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In brief: Smear season, Kessler’s farewell and more

Big John’s run

Fewer than two weeks before the November 7 election, veterans advocate John Miska launched a write-in campaign for Albemarle supervisor in the Rio District, where Dem Ned Gallaway is uncontested. Miska says he’s running as a conservative because he hates to see just one person on the ballot.


“Call me Don Quixote. I’m just tipping at windmills because people have not looked at the real issues and they have been distracted by identity politics.”—Albemarle supes write-in candidate John Miska


Remove ’em all

City resident Pat Napoleon and Albemarlean Richard Lloyd are gathering petition signatures to recall all current City Council members following the summer of hate. For Vice-Mayor Wes Bellamy, it’s the second petition calling for his ouster, but the one carried by Jason Kessler earlier this year fell short on signatures.

Don’t remove ’em all

A circuit court judge extended an injunction in the Confederate statues lawsuit prohibiting the city from getting rid of generals Lee and Jackson while the case is active.

Pointing the finger

Charlottesville has refused to turn over documents to the governor’s task force investigating the events of August 12 because the state has stymied city-hired former U.S. Attorney Tim Heaphy’s requests for information for his independent review. City spokesperson Miriam Dickler says the city won’t comply until the state does.

Teacher indicted

Former Charlottesville High School environmental science teacher Rick Wellbeloved-Stone was indicted October 25 on three charges of producing and one charge of possessing child pornography. He has pleaded not guilty.

Spate of attempted abductions

Two women were grabbed from behind and had hands clasped over their mouths over the weekend. Around 2am October 27 on Wertland Avenue, the stocky white assailant fled when the woman he’d knocked to the ground screamed. Another woman was accosted around 8pm October 29 on Water Street. That suspect, a short black male in his mid 20s, wearing a black hoodie with maroon sleeves, also ran when the victim screamed.

 

 


Mud bath

The white supremacist or the gang sympathizer? Pick your poison.

This mailer that surfaced last week lists the entire Democratic ballot on the back. Despite its harsh criticism, Ralph Northam’s campaign has stood by it.
An Ed Gillespie campaign commercial links Ralph Northam to local MS-13 gang violence, but the ad allegedly uses stolen photos of non-MS-13 members in an El Salvador prison.

Virginians relying on smear campaigns to inform their opinions on the state’s gubernatorial candidates likely think the deck is stacked against those living in the Old Dominion.

An ad that surfaced last week shows a downright shocking image of Republican candidate Ed Gillespie and President Donald Trump superimposed above a photo of torch-wielding white nationalists. It reads, “On Tuesday, November 7, Virginia gets to stand up to hate.”

We’ve all heard Trump call known white supremacists “some very fine people” in response to the August 12 Unite the Right rally, but Gillespie, a former Republican National Committee chairman, denounced them and said, “having a right to spew vile hate does not make it right.”

The mailer hit close to home, and wasn’t received well. Says a Daily Progress editorial, “We don’t need state candidates trying to use our pain to their political advantage.”

It came after a barrage of Gillespie campaign attack ads that tie Democratic candidate and current Lieutenant Governor Ralph Northam to MS-13 gang violence.

In one TV commercial, a man wearing a black hoodie and holding a baseball bat appears as the gang’s motto, “Kill, rape, control,” flashes on the screen. A female narrator then chronicles Northam’s casting the deciding vote in favor of sanctuary cities “that let illegal immigrants who commit crimes back on the street, increasing the threat of MS-13,” she says, not mentioning that Virginia has no sanctuary cities.

Another ad with photos of Northam interspersed with images of alleged members of the gang with tattooed faces has been put on blast by multiple news outlets for using photos stolen from a Central American news site of members of a rival gang photographed inside an El Salvador prison—not MS-13 gang members in Virginia. D’oh.


Kessler on the move

A bearded Jason Kessler, arguably Charlottesville’s least popular resident after organizing this summer’s deadly Unite the Right rally, was given a bond modification in Albemarle Circuit Court October 31 that will allow him to move to Carrollton, Ohio, to take a job with an online marketing company.

