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Shut down: UVA’s dining hall employees unceremoniously dumped by Aramark

By Sydney Halleman

When Cece Cowan first heard about Aramark Dining Services, the company that contracts with UVA to staff its dining halls, she was impressed. Cowan liked the global reach of the company and its potential relocation opportunities, especially Georgia, where she wanted to buy a house for herself and her three small children. The company offered her a significant raise from her previous job at UVA Medical Center, and its recruiters touted the number of employees who had been at Aramark for over a decade. In February, Cowan accepted the gig, and began working at the Observatory Hill Dining Hall.

Now, she is one of the scores of contract employees at UVA Dining who were abruptly laid off earlier this month, with no severance or rehiring timeline. UVA declined to say how many workers had been laid off, referring the inquiry to Aramark, which did not answer the question. 

Mounting bills and uncertain futures are just some of the issues facing UVA’s Aramark employees after they received phone calls from supervisors telling them not to report to work. The layoffs come after UVA shut its doors to students for the rest of this semester in order to prevent the spread of the novel coronavirus. While the university assured the community it would “honor all existing commitments” to full- and part-time employees, it made no promises to its more than 800 contracted employees, like those in the dining hall and custodial services. (The mid-March closure included all dining halls except Observatory Hill.)

Earetha Brown. Photo: Zack Wajsgras

 Earetha Brown started working at UVA Dining in 1991, making just $2.50 an hour. After over 20 years of service, Brown was informed that she would receive no compensation after her sudden and unexpected layoff earlier this month. “A person like me has been there, dedicated, going to work every day, not missing a day, doing what they asked of us. We love those students. I dedicated my life,” Brown says. “And now you get a call, a phone call that you don’t have a job.”

Since UVA announced its closure shortly before workers were scheduled to return from spring break (during which most dining hall workers are not paid), some workers have not received a paycheck since February.

Shamia Hopkins, a lead cook at Rising Roll Gourmet, was one of those expecting to head back to work after spring break. Instead, she was told to immediately close the café and not return. “We just didn’t get anything. It was just like, ‘Okay, file unemployment, here’s your layoff letter.’ That’s all we got.” She has three kids, plus, “I have a car payment, I have car insurance, and I still have to buy groceries.” Hopkins says. “I have a son that’s 1 year old. I still have to buy diapers and stuff like that.” Unemployment, she says, will not cover her bills.

In a letter, Aramark told employees they were being placed on “temporary shutdown status,” and could cash in any remaining sick days before filing for unemployment. And though they were given no assurances of being rehired in the fall, Hopkins says she hopes to return to work and is worried about using all of her sick days. “You never know when you’re going to need it when we do come back,” she says. The company said employees with health benefits could maintain them at least through the end of June, and added that they are “actively working…to offer additional support.”

The layoffs come after a hard-fought victory by the Living Wage Campaign, which had advocated for better pay for UVA’s non-academic employees for over 20 years. In March of last year, the university announced it was raising wages to $15 per hour for UVA employees, and in October it extended the promise to full-time contract workers. “As a university, we should live our values—and part of that means making sure that no one who works at UVA should live in poverty,” UVA president Jim Ryan said in a statement last March.

Cece Cowan. Photo: Zack Wajsgras

Now, however, employees like Cowan and others are relying on Charlottesville City Schools to provide food for their children, because they cannot pay their bills. “I did apply for unemployment, and I got some of that today. But I mean, a hundred dollars a week isn’t really going to cut what I’m used to bringing home,” Cowan says. Some Aramark supervisors appeared to be reaching out to employees to try to help. Cowan says a supervisor offered her an additional nine paid sick days. And another employee shared a text she’d received saying the company would begin providing ready to eat meals (up to five days a week) to employees who needed them, starting April 1. Others said they had not been told about the meal service.

Some workers assumed that UVA would offer to feed employees from the stock of perishable food available in the dining halls. Instead, the university donated all of the excess food to area charities, including the Salvation Army. “Why not your employees?” Brown says. Others point to UVA’s colossal $9.6 billion endowment and its refusal to refund tuition or fees to students as evidence that the university could afford to compensate its laid off workers while school is closed. (The university did refund students’ room and board for the remainder of the semester.)

On March 17, student activists released a petition calling for UVA to (among other things) provide paid sick leave for its non-student workers, including the contracted Aramark employees at UVA Dining. The petition calls the layoffs “immoral” and “severely threatening to the wellbeing of these individuals, their families, and society as we allow certain people to be neglected and treated as disposable.” The petition has garnered over 865 signatures. 

“Things are getting really serious. We need action. We need solutions to these things,” says Joie Asuquo, a fourth-year student and one of the co-authors of the petition. Asuquo is motivated by the students at universities like Harvard, who organized a petition with 6,500 signatures demanding that the university pay its subcontracted workers.

