Bellamy Shoffner and her family collect coffee and eggs to help clients at The Haven, a downtown day shelter, enjoy a hot breakfast every day. Photo: Eze Amos
In 36 years of moving up and down the mid-Atlantic, I’ve never lived in a city that didn’t carry the weight of a racist past. As a teenager, I heard news of white supremacists marching through my small Maryland town. As a young adult in Greensboro, North Carolina, I marveled over stories about ’60s sit-ins, and watched as the old Woolworth building was transformed into the International Civil Rights Center & Museum. Now, in Charlottesville, parenthood has taken what I knew to be true about racism and oppression in America and propelled it to the forefront of my consciousness. As the mother of two black children, I can’t pretend I’m raising kids who aren’t targets of hate. It’s a feeling I often describe as terrifying, but experience every day as motivating.
Any parent will tell you that everything changes when a kid enters the picture, but some of us will also tell you that our need to stand up against bias and discrimination is intensified. I’ve always had an interest in activism, but there is an undeniable urgency that accompanies parenthood, a compelling need to affect change and leave the world a better place for my children. Part of ensuring my kids grow up in a world that is increasingly equitable is embracing my own power as a social justice advocate.
In late 2017, with the contributions of friends and other writers, I launched Hold the Line, a magazine that explores social justice and parenthood. HTL’s essays and articles—about race and culture, gender and feminism, being a queer parent, and parenting LGBTQ children—now have a modest but worldwide audience. We start meaningful conversations through sharing personal stories, and encourage readers to make social justice an integral part of their parenting journey. HTL it is my way of railing against the countless malignant marches of those who wish children like mine didn’t exist.
Worthy as it is, the magazine is fairly abstract to my sons, and I don’t believe I can claim to care about the world around me without raising kids who care as well. It feels crucial to make my activism clear to my kids, and help them get involved, too. I want them to know that though we may find ourselves without much, we always have something we can give. Our contributions to social equity may be in the form of our time, our friendship, or our ability to organize, but we are never without ways to help.
Together, my family toured The Haven, a multi-resource day shelter in downtown Charlottesville, to see how we could contribute. We started the Coffee + Eggs Drive as a way to help reduce The Haven’s largest kitchen costs. We collect eggs and coffee from individual donors or purchase them ourselves and periodically deliver them to The Haven. In the summer months, our donations boomed, and visiting The Haven became a normal part of my children’s daily routine. Even in the slower cold months, most mornings when my sons stumble downstairs and start foraging in our fridge for breakfast, they see dozens of fresh eggs that are awaiting a trip to The Haven. I hope my kids value that literal holding of space for the needs of marginalized members of our community. To me, the eggs are an unusual but powerful display of the small ways in which we can each make the world more equitable.
In addition to our partnership with The Haven, we recently started accepting additional coffee donations for PACEM as we learned its guests are given a warm beverage upon check-in. PACEM gives people who are experiencing homelessness overnight shelter in local churches during the coldest months of the year. As a new member of PACEM’s board, I hope that my children will take notice of my involvement with both organizations and one day mirror my commitment to community.
Also under the umbrella of HTL, my family and co-organizers host When We Gather, free public gatherings where we welcome friends old and new to join us in community-building and shared discussions about socio-political topics. With age-appropriate books and activities for the kids, and time for adults to chat, these events are a crucial part of our sustainable, visible activism. We all learn from each other as families in search of ways to effectively combat hate and discrimination in our city, state, and beyond.
Just as we question what meaningful steps we can take to help others, parents often wonder how and when to address tough topics with their kids. There’s no easy answer to this, but if we are effectively diversifying our lives, we are met with natural opportunities to tackle conversations surrounding social justice. Fill your child’s bookshelf with stories representing varying communities and identities. Respectfully attend events that inform your understanding of marginalized groups. Be age-appropriately honest when helping your children understand inequality, both historically and in the present. When I discuss racism, sexism, politics, and the like with my children, I meet them at their level and remember not to overload them with details. Talking to them is one aspect of ensuring their support of social justice, but talking is not enough. My intention is to surround them with a life representative of the values we hold close.
Inequities exist on a continuum; my adversities may not be rooted in the same tree as yours, but injustice is all fed from the same soil. I don’t know what it’s like to be homeless, but when I show my children that we house food for strangers and go out of our way to drop off donations, I am showing them that every member of our community matters. When I talk to my sons about HTL and the inclusive identities the magazine presents, I am telling them that our struggles intersect and are intertwined with the hardships of others. When we gather with friends at the library or Belmont Park and share stories and strategies for coping with the frequent unearthing of bigotry in America, my children are hearing that there are many ways one can be an activist. Above all, I hope my kids are learning an everlasting lesson: that there is no triumph in this world unless you are holding others up with you.
The YMCA’s Early Learning Center at the Jefferson School is dedicated to providing high-quality child care to the Charlottesville/Albemarle community. Photo: Eze Amos
Jessica Maslaney remembers trying to navigate the complex maze of child care options before her first child was born. “It’s a confusing process where everything matters, from cost to educational environment to teacher qualifications, and you’re just scrambling to figure it all out.” After toting her baby son to work with her at the Piedmont Family YMCA for his first seven months, Maslaney tried two different in-home care options and a commercial child care center in search of consistent, reliable care.
“The foundational issue is that you feel that nobody can watch your kids as well as you can,” she says, “so you start off kind of resenting the process from the beginning because you want more than anything to be that person. It’s an emotional journey.”
Now CEO of the Piedmont Family Y, Maslaney is part of a team dedicated to providing high-quality child care to the Charlottesville/Albemarle community through facilities like the YMCA’s Early Learning Center at the Jefferson School. While steep demand for affordable care should logically lead to increased supply, the twisted economics of child care can tie providers in knots.
Start with the cost of full-time care. “The average cost of child care for an infant in this area is $13,500 per year, and $11,000 for a toddler or preschooler,” says Barbara Hutchinson, vice president of community impact at the local United Way. At the top end, a handful of smaller centers in town charge upwards of $15,000 per year.
The biggest expense for providers is paying their staff. Because state law requires teacher/student ratios of 1:4 for infants and 1:8 for toddlers, and because child care is largely unfunded by the government, providers can’t afford to pay their staff anywhere close to what public school teachers make. “People who work in child care do not do it for the money,” says Maslaney. “We struggle with teacher retention because our teachers could go to Walmart and make $13 per hour while our pay range is $10 to $12.” That also has an effect on quality—teachers who earn a college degree in early childhood development often choose to teach in public schools, where they can receive higher pay and benefits.
Jennifer Slack, owner of Our Neighborhood Child Development Center, a private daycare near UVA, agrees that finding and retaining good teachers is a serious problem. “Child care is hard work, poorly paid, and poorly supported,” she says. “In a lot of ways, society undervalues it.”
Labor costs also limit providers’ ability to offer partial-day or off-hours care for part-time or shift workers. “Places like UVA Hospital and Sentara operate on 24-hour schedules, and Charlottesville has no child care centers that offer evenings, overnights, or weekends, so there’s nowhere for those parents to go,” says Hutchinson.
Beyond teacher compensation, child care centers have materials, insurance, and regulatory expenses. Facilities must be licensed and inspected to pass standards as specific as the depth of the mulch in the playground, and per-child square footage requirements for both indoor and outdoor space dictate how many children may be enrolled.
Simply finding an appropriate location can be daunting, and Slack calls local building and zoning codes “intense.” “We have been looking for property to expand into for years now but can’t find anything because of the combination of the high cost of commercial property in Charlottesville, the need for outdoor space for children to play, and the near-impossibility of transferring a property from residential to commercial zoning,” she says.
Even upper-income families are affected by the shortage of care. Slack’s center serves 48 children, from newborns to age 3, and charges over $1,600 a month per child (annually, that’s more than a year’s tuition at UVA), yet runs a lengthy waitlist. “There are many families who will never be able to get in, so I’d say it can be hard to find quality care at any cost,” she says.
The severe financial burden of child care expenses on a young family puts an effective lid on how much providers can charge, which makes it difficult for centers to stay afloat. “The crux of the problem is that people can’t work without child care, and child care needs to be high quality, and quality is driven by cost,” says Hutchinson. “It’s a vicious cycle not particular to Charlottesville, but one that exists all across the state and country.”
Addressing this problem is the focus of groups and agencies all across the region, and every step forward is hard-won. The Virginia Early Childhood Foundation advances initiatives such as Virginia Quality and Smart Beginnings to enhance the experience of young children in daycare centers and preschools. “High quality” providers prioritize teacher education, curriculum, and the facility’s environment and level of child interaction.
“If a baby is in child care 40 hours a week, what happens to that baby during those hours has everything to do with his or her developmental trajectory, so those hours need to be high quality,” says Gail Esterman, director of early learning at ReadyKids, a local nonprofit dedicated to supporting children and families and to working with providers to improve quality.
Maintaining options such as the YMCA’s Early Learning Center, where 92 percent of families receive financial subsidies, depends on tapping steady sources of funding. “Child care in my opinion is not financially sustainable on its own,” says Maslaney, “so you have to have diverse funding streams.” The ELC draws resources from the Virginia Department of Social Services, the United Way, and a host of public and private grants.
Hutchinson points to a generous Charlottesville community, noting that this area of the state is in “better shape than average” in terms of funding. “Both private foundations and wealthy individuals have been phenomenally invested in early childhood care, and we are blessed to be a community that has that level of support,” she says.
Families who don’t qualify for subsidized care but still struggle with high costs often look to family-based care, where kids stay in a private home with an in-home caregiver. “One of the most sustainable models for affordable, high-quality care is home child care, but there are a lot of unlicensed programs because the licensure process is so difficult and expensive,” says Slack. Virginia law requires a license to provide home care for five or more children (not including those of the caregiver); below that limit, licensing is voluntary and there are no required background checks, regulations, or inspections.
In the end, Esterman believes child care is a human rights issue, and solutions will have to be addressed as a society. “As long as people are trying to just handle it individually, as opposed to looking at it as a community, the system will continue to be a jumble,” she says. “All children deserve a high-quality start to life.”
Photo: Eze Amos
When school’s canceled—but it’s still business as usual for parents
By Susan Sorensen
Who doesn’t love a snow day? Well, for starters, working parents.
“I’ve spent years dreading that 5:30am call/text message from ACPS,” says Elaine Attridge, a mother of three and medical librarian. “My husband’s job isn’t flexible, so it’s up to me to cobble together half-baked plans that are the best of my poor options” when school is unexpectedly canceled.
Like many moms and dads who have to show up for work on days when the flakes are falling and schools are closed, Attridge has been known to load her children up with electronics and bring them to her office. She’s lucky, she says, because “I’ve had some very tolerant bosses, but multiple days of [my kids at work with me] is hard on everyone.” You can ask friends for help, but, as
Attridge points out, “How often can
I do that and keep the friendship?”
She says she’s rescheduled work meetings and taken vacation days to stay home with her children, adding that she’s still reeling from 2013. There were so many snow days that year (some courtesy of a March blizzard that dropped 16.5 inches on the area), Attridge refers to it as the “winter of my discontent.”
Some big local employers, like UVA and S&P Global, have recognized the problem and offer employees access to back-up child care. But if yours doesn’t, here are a few suggestions for when school is shuttered.
Plan ahead! You usually have some warning before a snowstorm (or a teacher work day), which means you can line up child care in advance. If you don’t have a regular sitter (or a relative who’s willing to step in), consider Hoositting (hoositting.com), a network of UVA students who will provide babysitting on short notice.
ACAC to the rescue. On scheduled school days off, as well as some of the unscheduled ones, ACAC’s Adventure Central (978-7529) offers a summer camp-like experience (arts and crafts, sports, and other structured activities) called Kids Day Off. Cost is $55 per child for members, and $65 for nonmembers, and hours are 8am-5:30pm.
Network with your neighbors. Create a snow-day babysitting co-op where every family takes the others’ children in turn. If you have, say, four families, you’ll only have to cover one in every four days off of school. Bonus: The kids will take some of the burden off you by entertaining each other.
Aerial view of the Chesapeake Bay. Photo: Robert Llewellyn
As he prepares to step down, the founder of the Southern Environmental Law Center looks back on three decades of defending the region’s natural treasures
Ambitious and naive.
That’s how Rick Middleton describes himself 33 years ago, when he founded the Southern Environmental Law Center, a small nonprofit that would protect the air, the water, and the special places of the southeastern United States. It was 1986, and he was 39 years old.
“I didn’t have enough sense to know how challenging it was going to be to start up an organization,” he says, and he didn’t have much of a plan for how he’d build it over time, either. With thegoal of hiring about five lawyers who would work regionally out of a single office on the city’s Downtown Mall, he says his “grandest dream” was that maybe a dozen attorneys would someday come on board to support his vision.
But today, with 140 employees on his staff and nine offices on the map, Middleton has built the largest environmental advocacy organization in the South. And as one of the country’s pioneers of environmental law, this is the legacy he leaves behind as he prepares to retire this spring.
So why did he do it? The Alabama-born-and-raised University of Virginia alum says the answer is quite simple: “Love of the South.”
While there’s been much talk lately about preserving Southern heritage, history, and culture, Middleton is concerned about protecting the South as a physical place, whose treasures include the Appalachian mountains (which run through each state the SELC represents) hundreds of miles of Atlantic coast, and hundreds of thousands of acres of national forest, all of which the organization’s army of attorneys has fiercely defended.
Middleton says that of the few environmental advocacy groups that were around when founded the SELC, none knew much about the historically conservative South, nor were they interested in learning.
“The South needed an environmental advocate,” he adds, but even more than that, it needed a lawyer.
Environmental law was just emerging as a distinct field in the 1960s and ’70s, as the federal government passed a wave of landmark legislation to protect our land, air, and water. After graduating from Yale Law School in 1971, Middleton went home to Alabama, where he worked at the attorney general’s office to enforce those laws against some “pretty big” polluters like the Tennessee Valley Authority and U.S. Steel.
He then practiced law with national environmental nonprofit Earthjustice in Washington, D.C., for seven years. But while that organization was scoring some big wins on the federal level, Middleton wanted to have more impact on the place he loved the best—the South. And he decided he’d do it right here from Charlottesville.
A graduate of UVA, he knew the university brought in some of the brightest people from across the Southeast. And “I felt like Charlottesville was a unique and special place that would attract like-minded people,” aka smart and capable lawyers who cared about the environment.
Middleton admits that environmental advocacy in the South hasn’t always been easy. But he grounded his approach in staying local, tapping into people’s connection with their home.
“The way we view the world is that the environment shouldn’t be a partisan issue,” he says. We all should love and care about the places [where] we live, work, and go have fun.”
In his experience, if you can bring major environmental issues out of the national, highly polarized political world and down to a local, place-based level that people can easily understand, “I would say almost always the local public is on our side.”
Southern Environmental Law Center founder Rick Middleton’s grandest dream when he founded the nonprofit 33 years ago was that he’d eventually be able to hire a dozen attorneys. Now, there are 80. Photo: Courtesy Southern Environmental Law Center
Global issues, local impact
Here’s a not-so-fun fact: If carbon dioxide emissions from the six states the SELC represents were combined, the region would be the eighth-largest contributor to global warming on Earth, Middleton says.