Kessler testified that his new boss, who was here for the August 12 events, is flexible and will allow him to return to Charlottesville for court dates, which include a felony perjury charge stemming from filing a bogus assault complaint in January.

Commonwealth’s Attorney Robert Tracci expressed concerns that Optimus Marketing had no physical address in Carrollton.

However, Judge Cheryl Higgins agreed with Kessler’s lawyer that if he came to court to ask permission, he’s likely to come back for his March 20 perjury trial, and she noted that he’s not likely to find work in Charlottesville.

Jason Kessler walks out of court and toward a new life in Ohio, with a parting question to reporters: “Y’all can’t get enough of me, can you?” Staff photo

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Dems link Gillespie to Trump in governor’s race

Democrats in the only Southern state that voted for Hillary Clinton for president are now trying to wrap GOP gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie around President Donald Trump in hopes Gillespie will sink like a stone in the 2017 electoral waters. State Senator Creigh Deeds, House Minority Leader David Toscano, Mayor Mike Signer and former mayor Alvin Edwards joined Democratic Party of Virginia chair Susan Swecker on the Downtown Mall Thursday for the “Trump-Gillespie” tour.

Democratic Party of Virginia chair Susan Swecker hits Charlottesville on her way to the first gubernatorial debate in Hot Springs Saturday. Staff photo

“People are sweating like Ed Gillespie every time he sees Corey Stewart in front of a microphone,” says the colorful Swecker in the 90-some degree heat. She calls Gillespie Trump’s “new apprentice,” and says that if Gillespie were more to the right on women’s issues, “he’d be standing 50 miles east of Virginia Beach.”

However, in Norfolk earlier this week, Gillespie touted his ability to work with the Trump administration, according to the Virginian-Pilot.

Local elected Democrats criticized the Republican health care plan. In Charlottesville, Signer noted that before Obamacare, he was turned down for health insurance coverage because of a bad knee.

And Toscano says the Gillespie tax plan “is only going to transfer wealth to those who already have it.”

The Dems are stumping around the state in a lead-up to the first debate between Lieutenant Governor Ralph Northam and Gillespie, and printed up “Trump-Gillespie” signs, which were left under a tree during the press conference because elected Democrats don’t want to be photographed in front of a Trump sign, explains state Dem spokesperson Kevin Donohoe.

As for the possibility that some Republicans may actually want the Trump-Gillespie sign, Swecker laughs, and says state GOP chair John Whitbeck asked on Twitter if he’ll have to report the signs as an in-kind contribution.

The Virginia Bar Association will host the debate Saturday at the Homestead in Hot Springs.

 

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Progressive setback? Laufer, Hill, Platania move on; Fenwick, Fogel out

The heavily watched June 13 primary in Virginia offered several surprises, most notably record-setting Democratic turnout and Corey Stewart’s near upset of Ed Gillespie in the GOP gubernatorial race. Conversely, hometown favorite Tom Perriello’s race against Ralph Northam for governor was expected to be much closer than Northam’s 12-point win.

And in city Democratic primary races, challengers Amy Laufer and Heather Hill handily unseated incumbent Bob Fenwick, and Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney candidate Joe Platania blew out progressive, Equity and Progress in Charlottesville-endorsed opponent Jeff Fogel.

The energized progressive element of the Democratic party fielded House Minority Leader David Toscano’s first primary challenger, UVA instructor Ross Mittiga, in the 57th District in a dozen years.

And yet when the dust settled, establishment Dems were still firmly entrenched, and the upset threat came in the Republican Party, with former Trump Virginia campaign manager Stewart nearly toppling expected shoo-in Ed Gillespie in the GOP governor’s race.

‘It was certainly the closest of the races and the biggest surprise of the night,” says UVA’s Center for Politics analyst Geoffrey Skelley. Gillespie, who nearly unseated Senator Mark Warner in 2014 and was expected to be the GOP standard bearer, squeaked by Stewart with slightly more than a point.

