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In brief: Perriello saves the day, lots of $$$, and council retreat chaos

Perriello’s Sierra Leone rescue

A desperate mother needed to get her 5-year-old daughter out of Sierra Leone in 2003, and asked a stranger at the airport to take her child to her grandmother in the U.S. Fifteen years later, Zee Sesay learned that the man who brought her daughter to safety was former congressman Tom Perriello, according to BuzzFeed. Perriello calls it “one of the crazier experiences” of his life.

Another renaming?

City Councilor Wes Bellamy pounced on the last few moments of the December 17 City Council meeting to suggest renaming Preston Avenue, which gets its moniker from Thomas Preston, a Confederate leader, slaveholder, and former UVA rector. Is Jefferson Street next?

Big bucks

Local philanthropist Dorothy Batten—yes, the daughter of Weather Channel co-founder and UVA grad Frank Batten—will donate $1.35 million to a Piedmont Virginia Community College program called Network2Network, which trains volunteers to match community members with open job listings. 


Quote of the week: “I have never been disrespected the way I have been here in Charlottesville.”—Police Chief RaShall Brackney


Bigger bucks

Following the Dave Matthews Band’s recent announcement that it, together with Red Light Management and Matthews himself, will give $5 million to local affordable housing, came the news that another $527,995 in grants will be doled out to 75 local nonprofits through the band’s Bama Works Fund, which awards similar grants twice a year.

Remains IDed

Police arrested and charged Robert Christopher Henderson with second-degree murder December 20 in connection with the death of Angela Lax, who was reported missing in August. County detectives, who found skeletal remains in the woods along the John Warner Parkway’s trails in November, suspect that Henderson killed Lax in June and dumped her body.

Clerk’s Office closing

Hope you don’t have any important deeds to file or a marriage license to pick up during the first week of the new year, because the Charlottesville Circuit Court Clerk’s Office is moving to new temporary digs during a massive courthouse renovation and will be closed December 31 through January 4 for the holiday and for the move.


Maybe a little bit of “vitriol”

What happens when City Council has a daylong retreat, and two people live tweet the gathering? Here are some excerpts from the December 18 event with Mayor Nikuyah Walker, councilors Wes Bellamy, Kathy Galvin, Heather Hill, and Mike Signer, as narrated by Molly Conger, aka @socialistdogmom, and Daily Progress reporter Nolan Stout. Click to view their threads.

 

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Day 5 #CvillePilgrimage: Say his name

Next to nothing is known about John Henry James—not his age, his family nor his occupation. All that is certain is that he died on July 12, 1898, at the hands of a Charlottesville lynch mob.

And that murder is what led to around 100 people from Charlottesville to travel four days to Montgomery, Alabama, to add, on the 120th anniversary of his death, soil from his slaying site to the collection at the Equal Justice Initiative, which opened a memorial to the nation’s lynchings earlier this year.

Several local officials, including City Councilor Kathy Galvin and Albemarle supervisors Diantha McKeel and Ned Gallaway, as well as 5th District Democratic candidate Leslie Cockburn, flew in for the ceremonial delivery of the soil to the Equal Justice Initiative.

But the biggest headliner was EJI founder, public interest attorney and social justice activist Bryan Stevenson, who, it turns out, had a role in the Charlottesville group ultimately being there.

EJI founder and criminal/social justice activist Bryan Stevenson says white supremacy’s justification of slavery is what got us into the situation we’re in today. photo Eze Amos

That stemmed from his visit to the Virginia Festival of the Book in March 2016—three days before then vice-mayor Wes Bellamy called for the removal of statues of Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson.

After Stevenson spoke to the crowd of pilgrims, Bellamy stood up and said he’d been at that book festival event and had asked Stevenson whether Charlottesville should remove its Confederate monuments.

“If you wouldn’t have said yes, we wouldn’t be here now,” said Bellamy.

Stevenson reminded the pilgrims that what happened in Charlottesville August 12 was part of the country’s legacy of racial bias, starting from its earliest days, which made the new nation founded on notions of equality “comfortable with 200 years of slavery.”

Said Stevenson, “We’ve all been infected and compromised and contaminated by this legacy, this history of racial inequality.”