The Southeast can attribute rising seas, loss of beaches, wetlands, and other natural resources to global warming, “but we’re also having this devastating flooding from these monster hurricanes that are clearly because of changing weather patterns from climate change. So we’re not only producing more carbon dioxide than anywhere in the country, the Southeast is [also] suffering the consequences of this.”
In other words, the region he’s worked so hard to protect is also the epicenter of the problem.
But tackling climate change is one of the big issues the SELC is equipped to take on.
“We now have an organization that is smart enough and big enough and has enough staying power that we can do things today that we never could have dreamed about 30 years ago,” he says.
Roughly 12 years ago, the SELC created a strategic plan to reduce carbon dioxide emissions across its six states. And, Middleton says, they’ve done it.
Twenty staff members are currently working on the project, which began with Environmental Defense v. Duke Energy. In this case, SELC attorneys represented the Environmental Defense Fund, Sierra Club, and Environment North Carolina when Duke wanted to rebuild and extend the life of a dozen of its coal-fired power plants without installing new legally required pollution controls.
They took the case all the way to the Supreme Court, and won—a unanimous victory that required power companies to always install new pollution controls on rebuilt plants, and set off the largest power plant cleanup in U.S. history. Since 2010, the SELC and its partners have reduced one-third of the Southeast’s coal plant capacity by pressuring companies into retiring their plants.
“The reduction [of emissions] has been something like 30 percent,” Middleton says. “I mean, it’s incredible.”
Going forward, the SELC is working on the South’s first carbon cap-and-trade program for power plants. If adopted, it will give utilities incentives to opt for low- or zero-carbon energy resources.
The largest fossil fuel-powered station in Virginia is in Chesterfield, where 300,000 tons of toxic coal ash are stored in unlined pits. Thanks to a law passed last week, which Southern Environmental Law Center attorneys have been a major advocate for, Dominion is now required to excavate all of the coal ash on site, and either recycle it into products like cement or concrete, or place it in modern, lined landfills. The law also affects Dominion’s three other plants in the Chesapeake Bay watershed: Chesapeake Energy Center, Possum Point Power Station, and Bremo Power Station. Photo: Ryan Kelly
Building the team
But before there was a staff of 140 people who could tackle such large-scale projects, there were just three attorneys.
The first to join Middleton’s fledgling organization was David Carr, a Princeton grad with roots in Albemarle County. Carr had graduated from UVA’s law school in 1983 before moving to Seattle, where he practiced general business litigation and did some business advising.
But what he really wanted to do was environmental law. At the time, there were few jobs available in the field, so when a friend saw an ad for the new SELC, he jumped on it. About a month later, he was back in Charlottesville.
He was 30 years old. Now he’s 63, focuses primarily on alternate energy and protecting wilderness, and is one of the first names that usually surfaces when asking about the enormous impact the law center has had on the Southeast.
“It all happened pretty quick,” says Carr, who had no idea he’d spend the rest of his career at the organization. Middleton had secured a grant and funding for only three years. “We didn’t know if we’d be in business three years down the road —at least I didn’t.”
But it wasn’t long before Kay Slaughter, whom Middleton recruited from UVA’s law school in ’86 and who would serve as Charlottesville’s mayor 10 years later while still at SELC, turned their duo into a trio.
Slaughter, who retired in 2010, says the three lawyers focused on bringing their knowledge of federal environmental laws to city and state laws in the South.
“We’re certainly a very different organization than we were when there were three of us,” says Carr, but he commends Middleton for maintaining a sense of camaraderie and collegiality as the organization grew.
Middleton built a management committee to help him lead the staff as it sprawled across six states, while still holding onto his original vision of protecting the South’s environment and the people who depend on it for their wellbeing at a local level. And he’s maintained high standards across the board for SELC’s work, whether that be its legal advocacy, fundraising, or communications, Carr says.
“That’s been the secret sauce.”
Like Middleton himself, many of the attorneys who work for him are motivated by their love for the outdoors, and Middleton has always encouraged—even insisted—that they get out and visit the places that they’re working on, Carr says.
Getting boots on the ground can give attorneys a visceral sense of the particular place, stream, mountain, or beach they’re fighting to protect.
“Plus,” says Carr, “it’s good for the attorney’s outlook and spirit to get out of the office and enjoy the places that they’re working on. …A lot of my best memories in working with Rick have been visiting some of those places together.”
He specifically recalls an SELC-sponsored retreat to the barrier islands of the Cape Lookout National Seashore, a three-mile boat ride from the coast of North Carolina’s southern Outer Banks. It was 2001, immediately following the September 11 terrorist attacks.
About 25 SELC staff watched as fishermen reeled in an “incredible catch” of croakers and spot from the sound side of the Cape. The fish would usually be destined for New York’s famous Fulton Fish Market, but because it was closed due to the tragedy unfolding in the city, the fishermen were trying to figure out where they could sell their catch of the day.
“And on the ocean side, there were surfcasters reeling in these huge flounders,” Carr remembers. “I’d never seen flounders this big.”
He also recalls early trips to Georgia’s Cumberland Island National Seashore and North Carolina’s Cedar Island, which the SELC successfully protected from development and other destruction. Staff hikes around The Priest and Three Ridges, two of Virginia’s most popular hiking circuits, are also at the top of his list.
Because of Carr and the SELC, the Nelson County spots are now congressionally designated wilderness areas, which means they’re federally managed and designated for preservation in their natural condition.
One of attorney David Carr’s (left) favorite days on the job was in April 2009, when the Southern Environmental Law Center staff hiked through Priest Wilderness in the George Washington National Forest, where his advocacy and legal work has protected thousands of acres from development and other human interference. He says the nonprofit’s founder, Rick Middleton (right), has always insisted that staff take time to enjoy the places they’ve helped preserve. Photo courtesy Southern Environmental Law Center
Protect and defend
Longtime environmental advocate Ridge Schuyler, who has worked with the SELC in a couple of different roles, says Carr’s dedication to preserving The Priest and Three Ridges is a prime example of the law center’s outstanding work.
As a chief policy advisor to Senator Chuck Robb in the ’90s, Schuyler worked closely with the nonprofit to protect national parks and other forests. Later, as director of the Nature Conservancy, he worked with the SELC on protecting the Rivanna watershed, and specifically restoring healthy river flows to the Moormans River in the early 2000s.
That presented a dual challenge: protecting the river while still providing water for the community.
“Working together,” Schuyler says, “…We took what is often seen as an intractable challenge and figured out a way to solve it.”
Though this primarily involved policy and regulatory work instead of litigation, when asked if the Nature Conservancy could have navigated the situation without the aid of the SELC, Schuyler doesn’t mince words: “No.”
SELC attorney Rick Parrish brought his expert knowledge of the Clean Water Act and state regulations to guide the Nature Conservancy in developing a plan that would meet water supply needs and the law’s requirements to protect the environment, Schulyer says.
“Rick was an excellent partner during a stressful time—both good for nature and good-natured,” Schuyler says. During the course of the conversation, he also praised a string of other SELC attorneys such as Carr, Slaughter, Morgan Butler, and Trip Pollard for their passion and reputation.
Adds Schuyler, “Their work undergirds a lot of what makes Charlottesville a wonderful place and an attractive place to live.”
Grey McLean, director of the locally based, climate-change-combatting Adiuvans Foundation, has supported the work of the SELC for years. After getting to know Middleton and the attorneys, first through their projects in Virginia and then throughout the Southeast, he joined the organization’s board of trustees a few years ago.
He’s impressed by the SELC’s “extremely high degree of professionalism,” he says. “These are really committed, talented lawyers who, quite frankly, make a significant financial sacrifice working at a nonprofit, relative to working for a for-profit law firm.”
He says the reputation of their work precedes them, “and I think that has an impact on the behavior of folks who might otherwise be ready to run roughshod over the environment.”
Adds McLean, “I often think if it were not for SELC, what would happen?”
It’s a rhetorical question, but Carr suggests some answers: For starters, likely more than a million acres of wildlands and other wilderness and national scenic areas like the George Washington and Jefferson National forests would be unprotected, vulnerable to things such as pipelines, fracking, and coal mining. The Southeast might be smothered in a film of air pollution, and the shift to solar energy and other renewables might not have taken off. (Now North Carolina is ranked second in the amount of solar systems installed nationwide, with SELC’s other five states ranked in the top 25.)
“We’d probably be lagging behind the rest of the country, whereas we’re helping lead the rest of the country in those transitions now,” says Carr.
Staying power
Though he’ll remain president emeritus of his law center, Middleton is stepping down at a particularly fraught time, as the Trump administration fights tooth and nail to tear apart the protections he has defended for 30 years. But as Middleton hands over the reins to Jeff Gleason, a 28-year veteran of the organization and an expert in clean energy and air, he says the SELC is better prepared than ever to fight back.
“It’s almost like every organizational decision we’ve made in the last 30 years has been to build an organization capable of succeeding at this challenging time,” Middleton says.
One of the policies under attack by the administration is the Clean Water Act, which was passed in 1972 to regulate pollution, and is to thank for increasingly cleaner waterways despite population growth. SELC research found that gutting it would affect the drinking water supply of 2.3 million people in Virginia alone.
The president’s goal is to reduce Environmental Protection Agency oversight of what gets released into the country’s wetlands and isolated streams, seemingly because the current law doesn’t sit well with some of his base. The Clean Water Act limits how folks such as rural landowners, real estate developers, and golf course owners can use their properties, including restricting the quantity of pesticides they may use.
“There’s nobody in that administration who’s interested in protecting the environment,” says Middleton. “It’s up to us.”
Now the SELC is the central organization defending the Clean Water Act with a team of about a dozen attorneys, and thousands of environmental allies on their side. They expect their litigation will play out in the courts over the next two years, and ultimately be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court.
Middleton calls the administration “over the top” and “extreme” for things such as denying climate change and a refusal to act to reduce carbon pollution.
“There’s no rationale to it,” he adds. “It’s all just ignorance, hostility, and greed.”
Take offshore drilling as another example. It has never happened on the South Atlantic seaboard, because when former President Barack Obama initiated a plan to explore it, the SELC helped to convince more than 100 communities from Virginia Beach down to the Florida-Georgia line to pass anti-drilling resolutions, which further convinced the former administration to change its mind. Now more than 200 communities are on board, but not Trump. His administration and supporters are hellbent on extracting that petroleum.
With a sly smile, he does a quick and fairly tame impersonation of those pushing offshore drilling: “More oil! More gas! Drilling! Who cares about the coastal communities? Who cares about listening to people locally? I’m promoting maximum fossil fuel extraction. Let’s crank up the global temperature! We don’t believe in global warming!”
Now, Middleton’s law center has found itself back in the epicenter of the argument, “and this time it’s going to take the lawyers. We’re not going to be able to convince the Trump administration any other way,” he adds.
SELC attorneys currently have a lawsuit underway in Charleston, South Carolina, and just won an injunction to prevent things from moving forward until their suit can be heard. They’ll challenge any seismic testing permits that are issued, as well as a final drilling plan.
“We’ve never been so busy,” says Middleton. “And it’s never been so important, but we are winning.”
At the same time, he says the SELC must stay true to its roots: “people and place.” That means focusing on the preservation of specific communities’ unique culture and ecology across their six-state region.
“Don’t lose sight of that kind of heart and soul of who you are and why you’re doing what you’re doing,” says Middleton, who plans to spend time after retirement visiting many of the places he’s worked to protect and “spreading the good word” about the SELC.
Says Middleton, “It’s not just enough to win a case—you’ve got to win hearts and minds and values.”
Here’s what Middleton has his eye on in Virginia—and you should, too
Defending the Clean Water Act to keep pollutants out of Virginia’s streams and protecting its coastal communities from offshore drilling are top priorities for SELC attorneys. Here’s what else they’re working on across the commonwealth.
Opposing the Atlantic Coast Pipeline
Environmentalists have strongly opposed the 600-mile, $7 billion natural gas pipeline that will slice through Nelson County on its way from West Virginia to North Carolina since it was proposed half a decade ago. The SELC has also dug up mounting evidence that casts doubt on the need for a pipeline. And the organization has brought several lawsuits that have delayed the ACP’s construction, including convincing a federal court to throw out a U.S. Forest Service permit that would have allowed the ACP to cross two national forests and the Appalachian Trail. They also plan to challenge the pipeline’s entire approval permit.
Protecting our forests
A longtime champion of the George Washington and Jefferson National forests, the SELC helped draft the Virginia Wilderness Additions Act, which Senator Tim Kaine introduced a few weeks ago. If passed, it would permanently protect 5,600 acres in the Rich Hole and Rough Mountain Wilderness areas in Bath County.
Advancing clean energy
Accelerating a transition to renewable energy is an SELC priority, and it has several opportunities to do so in Virginia. Attorneys are currently defending the appeal of a March 2017 ruling that Dominion’s coal ash pits at a plant in Chesapeake are in violation of the Clean Water Act. The SELC also encouraged the administrations of former governor Terry McAuliffe and Governor Ralph Northam to propose the South’s first carbon cap-and-trade program for power plants, and will have an advisory role as the proposal moves forward. And lastly, the SELC is fighting for solar power access for all Virginians.
Greatesthits
In three decades, SELC’s attorneys have scored some significant victories. Here’s a sampling:
Moving the South away from coal
In April 2007, after a seven-year battle, the SELC won a U.S. Supreme Court case, Environmental Defense v. Duke Energy, which ruled
that power companies could no longer continue their practice of burning coal without installing new pollution controls on rebuilt factories. This ruling set off the largest power plant cleanup in U.S. history, in which the SELC also blocked or deferred companies’ plans to build seven new coal-burning units across their six states, and had a hand in the retiring of one-third of existing coal towers in the region. Carbon dioxide levels have now dropped 29 percent in the Southeast. That’s a lot.
Cleaning up 90 million tons of coal ash
Utilities generally store their toxic coal ash in unlined, leaking pits, but through SELC legal action and public pressure, utilities in South Carolina have agreed to safely store or recycle all coal ash, and in North Carolina, Duke Energy has agreed to clean up eight of its 14 sites. The law center’s suit challenging the Tennessee Valley Authority’s dumping of coal ash at its Gallatin Fossil Plant achieved a landmark ruling whena federal court, for the first time in the nation’s history, ordered the utility to excavate its toxic ash, finding it a violation of the Clean Water Act.
Saving special places
When traditional native fishing grounds on the Mattaponi River were threatened by what the SELC classifies as the largest proposed wet- land destruction in Virginia’s history, or when a proposed Navy jet training facility wanted to squash an Atlantic Coast tundra swan and snow geese habitat, attorneys were there to say, “not so fast.” So far, they’ve been able to protect and preserve dozens of these natural areas.
No acres lost
The law center defended more than 700,000 roadless acres of national forest in the southern Appalachians from logging, road building, and other destruction, and celebrated their permanent protection in 2013.