Stewart’s message was “‘I was Trump before Trump,’” says Skelley. “It’s hard to dismiss his play to cultural conservatives and attaching himself to the Confederate monument issue.” Stewart made several visits to Charlottesville over City Council’s vote to remove the statue of Robert E. Lee. “He got his name out there,” says Skelley.

On the other hand, Dem turnout could be unsettling for Republicans in the fall. “The Democrats were clearly animated,” observes Skelley. “They had record-setting turnout for a non-presidential primary.”

While it’s not surprising that Perriello claimed 80 percent of the votes in Charlottesville, in the state’s major metropolitan areas, he trailed Northam by 15 points in Northern Virginia, and even more in Richmond. And in Northam’s home base of the Hampton Roads area, Northam led by 40 percent, says Skelley.

In Charlottesville, many predicted Laufer’s victory and saw it as a battle between Fenwick, who was endorsed by EPIC, and Hill. Laufer took a hefty 46 percent of the vote, while Hill picked up 34 percent and Fenwick nabbed a meager 20 percent.

“First of all, [Fenwick] was wildly outspent and arguably out-worked,” says former mayor Dave Norris, an EPIC founder who is no longer on its board.

“My sense is among the general population, there’s a lot of frustration with what is going on in the city and a lot of them took it out on Bob,” adds Norris.

EPIC also endorsed civil rights lawyer Jeff Fogel for commonwealth’s attorney. Fogel garnered 32 percent of the vote, but Norris doesn’t see that as a resounding defeat.

“Jeff played an important role in bringing attention to systemic racial inequity in the criminal justice system and the failure of the war on drugs,” says Norris. “His presence forced his opponent to take bolder positions.”

Unknown is what factor Fogel’s June 2 arrest for assault, stemming from a confrontation at Miller’s with an associate of whites-righter Jason Kessler, played in the voting booth.

“My position is progressives did great,” says Fogel, who says he got far more votes than expected because of the surge in turnout.

With progressive candidates like Perriello, Mittiga and Fogel being shut out of Democratic nominations, what does that bode for the fall?

“I think the progressive candidates and the progressive community has its work cut out for it,” says Norris. “It’s going to take a lot of mobilizing, maybe smarter strategy and more resources to prevail.”

On City Council, he says, “I think this is the year [independent] Nikuyah Walker could pull off a victory,” although she faces an ever-growing pool of independent candidates, as well as Dem nominees Laufer and Hill, in the November election.

Far from being disheartened by progressive candidates’ lackluster showings, Norris says, “Everyone understands change takes time. It’s important to get people into the debate. We may not have won this election, but we certainly influenced the debate.”

And in other state primary races, Justin Fairfax took the Democratic nomination for lieutenant governor, while state Senator Jill Vogel edged out state Senator Bryce Reeves in an acrimonious contest that included a defamation suit.

A Richmond Times-Dispatch editorial opined that Reeves was unsuitable for office after he criticized Vogel for supporting “the first openly gay judge in Virginia.”

Skelley is skeptical that the piece impacted Reeves, who took 40 percent of the primary vote, in a GOP contest where “Corey Stewart nearly won.” Says Skelley, “I don’t think gay bashing is going to hurt you in that situation.”

Correction June 15: Dave Norris said “smarter strategy,” not “harder strategy” would be needed for progressives. And Amy Laufer won with 46 percent of the vote.

Updated June 19 with Fogel comment.

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What’s at stake: Ralph Northam and Tom Perriello in post-Trumpalyptic race

Lieutenant Governor Ralph Northam pretty much had clear sailing to the Democratic nomination for governor when he announced his run in 2015. Attorney General Mark Herring agreed not to run and Northam had the endorsement of Governor Terry McAuliffe and just about everyone in the state Democratic establishment, as well as a sizable war chest.

Then along came Donald Trump, a tsunami of resistant activism—and former 5th District congressman Tom Perriello.

Perriello’s January announcement stunned Dems across the state, and caused some fissures here in his hometown where people who supported his 2008 and 2010 races were already committed to Northam.