And changing that narrative of white supremacy got to the heart of the pilgrimage to commemorate a victim of racial terrorism. “You are modeling what that change is about,” said Stevenson.

Within the soil transported to Montgomery are the sweat, blood and tears of those who were forced to exist upon it, said Stevenson. “In the soil there is the possibility of something new we can create.”

Kevin McFadden contemplates the wall of lynching soil at the Equal Justice Initiative offices. Many more jars are at the Legacy Museum. staff photo

The delivery of the soil became the much-belated funeral service for John Henry James, and clergy members who have been part of the pilgrimage carried out a requiem for James. There were tears, sobs and a literal “Kumbaya”—singing moment.

Activist Cynthia Neff and 5th District Democratic candidate Leslie Cockburn flew in for the final leg of the Charlottesville pilgrimage. staff photo

The emotional rollercoaster didn’t stop there. Next up was the EJI’s Legacy Museum, which is on a site that imprisoned enslaved black people before going to market during Montgomery’s human trafficking peak.

For pilgrim Anne Lassere, in a week of hitting every civil rights museum between Charlottesville and Montgomery, the Legacy Museum was the most profound because of “seeing the line so clearly drawn from slavery to mass incarceration.”

She’s also glad it used the word “terrorism” in describing the effects of white supremacy in the subjugation of the black population through lynching and daily Jim Crow humiliations.

Mayor Nikuyah Walker photographs statues at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice that depict the stark brutality of selling human beings. staff photo

And then there was the National Memorial for Peace and Justice, both a commemoration of the more than 4,400 known people lynched and a hall of shame to those places where the murders occurred. More than 800 coffin-like rectangles hang bearing a county and state’s name, as well as that of the lynched.

The memorial site itself evokes Maya Lin’s Vietnam memorial. “It’s just sublime,” said Louis Nelson, UVA vice provost and professor of architectural history. “Its simplicity is its genius.”

Each of the 800 hanging blocks at the Equal Justice initiative’s National Memorial for Peace and Justice represents a county in the U.S. where a lynching was documented. Photo Exe Amos

The day began with a couple of other notable civil rights landmarks: the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Civil Rights Memorial Center and Dexter Street Baptist Church, headquarters for the Montgomery bus boycott and congregation of the 26-year-old Martin Luther King.

“What I like about Southern Poverty Law is that they got the story right,” said Susan Bro, Heather Heyer’s mother, who is on the pilgrimage. “She wasn’t a leader. She wasn’t singled out. She was an ordinary citizen.”

Susan Bro at Southern Poverty Law Center notes the day—July 12—is about the lynching of John Henry James, and wonders about his killers praying before the lynching. Photo Eze Amos

At the historic Baptist church with its magnificent acoustics, music inevitably became part of the visit, starting with 15-year-old Dante Walker, son of the mayor, playing the piano as the Charlottesvillians streamed in.

Church tour director Wanda Howard Battle, before instructing the group to hold hands and sing “We Shall Overcome,” said, “I pray that when you leave this place today, you’ll never be the same.”

And that, undoubtedly, was the theme for #CvillePilgrimage.

Read more in next week’s C-Ville Weekly.

Updated July 15.


Day 4 #CvillePilgrimage: Into the belly of ‘Bombingham’

The violence in the civil rights struggle got worse the further into the Deep South one went. It doesn’t get much worse than at 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham. Sony Prosper and Abby Cox leave the church. Photo Eze Amos

No matter how many civil rights museums one sees, Birmingham and Montgomery always have starring roles as the hearts of segregation darkness. On July 10, the fourth day on the road to commemorate the lynching of John Henry James, the Charlottesville pilgrimage started in Birmingham with that most heart-rending of civil rights landmarks: 16th Street Baptist Church, where a bombing murdered four girls on a Sunday morning in 1963.

“I don’t think anything moved me more than thinking about those four little girls,” said retired pastor and pilgrim David Garth.

The Charlottesville group learned that during the 1950s and ‘60s, Birmingham’s nickname was “Bombingham.” Bombings were quite the terror tool for white supremacists there, and Bethel Baptist Church, led by activist Fred Shuttlesworth, was bombed three times.

“I thought it was one, but it was repeated bombings,” said Garth.