Less asphalt
SELC attorneys take the position that unnecessary roads induce unrestricted growth, and take away from funds that could address other transportation needs. Over a period of many years, they were able to halt the doubling of Interstate 81 across Virginia, a 210-mile outer perimeter of roadway around Atlanta, and a string of roads in the Carolinas such as the Garden Parkway, which would have been a limited access toll road. They’re now seeking new ways to advance forward-thinking land use strategies and steer funding toward public transit.
Charlene Green, a multicultural educator who directed the city’s first Dialogue on Race, says she tries to “connect the dots” between Charlottesville’s black history and the issues the city faces today.
Photo: Eze Amos
In 2010, Charlene Green, now head of Charlottesville’s Office of Human Rights, was directing the city’s first Dialogue on Race, an initiative to engage residents in an ongoing discussion of race, racism, and diversity.
“As I was having discussions with people around the community on these issues, I began to wonder: ‘Who knows all this stuff?’” Green recalls. “Not just school desegregation and the Martin Luther King era, but the anecdotes—the individuals’ stories.”
In response, Green created a PowerPoint on Charlottesville’s African American history, which she currently presents about twice a month (she even has a bus tour version). It highlights people like John West, who was born a slave but became a successful real estate entrepreneur and one of the city’s “first 400,” as the wealthiest African Americans in town were known in the late 19th century. And it adds context to stories that are only half-known.
For instance, “A lot of folks don’t know what all was involved in destroying Vinegar Hill,” she says, referring to the African American neighborhood that was infamously razed in the 1960s. “Like the fact that the Voting Rights Act wasn’t in place when the referendum occurred to keep Vinegar Hill or have the city take it.” Many residents couldn’t vote on the fate of their neighborhood because of a poll tax.
Talking about the city’s African American past, Green says, “got me into talking about history as a part of race and ethnicity.” Why did events that African Americans remembered very well disappear from the city’s narrative? How are the racist attitudes and laws of 100 years ago still affecting residents today?
“When I tell the story of Charlottesville’s history, I try to connect those dots,” she says. “You may think that what happened only affects someone else, but it affects you. If you don’t understand that, you don’t learn the lesson.”
The white supremacist rallies of 2017 cast a sudden and glaring spotlight on Charlottesville’s troubled racial history. From the national media perspective, #Charlottesville was a statue debate and one horrific weekend. But these events were part of a much larger story. Beginning well before the Lee statue became a lightning rod for controversy, a wide range of people have been working to recover Charlottesville’s African American history, and to help the city tell the full story of its past.
In this 19th-century engraving, an enslaved woman holds the child of a white professor on one of UVA’s pavilion balconies. Albert & Shirley Small Special Collections Library
Honoring African American culture
The hub of efforts to support and celebrate Charlottesville’s black history is the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center. The school itself was built in 1926, as the first high school for African American students in Jim Crow-era Charlottesville. (Before that, the only school black students were allowed to attend ended at eighth grade. Families who wanted their children to earn a high school diploma had to send them away from home, at their own expense.) The building’s 2006 listing on the National Register of Historic Places helped spur the city to redevelop it as a community center, anchored by Carver Recreation Center and the African American Heritage Center. The building reopened as the Jefferson School City Center in 2013.
During the Heritage Center’s development, says Executive Director Andrea Douglas, market research showed Charlottesville’s white population was satisfied with the city’s cultural offerings—but the black population wasn’t. African Americans were willing to travel as far as North Carolina to see their experience reflected on stage or in visual arts. That insight helped shape the center’s mission as both a cultural institution and community rallying place.
The center’s programming focuses on black history and culture from 1965 on. It holds four annual events; Douglas calls them “touchstones for the black community”—Juneteenth (which commemorates the end of slavery), Kwanzaa, Veteran’s Day, and the Greens Cook-off—as well as exhibitions and live performances. And it also houses a local history center that includes access to more than 60 oral histories from students who attended the Jefferson School.
The Heritage Center acts as convener and leader for initiatives ranging from last year’s pilgrimage to include Charlottesville lynching victim John Henry James in the National Memorial for Peace and Justice, to helping revive the historically black Charlottesville Players Guild and stage all the plays of two-time Pulitzer Prize-winner August Wilson.
“Our mission says we celebrate the cultural history of African Americans, and that’s not just for black people,” says Douglas.
“There’s a broad range of social and cultural disparity here, and a lot of history that people who live here or come here don’t see,” she adds. The Center’s ongoing programs are a significant step toward filling that void.
What story do we tell?
One of the biggest ways the city tells the story of its history is through its public memorials and monuments. For decades, these were defined by the now-infamous Confederate statues along Market Street, as well as the statues of white explorers Lewis and Clark and George Rodgers Clark, all of which (except for the Johnny Reb statue outside the courthouse) were commissioned by Paul Goodloe McIntire.
But in recent years, new ideas about who we should memorialize have emerged.
After the initial calls to consider moving the city’s Confederate statues, City Council formed the Blue Ribbon Commission on Race, Memorials, and Public Spaces to address the issue. In its December 2016 report, the commission recommended either “transforming” the Lee and Jackson statues by providing new context, or relocating them to McIntire Park. (City Council voted 3-2 to move the Lee statue, and was promptly sued.) But the report also called for city support to preserve and interpret African American historical sites.
The recommendations included creating a more appropriate and visible marker for the former slave auction block in Court Square, as well as a memorial at or near the site. It asked the city to support the rehabilitation and preservation of the Daughters of Zion Cemetery, established in 1873 and the resting place of some of the most prominent members of Charlottesville’s African American community. And it recommended that council provide funds to complete the proposed Vinegar Hill Park, a commemorative area in the walkway between the Omni hotel and the ice rink at the west end of the Downtown Mall, next to the site of the original neighborhood.
By early 2017, the city’s Historic Resources Committee had finalized plans to revise all the markers in Court Square. But after the rallies that summer, according to Jeff Werner, the city’s historic preservation and design planner, the committee decided to revisit the plan, and it’s still under discussion. Vinegar Hill Park is also stalled while the ice rink is being converted into Jaffray Woodriff’s Center of Developing Entrepreneurs. Meanwhile, the Jefferson School is leading an effort to erect a monument to Vinegar Hill on its grounds, with a statue by noted black sculptor Melvin Edwards. The city contributed money to the design phase, but the project is waiting on more private investment.
Despite these delays, the city’s second Dialogue on Race, held in fall 2017, revealed a renewed sense of urgency. “The concerns from the first Dialogue process had been education, employment, social needs,” Green recalls. “This time, the number one action item was for the city to support the telling of all its history.”
Anne Evans, coordinator of world studies for Charlottesville City Schools, says the state’s revision of its social studies standards offered educators an opportunity to include more perspectives on local history. Photo: Eze Amos
Educating the next generation
Schools teach the “official” version of history, and in Virginia, as in most of the South, that version was one that embraced the Lost Cause myth, which presented the Civil War as a battle over states’ rights rather than slavery, and glorified Confederate war heroes while minimizing the contributions of African Americans, Native Americans, and women.
That narrative began to change in the 1990s, when Virginia implemented statewide Standards of Learning (SOLs). In the most recent review of social studies SOLs, in 2015, state educators made a conscious effort to expand the curriculum’s Eurocentric focus to include other groups’ histories, says Anne Evans, coordinator of world studies for Charlottesville City Schools. As a veteran classroom teacher used to incorporating local history, Evans says she saw this as “an opportunity to change our local curriculum.”
Evans convened a group of her colleagues to restructure the curriculum, starting in kindergarten, to include a broader range of perspectives. The group pulled in expertise from throughout the community, includingUVA, the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center, the Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society, and local historical sites.
“Our students’ parents who grew up in the city and county schools had a very different curriculum,” she says. Now, not only have state textbooks become more inclusive, but teachers can use the textbooks as just one of many resources. Evans’ group is creating a collection of digital resources—oral histories, photos, maps, and original documents like letters and newspaper stories—that teachers can use to tell a fuller story.
They’ve also helped facilitate community connections. That includes bringing in “witnesses to history” like Charles Alexander, one of the Charlottesville 12 who integrated the city’s schools almost 50 years ago. He speaks with students about the experience of being one of the first black children in all-white Venable Elementary school.
In December, CCS partnered with the Jefferson School for a program with Angie Thomas, author of The Hate U Give, a bestselling YA novel about a black girl from a poor family who attends a wealthy, mostly white prep school. “We’re pulling these strands through in other areas, from English classes to the libraries’ speakers’ program,” says Evans.
CCS is also one of six school systems statewide involved in Changing the Narrative, a Virginia Humanities initiative funded by a Kellogg Foundation grant. This two-year effort tackles racism from a range of angles, from bringing resources that explore black history and culture into schoolrooms to encouraging young people of color to explore and highlight their heritage. It also taps Virginia Humanities’ digital resources (like its history podcasts “Backstory” and “With Good Reason,” and web-based Encyclopedia Virginia) to enable students to research events and sites around the state and produce their own history stories.
The Memorial to Enslaved Laborers broke ground in December, helped in part by $2.5 million in matching funds from UVA. Rendering: Howeler + Yoon Architecture
The world of the university
UVA has been a huge part of Charlottesville’s identity since the school’s founding in 1819. So what has the University been doing to acknowledge its own history?
In 2007, taking a lead from the Virginia General Assembly’s resolution expressing “profound regret” for the state’s role in slavery, UVA adopted its own resolution and installed its version of a slavery memorial—a floor marker in the Rotunda’s underground passage honoring the workers who “realized Thomas Jefferson’s design.” UVA students, faculty, alumni, and staff made it clear that the plaque was inadequate at best, and in 2010 a student-led group began lobbying for a real memorial. Soon, other student groups were creating a brochure and campus map about slave history, conducting black history campus tours, and recovering an African American burial site on campus.
The groundswell of activity —student projects, the UVA IDEA Fund (an alumni group supporting diversity and inclusion), and the University and Community Action for Racial Equality—led to the 2013 formation of the President’s Commission on Slavery at the University. The Commission was co-chaired by Dr. Marcus L. Martin, University vice president and head of the Office of Diversity and Equity, and Kirt von Daacke, assistant dean and professor of history. Martin describes the commission’s work as restorative justice. “We haveto tell the full story of the past, so we can move ahead and become more inclusive,” he says.
The commission released its final recommendations in July 2018; in the meantime, however, the push for UVA to reckon with its past has accelerated. Von Daacke says the Slavery and its Legacies course he co-teaches is full every semester. The Cornerstone Summer Institute, launched in 2016, enables students interested in history, archeology, and community engagement to examine UVA’s past and the modern legacies of slavery. And the Memorial to Enslaved Laborers broke ground in December, helped in part by $2.5 million in matching funds from UVA.
Last spring, the President’s Commission on the University in the Age of Segregation was formed to examine UVA’s role during racial segregation in the 19th and 20th centuries. It’s headed by von Daacke and the Heritage Center’s Douglas, and some wonder if dealing with Jim Crow, white supremacy, and segregation’s legacy will be harder than looking at slavery. “What we know about healing is that we have to acknowledge and atone…to achieve repair,” says von Daacke. “We’ve examined our past; what comes after that is the hard part.”
UVA associate professor Jalane Schmidt, who leads walking tours of downtown monuments, sees her public history work as “amplifying the footnotes”—sharing stories that the majority white city narrative has left out. Photo: Eze Amos
So where are we?
In these ongoing efforts, some concerns came up repeatedly: How do we make sure all this history stays visible and accessible to the entire community? How do we make sure this history is not just acknowledged, but incorporated into a new narrative?And how do we as a community face and work through the legacy of years of deliberate forgetting?
Jalane Schmidt, an activist and UVA professor of religious studies, sees her avocation as a public historian to be “amplifying the footnotes”—the people and incidents the majority white city narrative has omitted. One way she does that is through the downtown walking tours she began conducting last year, often co-led with Douglas, which give context to the Confederate monuments in the Court Square area. She points out, for instance, that the Jackson statue was erected in the same year the local KKK was founded, on the site of a largely black neighborhood that was demolished to make way for the statue and a whites-only park.
Schmidt has also called attention to inaccuracies in the way the city presents its Civil War history. On March 3, 1865, Union soldiers “occupied” Charlottesville in the final weeks of the Civil War in Virginia. But at that time, the majority (52 percent) of the residents of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were African Americans, almost all of them enslaved. To the majority, then, the Union troops weren’t invaders riding roughshod over the Lost Cause—they were allies bringing freedom and self-determination.
Schmidt says, “People say history is written by the winner, but in this case it wasn’t: The only monument [to this liberation] is the little plaque downtown.” She and other activists wore 52 Percent T-shirts to the Blue Ribbon Commission meetings, to force that historical fact into the deliberations about who and what the city should memorialize. As a result, the Commission recommended that City Council begin marking Liberation and Freedom Day on March 3, citing the persuasive case made by Schmidt and historical researcher and Commission member Jane Smith (who was instrumental in finding the likely site of John Henry James’ 1898 lynching). The city’s first Liberation Day event was held in 2017 at the UVA Chapel—on the site where Union soldiers first met with city leaders 152 years earlier.
Schmidt and others involved in recovering these stories agreed that the 2017 summer of hate has sparked greater interest in Charlottesville’s African American history, more discussion, and more community self-examination. She says the commemoration held at James’ lynching site, and the subsequent pilgrimage to Montgomery, drew more people than could be accommodated. Attendance on her black history walking tours is rising steadily—68 people participated in the last one. Discrimination-related issues like zoning, affordable housing, policing tactics, and incarceration are more visible.
And more organizations want to be part of the city’s third celebration of Liberation and Freedom Day. This year’s events will roll out over three days, which is how long the Union troops were actually here. Participants have expanded from City Council, the Heritage Center, and UVA’s Office of Diversity and Equity to include Virginia Humanities, Monticello, Charlottesville City Schools, and the Jefferson Theater.
Schmidt (and others) hope this momentum will continue, and will mean support not only for uncovering the past, but also for facing its legacy. As Charlene Green says: “Making invisible history visible is just a start. If there is sincerity about creating an equitable society, our policies and the way we do business has to change—or we’re just putting lipstick on a pig.”
Charlene Green, a multicultural educator who directed the city’s first Dialogue on Race, says she tries to “connect the dots” between Charlottesville’s black history and the issues the city faces today.
Recovering black history
Efforts to uncover and promote our African American history have picked up steam in recent years. Here are some of the steps the city, schools, and university have taken since 2007.
2007
Virginia General Assembly passes a resolution expressing regret for slavery.
UVA passes a similar resolution.
Montpelier’s descendants community challenges the site to recover and interpret the Madisons’ South Yard slave quarters.
2009
City launches first Dialogue on Race.
2010
UVA students begin effort to fund and build a Memorial to Enslaved Laborers
on Grounds.
2012
At a Virginia Festival of the Book event, Councilor Kristin Szakos raises the question of whether the city’s Confederate monuments should be removed, causing an uproar.
First Dialogue on Race releases report.
2013
Jefferson School City Center opens.
UVA launches President’s Commission on Slavery and the University.
2016
CCS rolls out revised K-3 social studies curriculum.
Press conference calling for removal of statues.
City convenes Blue Ribbon Commission on Race, Memorials, and Public Spaces, which releases its report in December asking City Council to either recontextualize or relocate the Lee and Jackson statues.