Some see Perriello’s progressivism and Northam’s party anointment as a replay of Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders’ fight for the presidential nomination last year. And indeed, Perriello has obtained the endorsement of Sanders, as well as the Democratic Party’s other leading progressive figure, Senator Elizabeth Warren.

Others say that’s too simplistic a comparison.

“No new race is identical to a prior race,” says UVA Center for Politics pundit-in-chief Larry Sabato. “Obviously, Perriello is the insurgent, like Sanders, and Northam has the overwhelming backing from Democratic elected officials in Virginia, like Clinton did. But there are plenty of differences, too.”

Perriello’s energy often comes up when people talk about the 42-year-old. Supporter Dave Norris, former Charlottesville mayor, says Perriello “has a great energy. He’s personable. People know he’s going to push for positive change in Richmond.”

Norris finds it telling that Perriello was the only congressional candidate for whom President Barack Obama showed up in 2010. “People appreciate that he sacrificed his congressional career to assure that tens of millions of people could have health care,” he says. And now Perriello wears his ousting after one term for voting for the Affordable Care Act as a badge of honor.

But Northam and his supporters aren’t backing down. Longtime political observer Waldo Jaquith, a Perriello supporter, notes that rather than changing course when Perriello came on the scene, “for the most part, people I know who committed to Northam have doubled down.”

He describes the race as one candidate who gets grassroots enthusiasm and another who quietly chugs along—and wins. “If I were a bookmaker, I would say Northam is the odds on favorite.”


Follow the money

Ralph Northam

Cash on hand March 31: $3.1 million

Top donors

Michael Bills: $200,000

Common Good VA: $110,000

Other locals

Barbara Fried: $5,000

L.F. Payne: $1,000

Tom Perriello

Cash on hand March 31: $1.7 million

Top donors

Sonjia Smith: $500,000

George Soros: $250,000

Avaaz Foundation: $230,000

Alexander Soros: $125,000

John Grisham: $25,000

Dave Matthews: $10,000


However, lieutenant governor isn’t the most high-profile office in Virginia, and although Northam has won a statewide office, says Jaquith, “From my perspective, Northam is super boring. I’m nervous in a Trump era to get someone like Northam rather than someone who gets people fired up like Perriello.”

Northam has state experience going for him, says Sabato, with his years in the Senate and four years as the gubernatorial understudy. “Perriello has never served in any state office,” he says, “But Perriello was a high-profile congressman from 2009-2010, and he has the backing of lots of national Democrats—Sanders, Warren and a host of Obama aides.”

Here’s how tight the race is—and how varying polls can be. One taken May 9 and 10 by the Virginia Education Association, which has endorsed Northam, puts him at a 10-point lead with 41 percent of potential primary voters choosing Northam, 31 percent favoring Perriello and a hefty 29 percent undecided.

But a May 9-14 Washington Post-Schar School poll puts Perriello slightly ahead with 40 percent of likely voters to Northam’s 38 percent. “Every indication we have is that it’s a reasonably close contest,” says Sabato. “Primaries tend to be determined in the final weeks and days, as news coverage and advertising ramps up with the approach of election day.”

Perriello polls well among younger voters. But the big question is, will resistance to Trump send those who normally don’t vote in primaries to the polls June 13?

“My opponent in this primary is not Ralph Northam,” says Perriello. “It’s the people who have no idea this primary is going on.”

Homegrown upstart

Perriello is blunt when asked if he’d be running for governor now had Trump not been elected president.

“No,” he says a month before the June 13 primary. “As someone who’s worked in countries with demagogues and authoritarians, I had a strong understanding that this was not some simple transfer of power from Democrats to Republicans, but a deeper attempt to undermine the rule of law and our concepts about living together across racial and regional lines.”

Later that same day, tiki torch-carrying white nationalists would assemble in Lee Park. “Get your white supremacist hate out of my hometown,” Perriello responded in a brief Twitter skirmish with alt-right leader Richard Spencer.