That surprised Myra Anderson, too. “To hear this church got bombed twice and this other church got bombed, I was like, my God,” she said.

For Anderson, 16th Street Baptist was the hardest of all the sites thus far. “Knowing the history of the church and what happened there—it was overwhelming. My heart felt heavy.”

The church is the center of the African American community, said Anderson, making it all the more appalling that hate would invade that sanctity. During a film about 16th Street, she watched the choir continue to sing and the congregation continue to move forward.

“I cried,” she said. “I cried for my mother and for my grandmother. I just sat there and cried.”

At the same time, “I also felt inspired learning about the role young people played.”

Among sites the pilgrimage has visited like Danville and Greensboro, students played key roles in the struggle for civil rights because many adults feared losing their jobs if they protested unjust laws and treatment. Students, who didn’t have mortgages to pay and families to support, were ready to take up the fight.

Armand Bragg was the tour guide at 16th Street Baptist and an activist as a college student. “I was a freshman in college and happy to get out of class,” he joked—more than once. But that wasn’t the only reason.

“”Dr. [Martin Luther] King could make the hair stand up on the back of your neck,” he said.

Birmingham native Dr. Clifton Latting, whom several on the pilgrimage had met during a trip in May to Charlottesville’s sister city in Ghana, agreed that people would “jump in the fire” if King said to do so.

Latting didn’t protest in high school, he said, because he was afraid and thought white people were cruel—and he wanted to go to college. But he understood the anger that fueled others. “I sat in the segregated part of the bus and I had to stand up if a white person wanted a seat,” he said.

“We couldn’t stop to urinate between Birmingham and Montgomery” because the available restrooms were white only. “Students were the driving spirit that changed that.”

Across the street from the church is the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute. For Robert Lewis, pastor at Hinton Avenue United Methodist Church, “That one hit me the hardest of any so far.” That it followed the bombed church probably contributed to that, he acknowledged.

If there’s a civil rights museum, there’s likely a Klan robe like this one at the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute. Staff photo

When the exhibit reached the inevitable KKK robe, seeing “such clearly orchestrated brutality on the part of whites, I wanted to go around and apologize to every person of color on the trip,” said Lewis. “It made me angry that the onus of responsibility is passed forward.”

He mentioned Dr. Latting: “His view of white people was that they were brutal, violent people—uncivilized.”

Further commemorating white-perpetrated racial terrorism, across the street from the civil rights institute is Kelly Ingram Park, where Bull Connor sicced dogs and turned fire hoses on protesters. Statues depict those low points in humanity.

Art imitates life in Birmingham’s Kelly Ingram Park. Photo Eze Amos

In an interview with a CBS42, Tanesha Hudson said she’d always wanted to come to Birmingham.

“We have to continue the fight our ancestors started for us,” she said.

Tanesha Hudson talks to a Birmingham television station. Staff photo

Being in the actual spaces where civil rights struggles took place galvanized those on the pilgrimage, which took an unscheduled detour to Selma to walk across the Edmund Pettus Bridge, where peaceful protesters seeking the right to vote were savagely beaten by police on Bloody Sunday—March 7, 1965.

Those on the pilgrimage to Montgomery detoured to walk across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma. staff photo

The two-lane roads to Dallas County, which had the lowest percentage of registered black voters in Alabama, made it all-too-easy to imagine civil rights activists being murdered by angry white supremacists.

Driving into Selma, with its many boarded up houses and buildings, Robert King observed from the bus, “So this is what hate did to this town.”.

Walking across the iconic bridge, Rabbi Tom Gutherz reminded, “You’ve got to think of the footsteps.”

A chorus of “Freedom” rang out.

Memorials lined the other side of the bridge. One was to the Tomb of the Unknown Slave, which had sacred objects typical of Western Africa, such as coins, rhythm instruments and cowrie shells, said Jalane Schmidt, a pilgrimage organizer and religious studies professor at UVA.  A marker to the multiple victims of lynching had been installed by the Equal Justice Initiative in Montgomery, which was the Charlottesville delegation’s ultimate destination.

The pilgrims gathered on a gazebo near the bridge, held hands and were led in prayer by Don Gathers. Some prayed for the sacredness of the place. Another prayer was in “recognition of those upon whose shoulders we stand.’