Highland begins formation of a Monroe slave descendant community.
2017
City Council votes to relocate Lee statue and redesign Lee and Jackson parks.
City’s Historic Resources Committee drafts plan to revise signage in Court Square.
White supremacists (led by UVA alum Richard Spencer) hold torch-lit rally at Lee Park.
Montpelier opens “The Mere Distinction of Colour” exhibit on slavery.
City Council renames Lee and Jackson Parks.
UVA Board of Visitors approves Memorial to Enslaved Laborers.
KKK holds rally in then-Jackson Park.
White supremacists march through UVA and hold Unite the Right rally.
City holds second Dialogue on Race and releases report.
2018
CCS unveils new Virginia Studies curriculum.
UVA forms President’s Commission on the University in the Age of Segregation.
Monticello opens exhibit on Sally Hemings.
UVA Commission on Slavery releases final report.
UVA breaks ground on the Memorial to Enslaved Laborers.
Epic flipping adventures await you at Jump trampoline park. Photo: Corbett Smithson
New Year’s resolutions losing steam? (Or maybe you didn’t make any to begin with?) As we come to the end of a long, cold January, it’s not too late to make a fresh start. From ways to be brave to where to find support, here are 25 simple, mostly-local tips to help you look, feel, and be your best—or at least make it through the winter.
By Samantha Baars, Tami Keaveny, Laura Longhine, Erin O’Hare, Lisa Provence, and Susan Sorensen
Be a kid again
A room with wall-to-wall trampolines and a massive foam pit isn’t just your childhood fantasy—it’s a spot that exists in town, called Jump, and you don’t have to wear pigtails or watch cartoons to qualify for admission. And don’t overlook Decades Arcade, where you’ll find dozens of old-school pinball machines with high scores ready to be beaten. The
bevy of board games up for grabs at family-friendly brew houses like Champion and Kardinal Hall aren’t just reserved for the rugrats, either. And although a bit of your childhood died along with Toys ‘R’ Us last year, Shenanigans on
West Main and Alakazam on the Downtown Mall are still full of fun. That’s right, take a moment to feel the unbridled joy of squishing that glittery silly putty on the display table between your full-grown fingers. After all, you deserve it.
Don’t be afraid to hug it out with David Reid when you see him on the Downtown Mall. Photo: Eze Amos
Do something that scares you
When Eleanor Roosevelt said you should do one thing every day that scares you, she wasn’t talking about seeing the latest installment of Halloween or going skydiving. Roosevelt wanted people to get out of their comfort zones and confront their everyday fears. Simple courage, the former first lady knew, takes practice. And with that in mind, here are some suggestions for being brave this year:
Talk to a stranger. Ride a Bird (or a Lime). Speak up at a City Council meeting. Ignore your cell phone. Audition for a play at Live Arts. Throw a block party. Ask for a raise. Start your novel or memoir with a class at WriterHouse. Travel alone. Take dancing lessons at Ix or Carver Rec. And maybe hug that guy on the Downtown Mall.
Rivanna Trail. Photo: Nick Strocchia
Get outside
Need a wilder life? Communing with nature can be uplifting for the senses and the psyche. Luckily, we’re never far from a trail, hike, or nature class.
City dwellers have easy access to the Rivanna Trail’s 20-mile loop, while out in the county it’s possible to climb to a breathtaking view on the Turk Mountain trail in less than an hour. And if you want to drill down on what kinds of wood the woodpeckers in our region are pecking, the Ivy Creek Foundation offers classes on bird-watching and tree identification.
At Monticello, you can join a group to watch the sunrise from one of the estate’s ascending paths, and in Shenandoah National Park, rangers will lead you through fields full of wildflowers in spring, and amateur astronomers will help you identify stars and meteor showers in summer.
For women who prefer to honor themselves and nature while staying in place, the Women’s Initiative combines art and ecotherapy in classes that use wintertime quiet to rejuvenate the heart.
ACAC’s Leanne Higgins says the key to getting fit is to focus on what your body can do—and work on what it cannot. Photo: Amy Jackson Smith
Set a functional fitness goal
New year, new you. Or so the advertisements promise. But when it comes to setting realistic fitness goals, we turned to Leanne Higgins, a personal trainer at ACAC. The key to success, says Higgins, is a “functional goal, something you’d like to do that you cannot do right now.” If you get winded climbing stairs, Higgins suggests short bouts of stair climbing every day, combined with leg exercises, which will “produce a measurable result: climbing stairs with ease.” A lot of people zero in on appearance and weight as measures of success, she says. “But if you focus on what your body can do, and work on what it cannot do, you will find the appearance and weight issues often fall into place.”
Know your neighbors
Sure, you wave to your neighbors from the car, but how well do you really know them? Colette Hall, a former president of the North Downtown Residents Association, says that whenever anyone new moves into her neighborhood, she drops off a note—and a sweet treat—with her and her husband’s contact information. “I only do this when I know they are home, so I can meet them in person,” she says. “This can be time-consuming, but it’s well worth it.”
It’s also worth it to chat with your neighbors while walking your dog or collecting the mail. Invite them to join you the next time you’re downing gin and tonics on the front porch. And if your neighborhood has an association, join it! You just might make your street a better place—and find a new friend or two in the process.
Broaden your horizons
Now that you’ve settled in to 2019, it’s time to bust out of your everyday routine—and getting out of town is one of the best ways to leave your ordinary behind. When you take a trip, you step “into a whole other experience, whether it’s a relaxing getaway that allows for time to think, breathe, and reflect at a slower pace, or an adventure to a foreign land where life might look, sound, smell, and feel entirely different,” says Julie Arbelaez of Peace Frogs Travel/Outfitters.
But it’s not just the adventure itself that’ll shake things up. “The idea of the trip, the planning and anticipation, can create a sense of movement in our lives that creates change,” Arbelaez says, adding that places both near and far can be inspiring.
If hopping on an airplane isn’t in your future, the staff at New Dominion Bookshop reminds you that when you read, you can cross centuries and continents without leaving your living room. “Inhabiting someone else’s life, even if imaginary, exercises the part of your brain that encourages empathy,” says Sarah Crossland, the shop’s marketing director. That “can lead to stronger personal relationships and a compassionate approach to considering new perspectives.”
Plant a tree
Studies have shown that trees, especially in urban areas, can increase your physical and emotional well-being. So take a step against climate change and plant one yourself.
You can find tips on selecting, planting, and caring for your tree at charlottesvilleareatreestewards.org—the organization also offers free classes and guided tree walks.
Find your people
Dr. Seuss famously asked, “Why fit in when you were born to stand out?” But most of us understandably flourish when we find a pack of other weirdos just like us. Are you into English country dancing? There’s a club for that in Charlottesville. Adult anime? There’s a club for that, too. And if you’re tired of knitting alone in your recliner, bring those needles and that ball of yarn to The Women’s Initiative’s semi-regular knitting circle (or to others at the public library and local yarn shops). Where else can you find your people? Let CvilleCalendar.com be your compass.
Eat better
Eating well and eating out tend to be opposite goals, but Jessica Clements, a National Academy of Sports Medicine certified personal trainer and nutrition specialist at Bill Burnett’s Success Studio, says there are ways to do both. Here’s her cheat sheet for local faves—and don’t forget the farmers’ markets!
Bodo’s Bagels: It’s a staple of C’ville, so my tip is to build your own lunch-type sandwich for breakfast. Load it up with turkey and hummus for satiating protein, and add watercress to boost nutrients like vitamin K and antioxidants. It’s guaranteed to keep you full longer than your usual go-to breakfast.
Brazos Tacos: Go for breakfast, where you can get the Flora taco: scrambled eggs, sautéed spinach, black beans, queso fresco, and roasted tomato. A delicious and satisfying start to the day with protein, fiber, and nutrient-rich veggies.
Citizen Burger: Everyone loves a burger, but to cut the saturated fat, try an alternative to beef. Start with the locally made whole wheat bun, add a chicken or turkey burger, lettuce, avocado, tomato, and mustard or a small amount of their garlic aioli or sriracha mayo (you’re saving some calories and fat on the burger so you can spare a few with the sauce). Then choose the side salad instead of fries.
Three Notch’d Brewing Company: You can’t go out on the town in Charlottesville without spending time at one of the local breweries. At Three Notch’d, you can get a wonderful plate of hummus with pita, cucumber, and carrots. It’s a healthy way to snack while partaking in some local libations.
Beer Run: While on the subject of beer, Beer Run is a place in town where you can get pretty much any beer that suits your fancy—and they have great food too. The Verdura Rustica Plate is healthy and delicious. It’s mostly grilled vegetables including eggplant, radicchio, and local squash, mushrooms, tomatoes, and spinach on top of organic brown rice sprinkled with mozzarella and drizzled with basil-parsley olive oil. I’d call that five serving of veggies for the day! Even if you aren’t a practicing vegetarian, this dish is so hearty you won’t miss the meat.
Albemarle Baking Company: No one wants to skip dessert. While it’s never really nutritious for you, moderation is the key. ABC has a ginger molasses cookie that’s scrumptious. The ginger has anti-inflammatory properties, and the molasses is rich in vitamins and minerals. So they’re practically a health food (wink).
Take a deep breath
Feeling stressed? Take a moment to focus on your breath, says Hot Yoga Charlottesville instructor Julia Gilchrist. Slowing the breath, particularly exhales, calms the nervous system and lowers heart rate and blood pressure.
Here’s how: Any time you can steal a moment, “sit in stillness and listen to your breath. Inhale through the nose for a count of four and exhale through the mouth for a count of six. Hold empty for two seconds, then take another round of breath.”
After six to 10 rounds, close your eyes and notice how you feel. Chances are, you’ll feel better.
The technique is a good way to calm yourself down in tough moments, Gilchrist says—whether you’re wigging out over a deadline, having an emotional day, or stressed about locking the keys in the car (again).
Dr. Chris Winter, author of The Sleep Solution: Why your sleep is broken and how to fix it. Photo: Sanjay Suchak
Get enough sleep
For an adult, the sweet spot is somewhere between seven and eight hours a night, according to Dr. Chris Winter, a nationally recognized sleep expert and founder of Charlottesville Neurology and Sleep Medicine. Make sure you’re going to bed at a decent time, and if necessary, set an alarm to remind you that, as fascinating as that Candy Crush game is, it’s 10:30pm and you need to go to bed.
If obeying your bedtime isn’t always an option, or if you had a particularly long night, Winter suggests thinking about your sleep as the need to rack up about 50 hours each week. Have to kick off the covers uber early to meet a deadline at work? No sweat, he says. Take a nap that evening, or use the weekend to catch a few extra Zzzs.
Smile more
Inevitably when you’re in resting-face mode, someone—grandma, a photographer, or a random passerby—will urge you to smile. These cheerleaders may not realize that your clenched lips are masking a cosmetic dental issue. But don’t be afraid to say “Aaah!” because Dr. Jody Yeargan, of Yeargan Family Dental Care, says there are a lot of options.
“Yes, your teeth can be brighter,” says Yeargan. “And I also discuss what orthodontics would do in terms of moving one’s teeth to a more aesthetic position.” He’s been offering the Invisalign brand for years, and says, “it’s my go-to.”As for the mail-order smile equipment, that “may not work as well because the client doesn’t know what to ask for”—talk to your dentist first.
Of course Yeargan’s main focus is maintaining oral health. In addition to having healthier gums, and teeth less prone to tooth decay, he says people with good oral care tend to be a little more successful. And don’t skimp on flossing. “If you’re only brushing your teeth, then you are only cleaning half of them,” says Yeargan.
Work with horses
Delving into your past on a therapist’s couch isn’t the only way to feel better: In equine-assisted therapy, experts connect you with a horse to ride and care for, to improve both your physical and emotional health.
Ride With Pride at Cedar Creek Stables uses innovative programs like Whoa-ga (horse riding and yoga) and cowboy poetry to help a range of clients including traumatized youth, veterans, and people with physical handicaps.
Program Director Kelsey Lasher says “the relationship that naturally develops between the rider and the horse, and the requirement for providing care for the animal, fosters responsibility, independence, self-esteem, and trust.”
Reduce your carbon footprint
You don’t have to be a superhero to save the world. Local environmentalist Anna Bella Korbatov, who chairs the Cville100 Climate Coalition, offers 12 tips for small ways you can make a big difference:
1. Eat a whole-food, plant-based diet with less meat. Korbatov cites a recent study that found that if every American substituted beans for beef, that alone could bring the U.S. close to its goal of a 17 percent greenhouse gas reduction by 2020.
2.Reduce your food waste by freezing fruit and vegetable “odds and ends,” such as strawberry leaves or vegetable peels, to make vegetable stocks or enhance smoothies and salads. Or try composting.
3. Use reusable water bottles, grocery bags, food storage containers, and produce bags.
4. Opt for laptops over desktop computers—they use only a third to a fourth of the energy.
5.Unplug! “Vampire power is a real thing, and it’s scary,” says Korbatov. Plugged in devices suck up electricity even when turned off.
6. Invest in energy-saving light control strategies. New innovations include occupancy/vacancy settings, systems that dim the lights when daylight is available, and plug load controls.
7. Use blinds and curtains to decrease cooling costs in the summer and heating costs in winter.
8. Use sleep settings, built-in timers, and energy-saving modes on appliances.
9. Line dry your clothes.
10. Take showers instead of baths.
11. Wash your clothes with cold water—and while you’re at it, buy fewer of them, and only clean ’em when they’re dirty. Clothes are increasingly being made of plastics such as nylon, acrylic, and polyester, she says, so opt for natural fibers such as cotton, wool, and hemp.
12. Take your car to the shop for regular maintenance, use the eco setting if it has one, make sure your tires are properly inflated.
Take some me time
You cannot pour from an empty vessel.
It may sound cliché, but it’s true, says Debbie Miller, a certified professional life coach with Timbermountain Coaching (and C-VILLE’s CFO). And modern life, with all of the professional, personal, and social stressors we encounter daily, can be a serious drain.
Miller says that self-care is an important part of keeping the vessel—one’s emotional reserves—full. And it can be accomplished in small ways.
It starts with figuring out what feeds you emotionally, she says. Think about an activity, or a place, where you feel emotionally satisfied. Where you feel calm, relaxed, joyful—what is that activity? Where is that place?
Maybe it’s listening (and only listening) to a piece of music every day. Maybe it’s cooking, cuddling on the couch with your dog, or watching two hours of an old-school sci-fi TV show. Maybe (gasp!) you love your job.
If you’re not sure what feeds you, just try something. If it turns out that sitting on a park bench with birdsong in your ears and sun beaming on your face doesn’t feel good to you, try something else. If it does feel good, find a way to do it more (maybe even set a reminder on your iCal).
Miller emphasizes that there’s often a lot of fuel in simple things like taking a walk, savoring a square of chocolate, or inviting a friend over to share a meal.
By taking care of yourself in the ways you know you need (and minimizing your guilt about it), “you’re investing in yourself, so that you can be the best person you can be,” she says, and the benefits of that are many. You’ll be more productive at work, feel more balanced in your life, and perhaps best of all, says Miller, your relationships will be better, because your proverbial vessel will have plenty for pouring.