Northam, too, denounced the white-righters, as did many state leaders. But Perriello had a press conference the following Monday and called for a statewide commission on racial healing and transformation, and for booting Lee-Jackson Day from the calendar of state holidays, the latter of which Northam also supports.

In front of the Lee statue, he repeated a theme about his native soil: “Virginia is the birthplace of American democracy, and it’s also the birthplace of slavery. Each generation makes a decision about which one defines us.

Back in Ivy on May 13, Perriello spoke to C-VILLE in the playroom of the 5,300- square-foot Ivy house where he grew up, before talking to several dozen women in the living room for his campaign’s Women with Tom coalition kickoff, and then dashing off to a forum with Northam at The Haven.

The Yale-educated son of a physician acknowledges his privilege, and how he has tried to use it to help others. He tells the women who’ve come to his mom’s house about doing human rights work in Sierra Leone, a place with one of the worst records in the world. A female leader in Sierra Leone asked him to move there, and when he asked why, she replied, “If you’re standing next to me I’m less likely to get shot, and that would be really helpful.”

From Sierra Leone, says Perriello, “I learned I could use the structural privileges I have of race and gender and class to help everyone have a voice.”

When Linda Perriello introduces her son, she refers to him as “a man of conviction” and notes his “conviction politics.”

Family friend David Shreve calls Perriello’s stance the “politics of possibility.” He, too, dismisses a Hillary/Bernie replay, and says instead, “Tom is very astute at discerning the political movement culture.”

Says Perriello about entering the Virginia governor’s race, “The Democratic party had a theory of winning that made sense with Secretary Clinton in the office.” The shift in the political landscape after Trump won, he says, meant “I gave the Democrats a much better chance to win,”  as someone who’s been able to win in red parts of the state, “as well as exciting our base that’s going to need turnout to win. ”

Perriello sees himself as bringing a new generation of ideas to a Democratic party that’s out of touch. “Many of the leaders in both the Democratic and Republican parties are about 25 years behind the curve,” he says. “They’re just waking up to the idea that globalization created pain and inequality. Both parties have been behind the curve of the dynamics that gave rise to Trump in the first place.”

Automation and technology, he says, are going to destroy one-third to one-half the jobs in Virginia over the next 15 years, Perriello says, and “re-monopolization” will mean fewer businesses in fewer places.

“Donald Trump was right in many ways to call out the economic pain in communities, but he was 25 years out of date about the cause,” says Perriello, in blaming it on “globalization and any minority he could find.”

Perriello’s upsetting the state Dem applecart did bring some blowback in the first month from people who previously had been allies, and he says he got two responses. Privately he was asked, “What are you doing?” The other reaction: “Thank God.”

An officer and a gentleman

Eastern Shore-raised Ralph Northam, 57, still has that accent that pegs him as a Virginian. His grandfather was a surgeon, his father a judge and his mother a nurse.

It was from her, he says, that he “learned to give back.”

Northam, a pediatric neurologist, frequently notes that he went to public school during desegregation when other white parents were shipping their kids to private schools.

Politics didn’t become a calling until 2007, when he was elected to the state Senate. “I had a lot of frustration with insurance companies, and I was spending a lot of time on the phone getting things authorized for my patients,” says the physician.

The environment was an even bigger factor. “I grew up on the Chesapeake Bay, it was literally my backyard, and I watched the demise of the bay over my 50-plus years,” he says. “I ran in a very conservative district that people said I could never win. I ran on the same Democratic progressive values I run on today.” He lists protecting the  environment, marriage equality, women’s reproductive rights, responsible gun ownership and economic opportunities for all.

Northam has gotten flak for voting for Republican George W. Bush—twice. “I was under-informed politically,” he admits. “Knowing what I know now, it was the incorrect vote.”

There is a moral to that admission of the ballots he cast in the privacy of a voting booth. “I did tell the truth,” he says. “My honor is very important to me.”