Asuquo says that students’ unrefunded mandatory fees should be used to help compensate laid-off workers. A FAQ page on the university’s website says the decision not to refund is to “enable us to pay our employees.” One such annual fee, $246 per regular session student, is paid directly to Newcomb Hall, one of the dining centers.

“I was just doing some math and it wasn’t adding up,” Asuquo says. 

Living wage activists are beginning to realize that there may be another fight ahead of them. “One woman said it’s our job to advocate for people that could lose their jobs if they spoke up for themselves,” Asuquo says., “That’s what keeps us going.’”

Asked for comment, Wesley Hester, director of university media relations, said in an email that UVA recognizes the “unprecedented and rapidly changing situation” and was “in conversation with contractors” like Aramark, but did not provide any more specific information.

Workers will be waiting for a better response. “I gave UVA my life and they gave me nothing,” Brown says. “ It hurts.”

Updated 4/1 to note that UVA refunded students’ room and board.

 

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Now what? UVA-community working group outlines priorities

By Ali Sullivan

After four months of surveys, conversations, community gatherings and focus groups, the committee formed by University of Virginia President Jim Ryan to evaluate the relationship between the university and the surrounding community released its final report in February. UVA faculty members, a UVA law student, and Charlottesville community leaders comprised the 16-member working group that sought to define priority issues straining town-gown relations.

Various initiatives to mend UVA’s contentious relationship with its surrounding community preceded this effort, yet working group co-chairman Juandiego Wade-—chair of the Charlottesville City School Board—says he believes this effort will transpire differently.

The president is “committed to being a good neighbor,” Wade says, not only to residents of Charlottesville, but to “all the places that the university touches.”

“I’m hearing some very positive things from the community about what’s going on,” he says.

However, the results so far have been more than just good feelings. On March 7—less than a month after the publication of the group’s report—the university announced plans to increase wages for full-time workers to $15 an hour in 2020. Although the announcement follows quickly after the working group’s suggested wage increases, it also comes after decades of student-led activism pushing the university to increase wages for its lowest-paid workers.

The decision matters: Charlottesville offers some of the lowest economic mobility in the nation, and 25.9 percent of city residents live below the federal poverty threshold. As the largest employer in Charlottesville, UVA has immense influence on the surrounding labor market.

While the group outlined wages as the top priority for the university to address, the report also suggests UVA tackle issues related to jobs, health care, housing, and education. Jon Bowen, special advisor to the president for external affairs, notes that, unlike wages, UVA cannot take unilateral action on these issues—change will not happen overnight. Currently, he says, the university is studying possible solutions in collaboration with the community.

Wade noted that no formal accountability structure has been created to ensure the implementation of the group’s suggestions. The report recommended UVA establish an Office of Community Partnerships and Social Impact to monitor university-community initiatives and offer a channel through which Charlottesville residents can provide input to the university. Bowen says the university is working on finding “the most effective channel” for residents to provide input.

Meanwhile, the working group has not yet disbanded, though Wade says it is unsure of its next steps. For now, he says, “we’re still in the glow of the report.”

Ali Sullivan is a news writer at The Cavalier Daily.

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Still active: Students work to change culture from the periphery

By Ben Hitchcock

At 10:30pm on May 4, 1970, approximately 1,500 UVA students gathered on the Lawn to protest the murder of four student activists at Kent State University earlier that day. On April 28, 1983, a group of 100 students marched up to the office of Student Affairs Vice President Ernest Ern and presented a list of demands, including the admission of more black students, the hiring of more black faculty, and an increase in the amount of financial aid for black students. In 1991, a Cavalier Daily opinion columnist wrote: “The world around us is buzzing with black political activism.”

The University of Virginia has a reputation as a hidebound and conservative place, where seersucker reigns supreme and change comes slowly. But progressive political activism has always been present on Grounds. For decades, UVA students have banded together to protest against all manner of injustices.

Today’s students are building on the activism of their forebears.

“Some of my friends were at the big bicentennial celebration on the Lawn, with a big banner that just says ‘200 years of white supremacy,’” says UVA student Corey Runkel, a member of the Living Wage Campaign at UVA. “We found an image from 1970, when they were trying to do co-education… They had a sign that said ‘150 years of white supremacy.’ It was interesting to see that history.”

Runkel, a third-year, has been a part of the Living Wage Campaign since shortly after his arrival at the school. Founded in the late ‘90s, the group has advocated for the rights of workers around Grounds, lobbying the administration to raise the minimum wage for the university’s employees. In 2006, 17 students occupied Madison Hall for four days before President John Casteen had them arrested.

The campaign scored a significant victory earlier this year, when President Jim Ryan announced that 1,400 full-time employees would receive $15 an hour by January 2020.

“When I was a first-year, people that didn’t know about Living Wage directly would never talk about it,” Runkel says. The group kept pushing, though, and managed to force the university into action.

Other students fight for different issues. The Virginia Student Environmental Coalition “engages in political advocacy, education, and direct action around environmental and social justice,” says leader Joyce Cheng. Recently, VSEC organized to slow down the Atlantic Coast Pipeline. Before that, the group lobbied the university administration to divest from fossil fuels.