Photo: Tristan Williams
Skate your troubles away
With free skates, irresistible dance hits, and a relaxed, family-friendly vibe, there’s no better place to find some joy than roller skating at Carver Rec. Skating is free and open to the public on Fridays from 5-7pm, as well as Sunday afternoons from 1-5. Coast around the gym and channel your carefree younger self (bur remember your wrist guards!).
Find the right therapist
Thinking about going to therapy, but not sure where to start? Judith Carlisle, a licensed counselor, trauma specialist, and life coach with Thriveworks Charlottesville, says many practices offer a range of therapists with different backgrounds, specialties, and approaches, and it’s okay to shop around. “Therapists are never hurt if someone comes to see them and doesn’t think it’s a good fit,” she says. She recommends that clients try out a few different practitioners. Look for someone you connect with, where you “feel safe in the room.”
That said, if you’ve tried several therapists and don’t feel a strong connection, choose the one that seems like the best fit, and be patient with yourself. “Connections in life are built over time,” Carlisle notes. But it’s worth the effort, not only for those dealing with trauma, but for anyone who wants to grow: Therapy is a place where you can be safe enough to find your own voice, Carlisle says. “It’s really a luxury.”
Be a mentor
The United Way-Thomas Jefferson Area is volunteer central. Its website—cvillevolunteer.org—lists organizations that need help and Caroline Emerson, VP of community engagement, encourages wannabe mentors to come into the United Way office on East High Street. They know where immediate needs are and can help set you up with organizations, including Book Buddies, Literacy Volunteers, the Adult Learning Center, and many others. “We are very happy to work with people,” says Emerson.
Find a mentor
The United Way can help you with that, too, says Emerson. Agencies known for mentoring adults include Literacy Volunteers and SCORE Central Virginia, which matches entrepreneurs with mentors who can give business advice.
Sit up straight
Hunching over the computer? If you catch yourself in a literal slump, Robin Truxel, certified pilates instructor and owner of TruPILATES, who also holds a master’s degree in physical therapy, suggests this quick move:
Uncross your legs. Feel your feet connecting to the floor, and feel your butt bones connecting to your chair. Visualize the crown of your head reaching up toward the sky, taking your spine with it. (Take care not to perch on the front of your butt bones or thrust your ribcage forward.) Enjoy the feeling for five to 10 full breaths, a few times a day.
Truxel says this should feel good—if it doesn’t (maybe because of rigid hip flexors and/or back muscles) it could be time to visit your doctor or a chiropractor to see what’s up.
Make the most of your library
Everyone knows you can get books, CDs, and DVDs from the public library. But there’s a whole lot more on offer.
Charlottesville’s downtown branch has just introduced “health kits” and “maker kits” that come with both equipment and instructions that you can take home for three weeks at a time. “Getting started with yoga,” for example, includes a yoga mat, block, strap, DVD, and instructional materials. Maker kits include knitting, embroidery, calligraphy, and more. Parents can check out toys, free passes to the Virginia Discovery Museum, or a parking pass good for any Virginia state park, along with a backpack filled with pocket naturalist guides.
Staff at every branch can proctor exams or notarize documents for free, and can provide one-on-one tech training, says reference librarian Abbie Cox. At the downtown branch you can also digitize your photos, negatives, slides, and audio or VHS tapes, all for free by appointment.
From the library’s website, you can download e-books and audiobooks onto your phone, and access databases for language learning, investment news, auto repair, and much more. Use the “What Do I Read Next?” page to get personalized book recommendations based on your reading interests.
Finally, don’t forget all the in-person classes and events at every branch—including books clubs for all ages, crafting groups, movie nights, story times, and special events, from a discussion on homebrewing at the Crozet branch to a stuffed animals sleepover at Gordon Avenue. Pick up a program guide at any branch or go to jmrl.org.
Wear your clothes well
“Fashion you can buy, but style you possess,” American style icon Iris Apfel told Elle in 2013. “The key to style is learning who you are, which takes years. There’s no how-to road map to style. It’s about self-expression and, above all, attitude.” So whatever it is you wear, whether it’s a thrift store dress, a worn T-shirt, a three-piece suit, hospital scrubs, or steel-toed boots, it seems that the secret to wearing your clothes could be, well, you.
Get some (parenting) support
Caring for young children can be exhausting and isolating, especially if you don’t have family around to help. Parent groups can help provide support. The Women’s Initiative offers a free, parent-to-parent discussion group on Tuesday evenings, for parents with children of all ages. There’s also a Monday morning group for moms with babies.
Co-op preschools, where parents are partners in running the school, can be a great way to meet and bond with other parents, and Charlottesville has two: Chancellor Street and Molly Michie.
Downtown favorite Bend Yoga offers support for new moms (like postnatal yoga classes and a free lactation group) as well as parent-child classes. And dads can find each other through groups like Dads with Diaper Bags, on meetup.com. Parenting is tough—don’t do it alone!
Figure out your finances
Pay yourself first, says financial adviser David Marotta. That means putting money into savings, something not enough people do.
Automating makes it easier, and he suggests putting your paycheck into a savings or brokerage account and withdrawing what you need to spend for the month, rather than depositing it into checking where it’s more likely to evaporate. He also suggests increasing contributions if you have a 401(k) with your employer. “While saving is good, saving and investing are what it takes to build wealth.”
Before you can do that, you’ve got to get rid of debt, the bane of financial well-being. Marotta says those who carry credit card debt owe $9,300, on average.
Financial columnist Michelle Singletary advises debtors to list everything they owe and pay off the card with the smallest balance first, because it’s motivation to pay off the rest.
One other tip from Marotta: Cancel a subscription. “Cable just costs too much.”
Photo: Eze Amos
Know your city better
In Charlottesville, City Council meetings have become a spectator sport. Held on the first and third Mondays of the month, they’re mandatory for an engaged and vocal group of regulars, and must-see entertainment for others. The public is welcome to attend the 6:30pm meetings in City Hall, or you can watch from home on Charlottesville TV10, or through the TV10 Facebook page.
Watch councilors who have admitted their dislike and distrust of each other try to do the people’s business. Watch speakers castigate councilors during public comment, and councilors sometimes snap back (ahem, Wes Bellamy). And wonder which of three incumbents—Bellamy, Kathy Galvin and Mike Signer—will skip reelection announcements and say, “I’ve had enough.”
Not that the circus-like atmosphere has discouraged candidates. So far at least six people have declared they’re running, and if you have lived in the city a year, you can, too. It takes 125 signatures to get on the ballot; get started by checking in with the city registrar’s office.
Want to start smaller? Charlottesville has open positions on 14 boards and commissions, and City Council is accepting applications through February 21. The Housing Advisory Committee, Human Rights Commission, and Police Civilian Review Board all are looking for citizens to participate—find out more on the city’s website, charlottesville.org, where you can also learn about and give your feedback on the city budget.
Outside of the city, Albemarle County lists 22 boards with openings. And if you live in the White Hall, Scottsville, or Rivanna districts, there are open seats on the Board of Supervisors. The meetings aren’t as contentious as in the city, and because the supes meet in the afternoon, you’ll be home well before midnight.
If politics isn’t your style, there are plenty of opportunities to learn more about our town. The Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society hosts lectures, tours, and Third Fridays talks, with upcoming discussions on the history of housing in February and eugenics in April. Monticello and the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center are also places to go to learn more about the area’s not-always-stellar history.
In the early 1970s, City Council adopted a plan to turn Grady Avenue into a four-lane road running all the way from downtown to the bypass, with the goal of providing quick and easy access to I-64. Venable residents worried that the move would ruin their quiet neighborhood, and banded together to form what was later reported to be the city’s first neighborhood association.
They succeeded in defeating the plan (its remnant can be seen in the two turning lanes off Preston Avenue onto Grady), and association members were lauded in the press as “vigilant homeowners.” The experience showed residents how, through advocacy with city officials, they could use their neighborhood associations to shape the kind of city they wanted to have.
Today, there are 32 neighborhood associations, representing communities across Charlottesville. Like the Venable association, they often arose out of a desire to protect and preserve a neighborhood’s character.
But because race and housing have always been connected in Charlottesville, as elsewhere, neighborhood advocacy came with racial implications. When city officials neglected black desires and prioritized white ones, white neighborhoods ultimately were preserved as quiet enclaves of single-family homes, where property values increased over time, while black neighborhoods were left vulnerable to disruption.
Now, Charlottesville’s challenge is to address this legacy of inequality. A post-August 12 soul-searching has focused renewed attention on housing issues, just as the city’s government is undertaking a plan that could guide its future development patterns for decades. In December, as part of the years-long process to develop the city’s new Comprehensive Plan, the city Planning Commission unveiled a new land-use map that calls for zoning laws to permit higher-density housing across Charlottesville.
“The city is 10.4 square miles and has no authority to annex,” says Alex Ikefuna, director of Neighborhood Development Services. “The city cannot grow horizontally, and the community has to come to terms on how to manage its growth and accommodate its growing population.”
In the past, Charlottesville’s growth has been warped, with development directed toward a handful of neighborhoods while others remained untouchable. This continued even as late as 2003, says Planning Commission member Rory Stolzenberg, when the city moved to promote higher-density development in the West Main Street corridor.
“We took this very large, pent-up demand that wanted really to grow everywhere, and we forced it to spill out in a very specific, directed way, directly at the heart of two historically African American neighborhoods,” he says, referring to the 10th and Page and Fifeville neighborhoods.
Through decades of mistreatment, he says, those neighborhoods “really haven’t been subjected to the same sort of zoning protections as many historically white and wealthy neighborhoods have been.”
In discussions over the new plan, Planning Commission and City Council members have clashed over how much density is too much. The debate is a modern iteration of past zoning discussions, and it inevitably will hinge on the question that has long animated Charlottesville’s neighborhood associations: How, and how much, should neighborhoods be preserved in their current forms?
Alex Ikefuna, director of Neighborhood Development Services, says the city needs to find a way to accommodate its growing population. Photo: Amy Jackson Smith
The “good” neighborhood
In the 1970s, the North Downtown Neighborhood Association was formed to stop the construction of a large office and apartment complex that residents considered to be “not in keeping with the character of the neighborhood.” The association took the case all the way to the Virginia Supreme Court; it lost, but by then the delays had caused the developer to drop the project.
Neighborhood associations soon proliferated throughout the city, monitoring home values, encouraging housing upkeep, organizing leaf pickups, and throwing seasonal parties. They advocated for reduced traffic, and focused on security and reducing noise. Associations also developed neighborhood watch programs, complete with block captains to monitor and report suspicious activities, even going so far as to hire off-duty city cops as private security. They closely followed issues at City Hall that would affect their way of life, and considered themselves both watchdogs and advisers of city government.
The organizations didn’t spontaneously become important: Their influence was possible because they didn’t take themselves lightly. They were undergirded by constitutions, boards of directors, and annual dues. In 1975, the individual associations came together under a larger organization known as the Charlottesville Federation of Neighborhood Associations, with a stated purpose of working “for a better quality of life in the neighborhoods and in the entire city.”
But better quality of life for whom?
In 1913, an ad ran in the Daily Progress encouraging people to move to the new neighborhood of Fry’s Spring, which the ad said had all the modern conveniences: sewer, water, electricity, and, “the proper restrictions to make it the most desirable suburb in the entire South.”
As in most Southern cities, Charlottesville’s neighborhoods in the early 1900s were highly segregated. In 1912, City Council overrode a mayor’s veto and unanimously passed an ordinance prohibiting racial mixing in residential areas. Many neighborhoods also used racial covenants when selling houses to prevent black (and sometimes also Jewish) residents from moving in, as journalist Jordy Yager has reported.
Fry’s Spring’s developers created it as an exciting, exclusive enclave, with a ‘Wonderland’ building that had bowling alleys and billiard parlors, a bandstand, room for dancing, and the only swimming pool in the area. All of these amenities were meant for white people. The founder of Fry’s Spring Beach Club, the city’s Department of Neighborhood Development Services said in a 2010 historical survey, “was an avowed white supremacist.” It wasn’t until the 1970s that black people were allowed to use the pool.
Despite its history of explicit racism, Fry’s Spring has often been held up as an ideal neighborhood. In the 2010 NDS survey, historian Margaret Peters said residents of the neighborhood “historically have represented the backbone of the Charlottesville community,” while the name Fry’s Spring “conjures images of what most would like to think are the essence of traditional American communities.”
Fry’s Spring was not alone, of course. In the Daily Progress’ 1985 report on Charlottesville’s neighborhoods, the paper described the expensive Lewis Mountain neighborhood as a “quiet oasis” in the midst of the university community, “virtually isolated” from the development going on around it. Ninety percent of residents were white. The same report praised the Barracks-Rugby neighborhood as housing “some of the most successful and affluent” people in the area, with 1940s-era housing giving the area a “grandeur” of a “bygone era.” At the time, the neighborhood was 94 percent white.
A history of neglect
Black neighborhoods, meanwhile, have historically been ignored, displaced, and overruled. In a 1995 oral history of the Ridge Street neighborhood, longtime black residents Joan and Theresa Woodfolk recounted a pattern of neglect by the city, and described feeling as if they had to beg for basic services. When wealthy white people moved out of the neighborhood, they said, city government stopped caring about the concerns of its residents.
In the book Urban Renewal and the End of Black Culture in Charlottesville, authors James Saunders and Renae Shackelford describe this practice as “municipal neglect.” In looking at requests by black neighborhoods over the years, it appears to be a pattern.
In 1976, representatives of the predominantly black Ridge Street and Rose Hill neighborhoods wrote to City Council describing their need for public works. Ridge Street Neighborhood Association President Mary Page said her neighborhood had been fighting for improvements for 15 years without success, and that many residents were still not receiving garbage service or home mail delivery.
Rose Hill residents attached pages of signatures and noted that “no significant repairs have been accomplished in over a decade.” They asked for sidewalks, repaved roads, lighting, and drainage, and described contacting various city officials and being brushed aside because their area was not considered a priority. Listing eight streets requiring public investment, they closed their letter by saying, “We are aware that our community is not in the exclusive category, yet this does not diminish our pride of ownership and desire for equal consideration as citizens and taxpayers.”
In response, Nancy O’Brien, the city’s first woman mayor, said she didn’t think all of the repairs were necessary. Indifferent responses from city officials were not new: Saunders and Shackelford found that in the 1950s and ’60s, “there was little that blacks could do to influence public policies even if the policies impacted primarily upon them.”
Preston Avenue (pictured at left in 1916), was once lined with homes where African Americans lived. Many of those houses were razed after the city decided to turn Preston into a commercial corridor. Later, Preston was widened from two lanes to four, further isolating the black neighborhoods on either side. Photos: Rufus W. Holsinger, Albert & Shirley Small Special Collections Library; Skyclad Aerial
Zoning disparities
Ultimately, disparities between which neighborhoods were protected and which were neglected became codified in zoning laws.
Zoning dictates how land can be used, and is one of the main ways to control how a city grows. Traditionally, districts have been divided between residential, business, and industrial, but as cities have become more complex, so have the zoning districts. The results can often feel permanent, if not altogether natural.