Honor is a theme that dates back to his days at Virginia Military Institute, where during his senior year he was president of the honor court. He initially wanted to fly Navy jets, but learned his eyesight wouldn’t pass muster for that.

Following Eastern Virginia Medical School, he served as a physician in the U.S. Army for eight years and treated casualties from Desert Storm. He left the Army in 1992 as a major.

Northam frequently mentions that he’s a vet, and that’s a point that plays well in conservative parts of Virginia. In 2009, Senate Republicans wooed him to switch teams, which would have given them a majority, but Northam rejected the GOP siren call. That same year, he got legislation passed that banned smoking in restaurants in tobacco-friendly Virginia.

His response when asked about Perriello’s entrance in the race is gentlemanly, and he harkens to the “unwavering support” he has from state Democrats.

“Let’s let people look at our résumés and where we want to take Virginia,” he suggests.

The differences between the two candidates, he says, are that he’s someone who can win statewide, as he did in 2013 “with more votes than anyone has ever gotten in an off-year election.”

Says Northam, “We need someone who knows how to win in rural Virginia. We need someone with the backbone to lead the resistance.”

The platforms

Listening to Perriello and Northam on the stump, one is struck by how similar they are on the issues.

Both support women’s rights on abortion. Northam voted against the General Assembly’s notorious transvaginal ultrasound bill in 2012, which even conservative Governor Bob McDonnell rebuffed as too extreme, and that’s earned him NARAL’s endorsement.

Perriello has gotten heat for his vote in support of the Stupak Amendment, which banned federal funding of abortion in the Affordable Care Act. “There are insinuations I was not pro choice,” he says. “I’ve always supported Roe v. Wade. Stupak was a vote I’ve long regretted.”

The environment is a big issue for both candidates. Perriello opposes the Atlantic Coast Pipeline, while Northam points out it’s not a state decision, and that if it happens, it should be done with transparency, with environmental responsibility and with respect for property rights.

That position got him interrupted at The Haven, where two pipeline protesters read a script from their cellphones, demanded his support and were joined by a handful of others who chanted briefly, and then split. Northam responded courteously.

And of course Perriello has hammered on Northam’s acceptance of close to $40,000 from Dominion, while Perriello pledged to accept no donations from the power company or any  public utilities.

Northam, in turn, has pointed out Perriello’s $250,000 funding from George Soros and $200,000 from Avaaz, an advocacy group Perriello helped start in 2007, which Northam calls “dark money.”

Says Northam, “He obviously has a lot of out-of-state support. Mine is in Virginia. I’m very proud to have the grassroots support here. This is a Virginia race.”

Perriello got a $500,000 check from local philanthropist Sonjia Smith, while her husband, Michael Bills, has donated $200,000 since 2015 to Northam. Both declined to comment, but in an April 19 op-ed in the Roanoke Times, Smith said it was all about Perriello’s pro-choice stance.

As for the domestic split in candidate support, on the phone Smith would only say, “You’re not the first to point that out.”


Crushing it

The day after the House of Representatives repealed the Affordable Care Act, Tom Perriello released an ad in which an ambulance is being crushed in the background while he stands in front of it and says, “Republican leaders are trying to do this to affordable health care.”

Says Perriello a few weeks later, “I really did do the ambulance ad in one take.”

Apparently scrap ambulances are hard to find, and it’s even harder to find one in a scrapyard that has a crusher. “But, as luck would have it, we found one locally in the D.C. metro area, sans engine, which is where we also shot the ad,” says Perriello staffer Remi Yamamoto.

“It began raining early in the shoot, when we were practicing,” she writes in an email. “So we were all worried that the ad wouldn’t get shot. But it cleared up, and we were able to shoot.”

Unexpected during the live take was how loud an ambulance being crushed is, “which is why Tom had to speak loudly to be heard over the booming noise of the crusher,” she says.

The ad was shot by Washington firm Putnam Partners, which specializes in Dem advertising.

According to the AP, Northam has spent $1.2 million on TV, more than double Perriello’s $500,000.