“When the Atlantic Coast Pipeline opposition was really heightened, a couple semesters ago, we were really close with the people in Buckingham County,” Cheng says. “We have tried to strengthen the bonds between the university and the community.”

Many of UVA’s activist groups focus on issues beyond the university’s walls. Political Latinxs United for Movement and Action in Society concentrates on “having really close ties with the community,” says Diana Tinta, one of the group’s members. That could mean anything from hosting an open mic night to organizing dinners and donating profits to refugees in Charlottesville.

Recently, PLUMAS painted Beta Bridge to protest the Albermarle-Charlottesville Regional Jail’s relationship with ICE. Activities like painting the bridge can galvanize students, and “that’s given us a lot of momentum,” Tinta says.

The Living Wage Campaign, VSEC, and PLUMAS represent just a small sample of activist organizations at the university. UVA Students United has organized around a variety of social justice issues; the Queer Student Union advocates for UVA’s LGBTQ+ population; the Black Student Alliance has been a catalyst for political activism since its founding in the 1960s. The list of activist organizations at UVA goes on and on. The school is chock full of passionate and innovative students.

Nevertheless, UVA’s activists themselves remain generally pessimistic about the role of political activism in the university’s culture. Despite the long history of action and the proliferation of progressive groups, some organizers still feel like the stereotypes about UVA’s apathetic political climate hold more than a little truth.

“I think it’s probably apt to say that this is not a place that is known for political activism,” Runkel says. “We’ve found it a very difficult place to organize.”

Runkel ascribed this difficulty to the less-than-revolutionary politics of many UVA students. “Part of it is a sort of self-separation from the rest of UVA life. We’re fairly radical, relative to other groups.”

Cheng echoes Runkel’s lament. “[Mobilizing students] is something, to be honest, I think we struggle with, just because UVA students are so busy and so involved in all their different commitments,” she says. “UVA is very closed off to student activism.”

Tinta, too, believes most UVA students are insufficiently engaged. “I don’t think that students are active enough in advocating for issues, especially when it comes to advocating for the Charlottesville community,” she says. “There are a bunch of groups that do great work, but I think that all these works need more collaboration and more support, which I don’t think that UVA students really give.”

So while many groups are working hard for a wide variety of progressive causes, student activism continues to exist on the periphery of the school’s consciousness, and that relationship shows little sign of changing. As long as that remains true, UVA’s activists know they have more work to do.

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YOU Issue: Charlottesville leads in income inequality

Here’s what readers asked for:

I would like to see a series of articles addressing the economic gap in our town and area.—Mo Nichols

By Jonathan Hanes

Income inequality has reached massive levels over the past few decades, as wages for poor and middle-class Americans have stagnated while those for top earners have skyrocketed. And the Charlottesville area is a leader in this unfortunate trend.

Income inequality is measured using a Gini index, with a score of zero being the least unequal and a score of one being the most. Charlottesville has a Gini index of .512, higher than both the Virginia index of .471 and the national index of .415.

This is partially due to Charlottesville’s economic dependence on the University of Virginia, the city’s largest employer. According to Hamilton Lombard, an economist at the Weldon Cooper Center, diversified economies tend to have less inequality. “Towns with coal fields have higher income inequality because there aren’t a lot of other jobs,” he says. “Similarly, small college towns tend to be prone to inequality because of the large pay range [at universities].” He points to the salaries of highly trained lecturers compared to those of service workers.

UVA has come under fire for how it pays low-level workers, though their current minimum, $12.38 an hour, is slightly above the living wage for one person working full-time, which is $12.02 an hour in Charlottesville, according to the Massachusetts Institute for Technology’s living wage calculator. (And it’s well above the state minimum wage of $7.25 an hour.) For a single parent with one child working full-time, however, the living wage baseline jumps to $27.09 an hour, or over $56,000 annually.

UVA recently garnered more criticism from living-wage activists when it posted a job listing for a “community resource specialist” that would help UVA employees “at or near entry-level hourly rates locate community resources such as housing, clothing, utilities, and food.”

Activists expressed frustration on the Living Wage Campaign at UVA’s Facebook page: “The administration knows workers are struggling and it seems they will do everything except pay workers a living wage. Disgraceful.”

Tech startups, which have taken off in Charlottesville in the last few years, can also contribute to the income gap. In a town where the median income is $31,850, a software engineer here averages around $87,000, according to Glassdoor. The spy center—National Ground Intelligence Center—inflates salaries too.

But the income gap here may not only be the result of highly unequal salaries: College students, who don’t tend to have a lot of income, can skew the data. “Small-town colleges tend to distort income levels in the surrounding community,” says Lombard. And he adds that Charlottesville, like most cities, tends to attract more poor and homeless people than rural and suburban areas because it offers more social services, such as public housing and homeless shelters.