Inequities in zoning go back to the beginning. The city created its first zoning map in 1929. According to the 2016 Blue Ribbon Commission report on race, early zoning restricted businesses from encroaching on white residential areas but not on black ones. As a result, within a few years, industries like Monticello Dairy, City Laundry, and the Triangle Service Station appeared along Preston Avenue, disrupting the predominantly black neighborhoods of Kellytown and Tinsleytown, in the area known today as Rose Hill.
It was only one of many incidences of displacement and removal for black Charlottesville residents. In 1919, the majority-black area known as McKee Row had been demolished to make way for the whites-only Jackson Park. Black neighborhoods were later razed at the future sites of Lane High School (now the Albemarle County Office Building) and the present-day City Hall, in addition to Vinegar Hill. As longtime community activist Theresa Jackson-Price said in Urban Renewal and the End of Black Culture in Charlottesville, “We just stay on the fringe of the redevelopment all the time.”
As the city’s neighborhood associations developed, they seized on zoning to create the neighborhood character they wanted. But city leaders’ treatment of zoning requests varied by neighborhood. In the summer of 1978, a group of black residents from 10th and Page came before the Planning Commission with a petition of 230 signatures opposing a rezoning of a piece of land between Preston and West avenues from residential to intensive commercial use. The commission overrode their concerns.
Less than three months later, white residents on North First Street asked for 20 properties to be downzoned from high- to moderate-density residential, so the houses couldn’t be used as multifamily rentals. Planning Commission Vice Chairman Lucius Bracey Jr., who had voted to override the 10th and Page residents’ concerns, told the North First Street residents that they should be “congratulated and saluted” for their work in saving their neighborhood.
McKee Row was a majority-black community just west of the Albemarle County Courthouse downtown. After complaints that the houses were “ramshackle,” and boys from the area were “hanging around the Levy Opera House,” the county sold the property to the city in 1914, on the condition that a public school for white children be built there. The homes were demolished in 1919, after Paul Goodloe McIntire bought the property to erect a statue and whites-only park in honor of Stonewall Jackson (today’s Court Square Park). Photo courtesy Edward Lay, from The Architecture of Jefferson Country
Charlottesville today
Today, Rose Hill residents say a lack of zoning protections over the years have left the area vulnerable to continued demolitions, with developers buying homes that have been in families for a century and tearing them down for new construction. (Residents are currently in the process of trying to get a historical designation to protect the neighborhood).
Meanwhile, city neighborhoods that started out white and relatively wealthy, such as Fry’s Spring, Johnson Village, Lewis Mountain, Venable, Barracks-Rugby, and Greenbrier, have remained that way, in part because of a fateful decision by the City Council, formalized in 1991, to discourage construction of any types of housing there besides single-family homes.
In a zoning map released that year, the city created a new R-1A single-family zone, which affected around 4,500 parcels of land. This zoning designation allowed lots that had previously been too small for an R-1 single-family designation to now be included. This was known as downzoning, and it had to be done carefully. In early discussions, then-Deputy City Attorney Craig Brown cautioned council members that any such change in zoning would need to be justified and legally defensible.
The change had the stated goal of protecting neighborhood stability and encouraging homeownership, but even at the time there were opponents. William Harris, a Planning Commission member and the first dean of African American Affairs at the University of Virginia, called the single-family zoning exclusionary and argued it would make housing less affordable.
In prohibiting construction of new multifamily apartment buildings in much of the city, Harris said, the change also advanced the assumption that renting, and renters, were less valuable.
Today, housing activists and Planning Commission members say that strategy has contributed to one of the city’s most pressing problems, the lack of affordable housing.
It has also helped keep neighborhoods racially segregated. Many white neighborhoods that were restricted to single-family use with R-1A zoning originally developed when black people were not allowed to live in them. But even once explicitly segregationist policies faded away, few black Charlottesville residents could afford to move to those areas—in part because of severe income disparities and wealth lost through school segregation and the loss of black neighborhoods like Vinegar Hill. The problem only grew worse as home values increased throughout the years, especially since the single-family zone restricted the city’s housing stock.
Planning Commission member Rory Stolzenberg says the higher levels of density the commission is proposing will help address the affordable housing crisis, increase economic diversity throughout the city, and allow for better infrastructure. Photo: Amy Jackson Smith
Challenge and opportunity
While zoning is influential, it is also malleable, and the way that a city develops is not absolute. Policies can be changed, and inequities can be addressed.
“We could be gently densifying all over the place in a way that spreads out the impacts evenly,” Stolzenberg says. “But instead we’ve decided to funnel this disruption and flow directly into black neighborhoods; places we see as undesirable or not worthy of protection, and so we treat them differently and force them to bear the brunt of everything we deem inconvenient.”
In the current discussions over the city’s new Comprehensive Plan and land-use map, some council members expressed skepticism over the increased density the Planning Commission is proposing, and the initial map was rejected in a January 5 meeting. Council members are likely not the only ones with doubts.
Brian Becker, president of the Fry’s Spring Neighborhood Association, says current association members care about affordable housing and welcome diversity (he points out that the neighborhood is zoned for Jackson-Via and Johnson elementary schools, both of which are majority black). But the association previously sought to downzone part of the neighborhood, out of concern about “rent-seeking property owners who don’t maintain their property.”
“I don’t think the NA is against density per se,” Becker said in an email. “What we are concerned with is the impacts of density (i.e. traffic, parking, noise, and litter.)”
And as Ned Michie, president of the Greenbrier Neighborhood Association, told Charlottesville Tomorrow: “I, and probably most people, very much like the idea of being able to walk or bike to a coffee shop, a barber shop, or a little grocery store. Yet, no doubt most people will be less happy when the reality comes in the form of a specific proposal that is deemed ‘too near’ one’s own house.”
Stolzenberg argues, though, that density isn’t inherently bad.
“When you have a higher density in a given area it means you can support better infrastructure like bus lines and bike lanes,” he says. “It means that you can support commercial businesses like a corner store or a neighborhood barber shop, all types of things we’ve heard from residents of Charlottesville across all lines that they’d like to see.”
Permitting higher density and moving on from Charlottesville’s rural past, Stolzenberg argues, also means “embracing the fact we are an urban area and a city, and then accepting that we are going to grow, that we’re willing to accept new neighbors, and that new neighbors aren’t necessarily a bad thing.”
For nearly 50 years, neighborhood associations have been active in shaping city policy, often through the zoning and land-use processes. They are a tool that residents use to bend political will to their desires. But when desires clash, who do city leaders listen to?
Historically, all across the United States, it has been white people who have decided how land is used and who is allowed to live where. Charlottesville has the chance to change this narrative. This is the challenge, and the opportunity for our town. It is up to us to shape the kind of city we want to be.
Nothing puts a spring in the step of legislators heading to Richmond to do the people’s business like the fact that it’s an election year, and all 140 members of the General Assembly are up for reelection. Oh, and it’s the 400th year since the colonies’ first legislative body, the House of Burgesses, met in Jamestown in 1619, adding historical significance to this year’s session.
“I still get a tingle when I walk into that building and look at that statuary,” says state Senator Creigh Deeds, the area’s longest-serving legislator. He’s marking his 28th session this year.
Charlottesville and Albemarle are represented by four delegates and two senators who have racked up a lot of seniority, and with longevity comes power. Delegate David Toscano from the 57th District, which includes Charlottesville and part of Albemarle, was House minority leader until this past December.
Delegate Steve Landes, who’s there for his 24th session representing his mostly Shenandoah Valley 25th District, which includes a slice of western Albemarle, is chair of the Education Committee, as well as vice chair of the powerful Appropriations Committee.
And the 58th District’s Rob Bell, now in his 18th session representing eastern and northern Albemarle, chairs Courts of Justice.
After years of Republican domination in the General Assembly, last year saw the GOP with a slim two-member majority in each house. Perhaps it was the looming election and Dem midterm victories that led Governor Ralph Northam to propose a bold agenda on gun safety—including universal background checks, extreme-risk protective orders, reinstating the one-handgun-a-month law, an assault weapons ban, prevention of child access to guns, and stricter regulations on reporting lost or stolen weapons.
He’s also called for voting reform that includes instituting no-excuse absentee voting, abolishing the photo ID requirement, and limiting campaign contributions.
Two years ago, neither gun safety nor measures making it easier to vote would have stood a prayer. Not that they will succeed this year.
Stephen Farnsworth, political analyst at the University of Mary Washington, says, “While passage is not impossible, odds are the most Democrats can hope for with those measures is that they will become part of a rallying cry for the party during the 2019 Virginia midterm elections. Gun control is popular, particularly in the suburbs, where Democrats have had a great deal of success in recent elections.”
Farnsworth also says there might be some opportunity for agreement along the lines of no-excuse-required absentee voting.
More money, more problems
“The budget is always the biggest issue,” says Bell. This year’s short, 45-day session is when adjustments are made to the biennial plan. “Before we can do that we have to address conformity with the federal tax law.”
The state expects to reap an estimated $1.2 billion windfall from federal tax changes that double the standard deduction. Unfortunately for Virginians, if you don’t itemize on federal filings, you can’t itemize state returns.
“How do we handle problems generated by the Trump tax package that transferred wealth to the wealthy?” queries Toscano. “Some Virginia taxpayers will pay more.”
“We can’t write the budget until we figure that out,” says Bell. “Republicans want to return the money.”
Northam wants to refund some of that to households making less than $54,000, and use the rest to invest in major state initiatives, such as teacher pay and rural broadband.
Says Farnsworth, “During this session, the Republicans are going to want to focus on something they can take to the voters in November. The GOP’s first choice would be some form of a tax cut to deal with the windfall the state will be getting because of changes in federal tax laws. There’s an opportunity for a bipartisan deal here—something for the rainy day fund, something for the Earned Income Tax Credit, and something for a tax cut.”
He thinks some Republicans are ready to support the Equal Rights Amendment as part of a strategy to make the party more appealing in the suburbs, where it’s struggled lately. “But what to do with that windfall is likely to be the most important things the legislature deals with this year,” says Farnsworth.
Redistricting reform may have a chance in the General Assembly this year, particularly with a federal court ordering Virginia to redraw racially gerrymandered districts.
Another issue that may have a glimmer of a chance is redistricting reform, particularly with a federal court ordering Virginia to redraw racially gerrymandered districts.
Deeds has carried redistricting bills just about every year since he was first elected to the Senate in 2001. “My sense is you can do something this year,” he says. “Republicans know they could lose and they’ll want some rules to protect the minority.”
He prefers a nonpartisan commission that “leaves the legislature out of it.”
Landes, on the other hand, believes redistricting is the responsibility of the legislature. He supports a politically neutral, race-blind effort and doesn’t want it handed over to “an unelected body.”
Bob Gibson is co-chair of the bipartisan advisory committee for OneVirginia2021: Virginians for Fair Redistricting, and he’s not optimistic about this year’s chances of getting it out of the Privileges and Elections Committee. That committee’s chair, Republican Mark Cole of Fredericksburg, is “dead set against nonpartisan redistricting,” he says. Subcommittees are where legislation is buried, and previous gerrymandering reform has died in 7:30am Republican-majority meetings, he says.
“If they could ever get it out of committee and onto the floor, I think it would have a good chance,” says Gibson.
Gaming is also getting buzz, particularly in areas that are struggling like Danville, Bristol, and Portsmouth, says Deeds. “Economically there’s not much going on there. Gambling is seen as an idea that could generate tax revenue and jobs.”
And now that some Native American tribes have gottenfederal recognition, Landes says, “They’re going to move forward.” He urges caution. “I don’t see doing it in every locality in the state.”
Both Deeds and Landes, whose districts are in the western part of the state, are onboard with investing in Interstate 81, although that could mean tolls. “I-81 is going to get some serious attention,” promises Deeds.
It might be his 28th time, but being a state legislator still excites Deeds. “The history of that place still thrills me, that I have a chance to be a part of that.”
Top row: David Toscano, Rob Bell, Matt Fariss Bottom row: Steve Landes, Creigh Deeds, Bryce Reeves
What your local legislators are up to
We checked in with our six—count ’em—six legislators to see what they’re working on this session.
House of Delegates
David Toscano (D)
57th District
Toscano is going a little more progressive this session now that the mantle of minority leader has been lifted. The bills he carried last year stemming from August 12 were shot down, but he’s trying again. Since state law prohibits the removal of war memorials, he’s written a narrower bill that would allow localities to remove Confederate statues. He’s also carrying a bill that Attorney General Mark Herring requested that restricts firearms at events that have permits.
“Both of those bills are going to have a hard time,” acknowledges Toscano. “They’re going to be sent to committees headed by rural Republicans.”
Perhaps more well-received will be another bill to make the use of flamethrowers to intimidate a Class 6 felony.
Charlottesville was hit with the highest health insurance rates in the country last year, and Toscano has a bill that would give the State Corporation Commission more teeth to regulate astronomical increases.
And Dominion probably won’t like his legislation that prohibits publicly regulated electric utilities from making political donations greater than $500.
Rob Bell (R)
58th District
Bell has worked with Senator Creigh Deeds on mental health issues since the tragic death of Deeds’ son in 2013, and he continues to focus on that. This year he’s concentrating on the intersection of criminal justice and mental illness.
“We want to divert the mentally ill from jail in the first place,” he says. But if in jail, “we want to coordinate their care in jail and after they get out.” He’s carrying a bill that sets standards of care while incarcerated and regulates discharge planning to make sure progress isn’t lost once an inmate is released, he says.
Bell also sits on the Virginia State Crime Commission and is perturbed by the “extraordinary, multi-hundreds of thousands” of fingerprints missing from the state’s database.
Matt Fariss (R)
59th District
Rustburg resident Fariss is a cattle farmer, and he wants to make it easier for farmers to shoot nuisance animals on private land without having to get out of their trucks. “If you have vultures and coyotes bothering a cow while calving, and you have to pull up and get out of the truck before firing, that gives them a lot of time for flight,” he explains.
He also wants to toughen the penalty for passing a stopped school bus, and to make it easier to register as a tow truck driver even with a violent crime or driving under the influence conviction—if it happened 10 or more years ago. “Everyone needs a second chance,” he says.
Fariss says he’s planning to seek a fifth term. “My wife insists I run for reelection so she gets a six- or nine-week vacation every year.”
Steve Landes (R)
25th District
Landes is chair of the Education Committee, and he usually has bills dealing with education. “Two are recommendations from the select committee on school safety,” he says. One bill moves election primary dates to the third Tuesday in June so there aren’t a lot of non-students on school grounds (presumably on the assumption that voters are dangerous). The other requires school counselors to spend 80 percent of their time actually counseling. “That’s very important to head off problems,” he says.
One bill makes changes in the Virginia529 college savings plan that he says could help parents and grandparents who contribute save $3,000 a year.
Landes is also keen on funding early childhood education and improvements to I-81. “Eighty percent of what we do is not a Republican or Democratic issue,” he says. “It’s what the government should do.”
Senate
Creigh Deeds (D)
25th District
As a senator, Deeds gets to carry 25 bills compared to the House of Delegates limit of 15 during the short session.