Both candidates support free community college. “The American dream as we celebrate it has turned from a cycle of opportunity to a cycle of debt,” says Perriello, with students coming out of college $35,000 to $45,000 in debt, and then being told five years later they need a master’s degree.

And he decries the minimum wage track that adds up to $14,000 annual income and a cycle of poverty “that’s unprecedented in America.” Even at the $28,000 living wage levels, a woman loses money if she has to pay for child care, he says.

Both also support criminal justice reform, and note that cell phone theft in a state where a larceny of more than $200 is a felony sends too many minority offenders on a school-to-prison pipeline.

Northam drew applause at The Haven when he said there are a lot of potential medical uses for marijuana and that he supports its decriminalization, as does Perriello.

And both point to a looming 2021, when the voting district lines get drawn. “It’s imperative we have a Democratic governor,” says Northam. “It’s important to stop the gerrymandering.”

He also points out the 111 vetoes McAuliffe signed for legislation from the GOP-controlled General Assembly that, he says, discriminates against LGBTQ people, immigrants and women’s access to health care. “If we didn’t have a Democratic governor, we’d be like North Carolina,” says Northam.

That state’s bathroom bill was bad for business and led to boycotts. When trying to entice companies to Virginia, Northam says one of the first questions he’s asked is whether Virginia is inclusive. And he wants to say, “We’re progressive, and we’re open for business.”

Northam touts his experience in the legislature in a state where the governor gets one term. “You have four years and you’ve got to hit the ground running,” he says. And that’s where having good relationships in the General Assembly will pay off, he says.

But Perriello maintains that generating excitement with new ideas is the way to keep a Democrat in the governor’s mansion. “By getting in this race, a lot more people are excited—a lot of people who don’t normally vote in off-year elections,” he says. “We have to give them a reason to be excited and provide a firewall against the hate and bigotry of Trump.”

And he disputes a common Democratic practice of running a more moderate candidate as “disastrous, because between two Republicans, they’ll vote for the real Republican.”

“The Democratic party is doing a lot of post-2016 posturing,” observes Charlottesville GOP head Erich Reimer. “This race is going to be a toss-up on whether they are more openly progressive or more centrist.”

House Minority Leader David Toscano signed on with Northam more than a year ago, but he’s not dissing Perriello.

“People support Ralph because he’s been running on the issues a long time,” says Toscano. “I like Tom because of his youthful energy, his enthusiasm and his support for progressive issues and the fact he did a great job as a congressman.”

What Toscano likes is that the race is not a choice between “the lesser of two evils.” He thinks the primary will make whoever wins a better Dem candidate in the fall when he will likely face the GOP’s Ed Gillespie, but in May, the primary race is “really unpredictable and comes down to the last few weeks.”

Perriello demonstrates a knack for channeling the enthusiasm of people galvanized by the election of Trump who have been calling their congressman or attending marches and protests since the election—and for putting it into the big picture.

“I believe this isn’t just about the governor’s race,” says Perriello. “It’s a chance to redefine the political landscape for a generation.”


PrimaryRaces_CourtesySubjects

Primary season: The other races

While the Ralph Northam/Tom Perriello matchup is the closest horse race in the Old Dominion, there are actually other candidates on the June 13 primary ballot. The GOP is also nominating a gubernatorial candidate, and Ed Gillespie is the odds-on favorite. Six people—three from each party—are vying for the low-profile lieutenant governor job. Here’s a heads-up before you enter the voting booth.

Governor

Republican candidates

Ed Gillespie

Fairfax County

Former adviser to President George W. Bush, former chair of the Republican National Committee

Claim to fame: Nearly upset Senator Mark Warner in 2014. Campaign contributors include Bush and Karl Rove.

Corey Stewart

Woodbridge

Attorney, chair Prince William County Board of Supervisors

Claim to fame: Trump’s campaign chair in Virginia until he was fired has embraced all things Confederate, including Charlottesville’s statue of General Robert E. Lee.

