegations. Kinder’s attorney in Richmond, Mark Krudys, declined to comment, as did Dandridge’s attorney Fran Lawrence.

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Privileged to privacy?: As Rolling Stone lawsuits continue, ‘Jackie’ remains unnamed

In the aftermath of a discredited Rolling Stone story about a gang rape that shook UVA students and faculty and spawned three lawsuits against the magazine and the author of the article, the woman at the center of the controversy, “Jackie,” remains unnamed in the media and in legal documents.

University of Virginia Associate Dean of Students Nicole Eramo, who says the piece cast her as the “chief villain” of the story and accused her of discouraging sexual assault victims from reporting rape, filed a $7.5 million defamation suit against Rolling Stone and reporter Sabrina Erdely in May, and has reportedly waited four months for Jackie, the alleged victim of the story, to turn over communications records.

Eramo’s lawyers requested access to several of Jackie’s communications in July, including all of those that make reference to herself as a sexual assault victim at UVA, as well as her correspondence with Rolling Stone and Erdely. After Jackie didn’t comply, Eramo filed a motion to compel her to turn over the communications.

In a hearing over the motion held in Alexandria December 4, the judge deferred a decision on the motion until it could be taken up in Charlottesville by the presiding judge on the case. Jackie’s lawyer, Palma Pustilnik, fought disclosing this information, saying that turning over these communications would be a breach of her client’s privacy. She is also filing a motion opposing the subpoena on the grounds that Jackie was not a named party in the lawsuit.

According to legal expert David Heilberg, though, the subpoena is valid whether Jackie is a party in the lawsuit. “Any third party that has relevant records to the case, you can get,” he says. Heilberg also disagrees with Pustilnik’s claim to privacy, saying neither Jackie nor Erdely has the right to privacy where this information is concerned.

“I don’t think there’s any claim to privacy in a civil suit of this kind,” Heilberg says. “Neither right to privacy nor journalistic privilege are strong enough to keep [Eramo’s lawyers] from getting the information they need.”

Communications between Jackie and her lawyer are private, says Heilberg. However, because the requested communications are primarily between Jackie and the magazine, this same privacy does not apply. “With a reporter,” he explains, “there is no such privilege.”

In a case with so many claiming harm from Jackie’s account, the question remains why she continues to go unnamed in legal procedures and the media. Edward Wasserman, dean of the Graduate School of Journalism at the University of California, Berkeley, and a media ethics expert, says it is a “tradition” of media organizations to leave out the names of sexual assault victims whether their account has been proven accurate.

“The standards that courts use in determining guilt or innocence are not the same as finding out whether or not someone was treated to degrading behavior,” Wasserman explains. “Behavior that, if her name was revealed, she may receive harm or shame from.”

Rolling Stone’s failure to adequately scrutinize Jackie’s allegations was “the most egregious misconduct” in the case, not Jackie’s partial or complete fabrication of the events, says Wasserman.

“In a perverse way, Rolling Stone was the enabler of this,” Wasserman says. “If they had done their job, we wouldn’t be having this conversation of whether or not to expose the woman.”

While from a legal standpoint Wasserman believes there is not much reason to conceal Jackie’s identity, especially considering the misinformation she gave to Rolling Stone, he raises the question of what purpose exposing her would serve.

“There is a context here; we don’t really know how much of what this woman told the reporter was true,” Wasserman says. “But there’s something about it that suggests that this is a very troubled person who’s probably been victimized at some point who stands to be harmed, perhaps needlessly, by exposure.”

C-VILLE Weekly has chosen not to release Jackie’s name at this time because we do not name victims of sexual assault.