Not surprisingly, several focus on mental health, including two that require training standards for law enforcement, school resource officers, and school administrators.
Like Toscano, Deeds has a bill that limits firearms at events that require a permit. He also sponsors one that would add Charlottesville and Albemarle to localities that can restrict certain firearms in public places.
In addition to his perennial redistricting bills, this year Deeds is carrying a constitutional amendment that says an interstate natural gas pipeline is not considered a public service when exercising eminent domain. “That could protect people from some of the abuses that have been alleged,” he says.
Bryce Reeves (R)
17th District
Eastern Albemarle makes up a pretty small part of Reeves’ mostly Spotsylvania district, so maybe that’s why he didn’t respond to multiple requests from C-VILLE.
We can tell you that he’s running for reelection, and he reports an “A+” rating from the NRA.
Minority Report: Toscano looks back on seven years as Dem leader
For much of his tenure, Delegate David Toscano led an embattled minority hugely outnumbered by Republicans. He’s proud he was able to keep his caucus together to sustain Governor Terry McAuliffe’s vetoes. Photo: John Robinson
Leading the Democratic caucus in the overwhelmingly Republican House of Delegates was not a job that many coveted back in 2011, when Delegate David Toscano was elected minority leader.
Democrats had been drubbed in that year’s election, and even former minority leader Ward Armstrong lost his seat. In the 100- member body, “I came in as leader and there were 32 Democrats,” remembers Toscano, 68.
It was quite a different picture when Toscano resigned the leadership position in December. Fifteen Dems unseated Republicans in 2017, and if not for losing a random drawing, the party would have had parity with the GOP. Even at 49-51, the change was resounding enough that Toscano started calling himself “Democratic leader” rather than minority leader.
“With 49, you can do things you never could have done in the past,” says Toscano, such as Medicaid expansion, a Dem dream for years, which passed last spring.
For much of his term as leader, Democrats were vastly outnumbered in the House, which meant they didn’t control committees and had little chance of passing legislation, even when Terry McAuliffe won the governor’s race in 2013.
“I like to think we did the best we could,” says Toscano. In 2015, Dems picked up two more seats, and with 34 members, were able to prevent the majority Republicans from overturning McAuliffe’s veto, which he used more than any Virginia governor. By keeping the caucus together, Dems were able to sustain all of McAuliffe’s vetoes. “I’m very proud of that,” says Toscano.
Delegate Steve Landes, who was a Republican caucus leader in the early 2000s, says, “Keeping everyone together when they’ve got divergent views is not easy.”
Toscano, says Landes, “played an aggressive advocate for his caucus, but he did it in a way that people in our caucus had a great deal of respect for him.” And Landes doesn’t think Toscano gets enough credit for upping the number of Democrats in the House in 2017.
Some of the newly elected Dems believed that if more had been done to support Democratic candidates, they could have gained the majority. Last summer, there was a challenge to Toscano’s leadership, but it went nowhere.
Toscano initially said he would remain leader through the 2019 session and then turn over the reins to someone else. But in December, the caucus elected Eileen Filler-Corn as the new minority leader.
“I’m fine with that,” says Toscano. “I [could] enjoy the holidays with my family.”
Toscano tried to get out of the leadership role before. He resigned in 2015, citing the time and energy the job took and the effect it had on his family and law practice. A day later, he was back on the job when caucus members clamored for him to stay and said they’d help ease the burden.
•
When he was first elected minority leader, back in November 2011, Toscano had a short learning curve without the former leader there to guide him. “So much comes at you so fast, you can hardly think,” he says. “You have to be on your toes, especially on the floor. And where you’re in the minority, you have to pick your fights.”
You also have to be willing to work hard. Delegate Rob Bell noticed that Toscano often was at work late at night. “I think David was always a good-faith negotiator. He was a fierce advocate for his positions. And he enjoyed the essence of lawmaking.”
Says Bell, “It’s harder to be minority leader than majority leader.”
Matt Fariss, the third Republican who represents Albemarle, also says he had a good working relationship with Toscano. “He was a gentleman,” says Fariss, who is looking forward to working with the new minority leader.
Filler-Corn calls Toscano the “leader emeritus” and says she’ll continue to rely on his knowledge and expertise. “David has been a wonderful friend, colleague, and partner ever since I first came to the House of Delegates. I have learned a great deal from watching him and he has been a valuable resource for me as I transition into my new role as Democratic leader in the House,” she says.
Toscano foresees benefits to not being the leader, including fewer meetings to attend. “I’m free to do my own thing as delegate,” he says. “As leader, I had to be more careful about what I introduced because I represented the whole state. Now I can be more progressive.”
State Senator Creigh Deeds, who encouraged Toscano to run for the job in 2011, echoes the dilemma of the party leader. “You’re responsible not just to constituents, but to the caucus as well.”
He says, “David has brought the right skill level to the job. He did a phenomenal job as a fundraiser.”
Toscano was elected to Charlottesville City Council in 1990 and served for 12 years, including a stint as mayor. His first run for office was for Congress in 1982 as a member of the Citizen’s Party, a race he resoundingly lost.
Since his days as a bearded firebrand, Toscano says he has a lot more gray hair and he’s more mindful of the complexity of policymaking, especially the importance of making alliances to get initiatives passed.
“I used to think if I made a good speech or wrote a good article, it would have an impact,” he says. “It’s a lot more complicated than I thought.”
He’s also come to appreciate “the beauty of checks and balances” in our system of government. “I’m sometimes frustrated at how slow it can be to make changes. Then you see a Trump in office and see how fast these things can swing without checks and balances.”
Although he’s previously said he would run for reelection, Toscano now says he’s going to see what the session looks like not being leader, and make up his mind in February. Meanwhile, UVA professor Sally Hudson has already announced her candidacy for the seat.
Toscano did reveal his New Year’s resolution: to finish his book on 25 years in politics, from City Council to the General Assembly.
Jordan McNeish started the Jefferson Area Harm Reduction group to help substance abusers in Charlottesville get help without stigma.
Charlottesville resident Jordan McNeish knows the perils of opioid addiction first-hand.
Three years ago, he was on an East Coast road trip with his ex-girlfriend, and the plan was to end up in Maine. But their first stop was Baltimore, to buy heroin. McNeish, 29, says he had gone from using heroin once or twice a year to “more than I would like.”
He bought 10 bags of “Scramble,” “basically a mixture of fentanyl and low-grade heroin cut with god-knows-what,” and shot up in a Burger King parking lot. The next thing he remembers is waking up covered in the orange drinks his ex had spilled while trying to resuscitate him. An EMT had revived him using two doses of naloxone, a drug designed to rapidly reverse an opioid overdose.
“The paramedic that revived me said she thought I was done,” he says.
Naloxone saved his life. Now, he wants to make sure others have the same chance.
Charlottesville has been largely shielded from the opioid crisis, with only six overdose deaths from prescription opioids reported from 2011-2017 (compared to roughly 500 a year, statewide). But the epidemic has still touched local lives, especially as it shifts from prescription opioid abuse to heroin and fentanyl (a synthetic opioid that is often mixed with or sold as heroin, but is 50 times more powerful).
In Virginia, overdose deaths from heroin and/or fentanyl have increased from 153 in 2011 to 938 in 2017, mirroring a nationwide trend.
Charlottesville reported zero heroin deaths in 2011 and 2012, but experienced 13 over the following four years, including four in both 2016 and 2017.
Twenty-five-year-old Betsy Gilbertson was among those who died in 2016. Loved ones said the free-spirited music-lover had been clean for months before her fatal overdose.
McNeish had been friends with Gilbertson when they were teenagers, but had fallen out of touch with her. He found out about her death when he read her obituary in the Daily Progress.
Still, he continued to use. “It is hard to learn a lesson vicariously when it comes to addiction,” he says. “You always have to learn for yourself.”
Eventually McNeish, who had shot heroin the day after his overdose in Baltimore, got serious about quitting.
“I started getting really angry about drug use,” he says. “Started being a fascist about being around drugs, and I would get mad when they were around me.”
He made it a week, a month, two months, and then just kept going. “The longer it had been, the easier it was to continue not using,” McNeish says. He’s now been clean for over a year.
“Some people will hit rock bottom and they’ll just turn around and never use drugs again,” he says. “It just took me three or four tries.”
McNeish funneled his energy during withdrawal into looking for ways to help others who were addicted. He was inspired by the non-judgmental stance of places like Youth on Fire, a drop-in center in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and the New England Users Union, a harm reduction group in which current and recovering substance abusers work to keep each other safe–even if they’re not yet ready to quit.
Along with his girlfriend, Morgan Freegan, McNeish started his own group here in Charlottesville, Jefferson Area Harm Reduction. They distribute naloxone to users who need it, many of whom they know personally. But they are limited by what they can get for free from the Health Department, and by their work schedules and daily lives.
When a public health emergency was declared in response to the epidemic in 2017, the Virginia Department of Health made naloxone available for free to the public. (It can be bought over-the-counter, but even a generic costs $20 to $40 per dose).
“The fact that anybody can get it, that means it’s out in the communities,” says Dr. Denise Bonds, health director for the Thomas Jefferson Health District. She oversees the distribution of naloxone at the Virginia Department of Health in Charlottesville, and says EMTs in the district have been using it for a few years now.
Those interested in acquiring naloxone must attend a one-hour training session, held on the first Wednesday of the month. They can then pick up two doses per week at the Health Department. But McNeish argues that the treatment should be more available and anonymous. “Someone that’s using and still driving around with drugs in their pocket is going to have a hard time going to the Health Department, sitting through a one-hour training, and even doing paperwork,” he says. In December, he asked City Council to consider starting a group similar to his to help distribute naloxone.
In addition, McNeish wants the city to look into a needle exchange program to fight the spread of Hepatitis C and HIV that is prevalent in those using intravenous drugs.
“There’s virtually no place to get clean needles,” says McNeish, who contracted Hep C himself but has since been cured. “I’ve seen people use dirty or broken syringes because they don’t have a clean one.”
Currently, the state has only authorized needle exchange programs in the districts with the highest rates of Hepatitis C and HIV, so our district can’t legally distribute syringes. But Bonds says the community is “fairly well-resourced” when it comes to addiction treatment.
Addiction Recovery Systems, Region Ten, and a handful of other facilities now offer medication-assisted treatment, a proven approach that uses drugs like methadone and buprenorphine to relieve addicts’ withdrawal symptoms and cravings. Region Ten also recently opened the Women’s Center at Moores Creek, which has 12 inpatient suites and offers the opportunity for women to keep their young children (under age 5) with them while they receive treatment.
These options allow substance abusers to regain stability in their lives, advocates say.
It’s support that may be increasingly needed. “It has gotten worse here in the inner circles that I’ve been in,” McNeish says of heroin users. “One out of 10 might die in the next couple of years in that using community.”
Bestselling author Beth Macy's first book, Factory Man, told the story of a small-town Virginia factory owner fighting globalization. In Dopesick, she traces the causes and the cost of the opioid epidemic.
When the opioid crisis began to unfold, Virginia journalist Beth Macy was at its epicenter. As a beat reporter for the Roanoke Times, southwest Virginia’s largest newspaper, Macy focused on social and economic trends and how they affect ordinary people. The paper covered the stories of the addicted and their families, the corrupt doctors that both over-prescribed opioids and dealt with the aftermath, and the cops, judges, and first-responders caught up in the encroaching epidemic.
Now, more than two decades and two books later, Macy has returned to those experiences for her latest bestseller.
In Dopesick: Dealers, Doctors, and The Drug Company That Addicted America, Macy traces how the profit-driven Purdue Pharma, a drug company, began aggressively marketing OxyContin for pain, and how the cycle ultimately led to the abuse of heroin when prescription opioids became harder and harder to come by.
I spoke with Macy about the book, and what it was like to be among the first reporting on—and paying attention to—the opioid epidemic. The interview has been edited for clarity and length.
The title of the book, Dopesick, refers to the nightmarish and extremely painful symptoms a heavy drug-user experiences during withdrawal. Addicted users eventually don’t use drugs to get “high,” but to help ease the debilitating sickness that comes from quitting cold-turkey. Would you describe some of the symptoms you’ve witnessed of someone being dopesick?
Beth Macy: Sure. Almost to a person, everyone I’ve interviewed said it’s like the worst flu times a hundred. Night sweats, diarrhea, vomiting, fever, restless legs; it’s a physical pain that everyone I spoke with would spend [their whole days] avoiding feeling.
I know [Dopesick] is an in-your-face title. If people could just understand that number one, a lot of people weren’t [using] to get high, but because they’d been addicted to this drug, some of them initially through no fault of their own, maybe that would go a long way towards the public understanding and reducing the stigma that prevents some of these people from getting life-saving treatment.
Do you remember your first assignment for the Roanoke Times 20, 30 years ago?
I worked [at the Roanoke Times] for 25 years. I was the family beat reporter. My last big series I did was in 2012, a three-part series about heroin. I was following the travails of these two families whose lives had been upended by heroin. One was a 19-year-old kid who had died of overdose. And the other, the same age, his former classmate [Spencer], was about to go to prison for his role of handing him the heroin that led to his death, and of course he was an addicted user himself.
Not excusing what he did, but they were all at an apartment partying and that happened and Spencer got the blame for it. I was following him around trying to figure out what was happening, because everyone was like “what, wealthy white kids are doing heroin in the suburbs?” Nobody had any idea, myself included.
In some way this was my first experience writing about this. I had read when OxyContin first broke out in the coalfields in central Appalachia in the late ’90s, [but] I didn’t quite put together the connection between all the stories until after the series on heroin. And most people in the country didn’t…The pills are chemical cousins, when the pills get hard to get—if there’s no treatment available for people—they go out to the black market and switch to heroin. That was an important thing to get across.
Not only is it somewhat of a surprise that we see the abuse of these drugs in the middle and upper-middle class, but also how… the opioid epidemic began in a rural environment, here in Appalachia.
Right, so for that reason it was easy for it to happen in “politically unimportant” places. Regional media like the Roanoke Times stopped covering the rural hinterland. Newspapers were dying, and politicians stopped giving a crap about poor people from the mountains, as one of my sources Dr. Van Zee said. He was the first doctor in the country, from rural St. Charles, Virginia, in the heart of central Appalachia, to pick up the phone and call Purdue and say, “This drug has got to be addictive. I’ve got kids I immunized as babies showing up in the ER with overdose.” [This was] in the late ’90s. People he had treated for years, farmers and coal miners, most of them in their 70s, losing everything they had built their lives around because of OxyContin.
Your closeness with your sources, who shared their most private feelings during the darkest times in their lives, is remarkable. Why do you think you were welcomed in such a way?
The last third of the book follows the travails of Tess Henry, this beautiful former honor roll student and basketball star and poet. By the time I met [Tess] it was November 2015, she was three years into her addiction. Her dad is a surgeon, her mom is a hospital nurse, a very educated family. She grew up with a second home. I mean just not what you would expect. Not the kind of person that falls through the cracks typically in our society, and yet over and over and over, [clinic after clinic] denied her treatment. They were so worn out with it.