Frank Wagner

Virginia Beach

State senator

Claim to fame: He’s been totally overshadowed by Stewart’s antics and Gillespie’s enormous war chest.

Lieutenant governor

Republicans

Bryce Reeves

Fredericksburg

State senator for 16th District, which includes eastern Albemarle

Claim to fame: Filed a defamation lawsuit against possibly fictitious Martha McDaniel, who sent out an email to his supporters alleging Reeves is having an affair with an aide, which he denies. He has hired Nicole Eramo’s attorney, Libby Locke, who wants to depose his opponent Jill Vogel because the email came from a cell phone registered to Vogel’s husband.

Jill H. Vogel

Upperville

State senator

Claim to fame: See above. Vogel alleges her computer system was hacked and that she’s the victim of a political stunt.

Glenn Davis

Virginia Beach

Delegate/CEO OnCall Telecom

Claim to fame: Davis has been completely overshadowed by the Reeves/Vogel contretemps, but he does have a cool-looking campaign RV, and he’s asked for an investigation of Vogel’s ads against him.

Democrats

Justin Fairfax

Annandale

Former assistant U.S. attorney now in private practice

Claim to fame: Ran for state attorney general in 2013; endorsed by former 5th District congressman L.F. Payne.

Susan Platt

Great Falls

Activist, former chief of staff to then-Senator Joe Biden

Claim to fame: Endorsed by Rosie O’Donnell and Emily’s List; resolved a nearly $100,000 federal tax lien from 2011, which she says occurred after losing a child to addiction and draining retirement funds to pay for rehab.

Gene Rossi

Alexandria

Former U.S. prosecutor

Claim to fame: Survived a rare disease, amyloidosis; made 235 convictions in Operation Cotton Candy, a multi-year opioid investigation, and trained opponent Justin Fairfax in the Eastern District  of Virginia.

Both candidates for attorney general, incumbent Democrat Mark Herring and Republican John Adams, are the only candidates to qualify for their respective parties’ primaries and will be on the ballot November 7.


David Toscano. File photo
House of Delegates Minority Leader David Toscano. Submitted photo

Toscano gets a challenger

When David Toscano first ran for City Council in 1990, it was as a member of the Citizen Party. In the 27 years since, he’s gone from radical to Democratic establishment as the House of Delegates minority leader. And he faces his first Dem primary challenger in the dozen years he’s been in the House—one who contends Toscano’s not progressive enough.

UVA instructor Ross Mittiga, 28, who’s working on a Ph.D. on the ethical challenges of climate change, is another candidate spurred to action following the election of Donald Trump.

“After I recovered from that, I realized progressive environmentalists have to focus on the local level,” he says. “Delegate Toscano had a great reputation as a liberal lion of the General Assembly.” It’s the contributions from telecommunication corporations, banking, developers and Dominion Energy that concerned him, he says.

In particular, Mittiga questions a Toscano vote that froze Dominion rates, which he calls a “massive giveaway.” And he says he called Toscano’s office “dozens of times” and couldn’t get his position on the Atlantic Coast Pipeline. “Those are things that really bothered me,” he says.

When asked whether he’s in Dominion’s pocket, you can almost hear Toscano, 66, rolling his eyes over the phone. “I’d like to think my record stands for itself,” he says.

The more than $200,000 Toscano was sitting on at the end of March comes from a wide variety of donors. “Does that contribution buy a vote?” he asks. “The good news is I have a record. There are times I’ve supported Dominion and times I don’t.”

Ross Mittiga. Submitted photo
Ross Mittiga. Submitted photo

He has supported renewable energy and fought against the coal tax credit, he says. With endorsements from the Sierra Club and the Virginia League of Conservation Voters, he says, “my environmental bona fides are pretty good.”

Mittiga has endorsements, too: The Democratic Socialists of America and the local Our Revolution, an offshoot of the Bernie Sanders-affiliated Political Revolution.

“A lot of people are really excited” about his campaign raising environmental issues, says Mittiga. And better yet if he can beat the House minority leader who “has a quarter million dollar advantage over us,” he says.