Unlike a lot of other people who may have said “no we don’t care to be interviewed,” [the Henrys] were like “no, come in, see us all,” and I was just so grateful to them. And similarly with some of the first responders I interviewed, drug court judges, recovery coaches, they had seen these cases for so many years, they were like, “Please. We need somebody to speak for us, we’re too worn out to speak for us.”
Dr. Van Zee, who I talked about in the book, he still works 14-hour days and I think he’s 71 now. Sister Beth Davies is 86. She’s the activist nun that also fought Purdue in the early years, she works 12-hour days. She’s a drug counselor. I mean these are incredible people, and they’re so worn out.
I saw a drug-court judge’s hair turn from salt and pepper to white in the course of about 18 months. I was shocked by the last time I interviewed him how much his hair had changed…People were coming up to him at the grocery, in tiny Lebanon, Virginia, begging him to put their children, their adult children, in drug court—people who don’t even have charges. I think I showed up at the time when they were so worn out they didn’t care about the stigma at this point. I mean, some people still do, but a lot of people are just willing to let me in.
I’m sure you were aware there was a good chance that some of the people you were speaking with weren’t going to make it. Did you prepare for that possibility, that these stories may not necessarily have a good ending?
I did. I spoke with one of my good friends, Roland Lazenby, who has written a lot of sports books, a really excellent writer. He’s been writing books a lot longer than I have.
He said you should focus on the heroes because that’s what the readers will come to identify with and those are the people who are going to help get us out of this crisis. He quoted Mr. Rogers—“find the helpers”—and that really became my lodestar, because I knew I could live in the material a bit better if I focused on the families and the first responders that were fighting back.
You know at no point in the book do I hang out with active users in the middle of their using. I hang out with active users but…I’m not necessarily living in their homeless world or watching them inject heroin into their veins. At no point do I watch anybody use or describe anybody using. That was partly to protect myself. And also so many people in America have no idea how bad this epidemic is. I wanted to write something that would illuminate it and make them care and make them really understand how hard these families and first responders are working to keep their loved ones alive.
At the end, did I know that I was eventually going to get a call that one of my main sources in the book had died? I had [seen] the data. It takes the average user eight years of fortified treatment to get one year of sobriety, I knew [with] fentanyl [emerging], people didn’t have eight years.
Tess Henry had only six. And I knew eventually I would get the call from her mother but didn’t know when and then the day after Christmas. [But] it wasn’t the call that we thought.
[Tess] was dead but she was murdered. She was left to fend for herself in this faraway city where she had relapsed and been kicked out of abstinence-only treatment. It’s another huge telltale sign of how important treatment is, that we allow the narrative that abstinence-only works, and that hurts people with opioid abuse disorder. People continue to fall through the cracks unless they are given easy access to medication-assisted treatment.
Can you elaborate a bit on medication- assisted treatment and why this form of treatment is a big point of a contention between recovery centers, law enforcement, addicts and their families, and the medical community?
Maintenance drugs are basically weak opioids that block the receptors [in the brain that allow you to get high]. Buprenorphine and suboxone…if you’re taking them like you’re supposed to, and then you shoot up heroin, you won’t feel the effects.
Study after study shows, people who take these drugs correctly with counseling are less likely to [commit] crime, less likely to relapse, and less likely to die. They are 50 to 60 percent [less likely to die], compared to abstinence-only models that show only a 6 to 10 percent (success rate). Fifty to 60 percent is pretty good, but that’s still 40 to 50 percent that it doesn’t work for all of the time, and a lot of people have to go through numerous attempts.
There is also a lot of diversion and abuse, which is why law enforcement is against it. But still, if you say your goal is to prevent overdose, there is no question that it is the number one way to do that. It’s the low-hanging fruit.
Is it accurate to say the opioid epidemic has the signs of getting worse before it gets better?
It’s completely accurate. The latest statistics from the Centers for Disease Control show that we lost 72,000 [people to drug overdose] last year, which is up 10 percent from the year before, which are largely due to opioids.
The few states that have MAT widely available, emergency room to MAT programsas a standard, and also have syringe exchanges, and harm-reduction programs in place—there’s three New England states, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Vermont—we’re starting to see a slight decline. But overall, epidemiologists and public health experts have shown it’s going to plateau sometime after 2020. That’s unnerving, “sometime after 2020.” These [three New England states] were early passers of Medicaid expansion. In Virginia, we just passed it. It is the number-one way to get people that don’t have insurance into treatment.
This interview was originally published by 100 Days in Appalachia, a digital news publication incubated at the West Virginia University Reed College of Media in collaboration with West Virginia Public Broadcasting and the Daily Yonder.
Jenée Libby hosts the food podcast Edacious, which features face-to-face interviews with people in the local food scene.
Photo: Amy Jackson Smith
Back in 2005, Apple CEO Steve Jobs declared that podcasting was “the next generation of radio.” When the company began supporting podcasts on iTunes that same year (so users could easily download the audio shows onto an iPod, where the name originated), the medium gained steam, and lately podcast consumption has exploded. Last year Apple Podcasts reached 50 billion all-time episode downloads and streams, soaring from 14 billion the year before.
Though it’s taken a decade for podcasts to fully capture the public’s attention, Charlottesville producers have been riding the rising wave: the city now boasts more than two dozen home-grown podcasts, from independent hidden gems to long-established flagships.
“A lot of the first and most successful podcasts out there are repurposed radio shows,” says Nathan Moore, general manager of UVA-based WTJU radio. “A podcast is like a radio show you can take with you and replay anytime.” In 2017, he launched the station’s online podcast network, TEEJ.fm, which now hosts more than a dozen locally-produced shows.
Many national broadcasts such as NPR’s news and conversation shows are now available as podcasts, and local stations like WINA post most of their programs in online subscription form as well. But an increasing number of independent producers skip the radio step entirely.
“It’s a funny medium because it’s so democratic that people can do it with almost no budget,” says local host Lorraine Sanders. Armed with a recording device (like a smartphone), and access to an internet platform to host the show (like a personal website or an app such as SoundCloud), anyone can dive into podcasting.
But while the barriers to entry are low, creating a successful podcast that attracts a following of loyal subscribers requires long-term planning and knowing your audience. Sanders hosts Spirit of 608, a widely-followed podcast that offers creative and media advice to aspiring fashion industry entrepreneurs. But she got into podcasting when she and a friend created a short-lived show called Underclothes, dreamed up on a whim over a glass or two of wine. “We said to ourselves, ‘we’re hilarious, people would love this, we should start a podcast,’” she laughs, “but of course it’s much more difficult than you think to make it good.”
Feed your brain
Podcasts can vary widely in both length and style. From a sixty-second music snippet to an hour-long interview, from almost wordless meditation to shrill political argumentation, from esoteric science reporting to immersive episodic fiction, there is truly a podcast for everyone. More than one, apparently—last year the average user listened to seven different podcasts each week.
For UVA neurologist Ted Burns, producing a podcast has become an extension of his teaching. “In 2005, I wanted to help the neurology residents maintain their education once they’d moved on, and then I read that college students were taping their lectures and putting them on iTunes,” says Burns. “I thought, ‘well, that’s the answer.’”
He created a show, called simply Neurology Podcast, that features interviews with researchers who share their latest findings and insights, and allows its (physician) listeners to gain continuing education credit. In 2007, the research journal Neurology agreed to host it, and since then its audience has grown steadily, now boasting 45,000 downloads each week, over 18 million since its inception.
While some of the content is fairly technical, Burns also features relatable stories, such as his interview with Robin Williams’ widow on how she dealt with her husband’s dementia, and his own experience dealing with a sinus cancer diagnosis in 2013. He sees learning opportunities everywhere. “Our next goal is to be part of a voice-assisted ‘Tell me about my day’ type app,” he says, not entirely in jest. “As in, five minutes of NPR, the weather forecast, and then two minutes of neurology news.”
Ted Burns, a professor of neurology at UVA, started his podcast to help neurology residents maintain their education. Photo: Eze Amos
Community connection
While national shows often cover wider themes and larger events, local shows can cater to the more immediate community, and some try to do a bit of both. For instance, several limited podcast series recently focused on the events and aftermath of August 12th, such as A12, a six-episode series created by UVA professor Nicole Hemmer for the Miller Center, which explored the larger history behind the clash, and The Trial of James Alex Fields, local activist Molly Conger’s daily chronicle on TEEJ.fm of the court proceedings in the emotionally laden case.
Two long-standing, internationally-acclaimed radio shows produced by Charlottesville-based Virginia Humanities have successfully transitioned to the new medium. With Good Reason is an award-winning weekly broadcast carried on public radio stations nationwide that focuses on Virginia scholarship, culture, and history as well as topics of broader interest. Though the radio show has been established for more than two decades, the production began being distributed as a podcast a few years ago, bringing the elegantly crafted program, hosted by Sarah McConnell, to an on-demand audience.
Kelley Libby, the show’s associate producer, distinguishes between simple podcasting and “audio storytelling.” “A podcast can be just you, broadcasting your thoughts to the world, whereas audio storytelling makes an effort to relay a narrative,” using features like ambient sound, music, interviews, and historical context. Even a news show like the New York Times’ The Daily, “does a good job at transmitting the news through really awesome storytelling,” she says.
Libby is keenly interested in the possibilities of experimental forms of podcasting, and she’s been trying out new modes on her own podcast series American Dissent and UnMonumental, the latter of which features no narrator, only the voice of the interviewee. “I’m very interested in community storytelling, and [this style] feels more like a collaboration with the person, not as extractive,” she says. “It feels less like I’m taking ownership of a person’s story and more like I’m helping amplify a person’s own story through editing.”
UVA history professor Brian Balogh, co-host of Virginia Humanities’ second podcast, BackStory, remembers his show’s inception in 2008. “We laughed at the idea of anybody listening to three historians talking about history, and we’re still amazed,” he says. But people did tune in to the show, which was eventually picked up by over 200 public radio stations and now has moved to a podcast-only platform. “There’s more flexibility in terms of timing with a podcast,” he says. “A show may run 40 minutes or 60 minutes depending on the topic, and that’s fine because it doesn’t need to fit into a radio time slot.”
Balogh loves both radio and podcasts, and marvels at how much he himself has learned by making BackStory. “We try to convey our own struggle to understand the history of any topic,” he says, “so we hope not to come across as talking head experts but as fellow explorers of the meaning of history.”
Captain Bob Abbott hosts Coming Home Well, which addresses the mental well-being of soldiers returning from deployment.
A sense of purpose
Many podcasts venture far beyond news and entertainment to tackle deeply serious subjects for both the host and the audience. Support-oriented podcasts for victims of illness and trauma, for people grieving loss or battling addiction, serve as critical gathering places to listen, find help, and feel understood. Charlottesville podcaster and former Air Force Captain Bob Abbott’s weekly WINA radio show, Coming Home Well, which is also distributed as a podcast, addresses the mental well-being of soldiers returning from deployment.
“I started the show after returning from Afghanistan with PTSD and seeing a need, quite honestly, to do something to prevent veteran suicide, both for others and for myself,” says Abbott, who interviews veterans and specialists on topics like veteran homelessness and discrimination against females in the military. Abbott’s subject matter is close to his heart, and a powerful motivator. “So many people who start podcasts quit after a half-dozen episodes because they haven’t figured out why they are doing it,” he says. “My ‘what’ is veteran suicide, but my ‘why’ is my friends who have died. I know I can’t quit, because if I quit, I die.”
For those compelled to tell a story, why start a podcast instead of, say, writing a blog, book, or newspaper article, filming a video, or posting to Facebook or Twitter? One answer lies in the visceral impact on listeners of hearing voices and music through headphones or while driving. “Audio is a very affective medium, because our brains process sound information in a physical way,” says WTJU’s Moore. “Relying on audio alone produces a more emotion-driven experience.”
Sanders agrees, and points to latent psychological effects as well. “Before starting my own, I became obsessed with podcasts from a listener standpoint,” she says. “For me personally, it’s the most intimate form of media that exists. It’s more impactful than anything I read online in terms of how much I remember and the actions I take after listening, like going to look something up or making a purchase.”
Ellen Daniels, co-host and producer of Apropos of Something at WPVC radio, is motivated to communicate the stories of local people with a particular focus on social justice issues. “It’s a very creative process for me,” says Daniels, who has a journalism background. “I love to learn a person’s story, talk about what they’re doing, and then to try to bring that story out in an interesting way.” AOS is a rare live show, which means no do-overs or edits, and Daniels is proud of their 69 episodes thus far. “We do a lot of up-front research and pre-interviews so we can bring energy to the stories,” she says. “We’re really promoting our town.”
Most podcasters tend to be natural storytellers, extroverted and verbose, and passionate about their specialty. “When I was a kid, I had a Mr. Microphone, and I used to read the newspaper out loud,” says Jenée Libby, host of the food podcast Edacious (an archaic word meaning ravenous). “I always wanted to be a broadcaster.” Libby began writing a restaurant review blog called “Edible Charlottesville” in 2008, but quickly found she was more interested in the stories of the chefs than in the actual food. She wrote long chef profiles which she posted on her blog, eventually recording them in her voice, and finally made the leap to podcasting interviews of local and regional food industry people.
“I started by asking my friends in the industry to be on the show, and then asked them who I should talk to next,” says Libby, who only conducts face-to face-interviews. “Distance interviewing creates a bit of a wall where the connection to my guest isn’t as strong. I like to talk about deeper things, triumphs and challenges, where do you see yourself in the future.” Though she does all of her own post-production and distribution, Libby recently joined the TEEJ.fm network, hoping to find a group of other local podcasters to “meet up with and bounce ideas off each other.”
In 2017, WTJU general manager Nathan Moore launched the station’s online podcast network, TEEJ.fm, which hosts more than a dozen locally-produced shows. Photo: Eze Amos
Drop the mike
Nathan Moore is aiming for just that kind of vibe with TEEJ.fm. “Our network of podcasts hopes to sustain a model of community storytelling rooted in a place; everybody who’s involved here has a tie to UVA or Charlottesville or both,” he says, noting that joining the network is open to anyone at no cost and comes with great perks like studio space, training, and distribution for fledgling productions. “There’s a long tradition of documentary and idealistic storytelling in the public radio world, and the power of stories to bring us together informs a lot of what I want to do with TEEJ.fm.”
As smart cars, smart home speakers, and optimized mobile apps make podcasts easy to integrate into everyday life, usage stats are beginning to tell the tale. Last year, one quarter of all Americans over age 12 listened to podcasts regularly (one-third of 25- to 54-year-olds), and 12 million people tried a podcast for the first time in 2018. Producers believe there is enormous potential for reaching many more.
“There are lots of micro-audiences—groups who share a common set of values or interests or a physical place—that podcasters could consider when they’re thinking about their target listeners,” says Kelley Libby of Virginia Humanities.
For his part, Dr. Burns likes to envision the far-reaching ripple effect of educational podcasts. “I’ve been motivated by this idea that if we can make neurologists around the world smarter and better, then they can provide better care to their patients, and that’s pretty damn impactful,” he says.
For podcasters raising their voices, the world seems eager to lend an ear.