Tears were dabbed, “Amen” was sung and then, with a chorus of “Ain’t Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me Around,” the group got on the bus and headed to Montgomery.

Correction: John Henry James and Fred Shuttlesworth were misidentified in the original story.

 


Day 3 #CvillePilgrimage: Atlanta and the MLK effect

Miriam DaSilva experiences what it was like to sit-in at a segregated lunch counter. Photo Eze Amos

The cart was difficult, but it was the lunch counter that had many in in tears.

The Charlottesville pilgrimage to the Equal Justice Initiative’s lynching memorial in Montgomery, Alabama, to deliver soil from the site of the mob murder of John Henry James began its third day—July 10—in Atlanta, where it’s all Martin Luther King Jr. all the time. And that means at both the King Center and the National Center for Civil and Human Rights, the travelers got to experience his life and legacy—and his assassination and funeral—twice in one day.

Song is a nonviolent protest tactic, and on at least one of the two pilgrimage buses, song has become part of the journey. As the bus loaded up to leave the hotel, Sojourners’ Reverend Susan Minasian, a member of the pilgrimage’s clergy team, led a round of the South African hymn “Siyahamba”—”We are marching in the light of God”—in both English and Zulu.

At the King Center, Atlanta City Councilor Amir Farokhi, who represents the MLK district, welcomed the Charlottesville delegation.

Atlanta City Councilor welcomed the Charlottesville pilgrims at the King Center. Eze Amos

“I would presume it’s as much about healing as it is about empowerment,” he said of the pilgrimage. “We’re inspired by the work you’re doing. Charlottesville is the tip of the spear.”

Coretta Scott King was responsible for the area where the sprawling center is located becoming designated a historic district, thanks to her friend, President Jimmy Carter. It became a national park this year. She also lobbied to have her husband’s birthday become a national holiday.

In the MLK museum was the wooden cart that carried King’s body through Atlanta drawn by mules for his funeral. Vizena Howard had been to the King Center before, but on this trip, “that cart—that bothered me,” she said.

Elsie Pickett said visiting the King site made her think, “We are still trying to find that dream Martin Luther King preached about in 1963.”

The Charlottesville pilgrims lunched in the Sweet Auburn district, where Coretta Scott King founded the Historic District Development Corporation, a nonprofit community development corporation to preserve and revitalize the MLK Historic District without displacing residents.

“So much of the Charlottesville story has affinity with Atlanta,” said pilgrimage organizer and African American Heritage director Andrea Douglas. “We have that historic fabric. We don’t have that recovery.”

Affordable housing is very much in the mind of Charlottesville—and Atlanta, where the historic district’s redevelopment has had the unintended effect of spawning gentrification.

Mayor Nikuyah Walker noted that when urban renewal claimed the historic black community Vinegar Hill in Charlottesville, the property “was stolen” from its owners.

“We can’t take these trips and kumbaya it” without going back to Charlottesville, having conversations and doing the hard work of coming up with an affordable housing solution, she said.

Some were exhausted by the time the buses reached the National Center for Civil and Human Rights around 4pmm, but that visit turned out to be, for many, the most powerful of the six sites the group had visited so far.

An interactive lunch counter lets visitors experience all too uncomfortably what it was like to be an African American sitting in at a segregated diner. Participants put on headphones, closed their eyes and could feel the hot breath of hate in their ears and menacing kicks to the stools on which they sat.

Most of the pilgrims tried it out and a number left the counter in tears.

“This was a little more emotional to sit down at that table,” said Courtney Maupin. “I ended up crying.”

Courtney Maupin and daughter Jakia after experiencing the National Center for Civil and Human Rights in Atlanta. Photo Eze Amos

And the “step-by-step exhibits leading up to the assassination of Dr. King, with him doing his eulogy months before, this one was more intense,” she said.

Her daughter, 13-year-old Jakia Maupin, was more impressed with the K(NO)W Justice K(NO)W Peace exhibit the day before in Charlotte at the Levine Museum of the New South, which assembled photographs of more than 50 people shot by police—with no convictions. “That was my favorite,” she said.

Back on the bus, Dona Wylie, 74, felt “overwhelmed with a sense of grief.” She graduated high school in 1962 and was aware of the civil rights struggles going on at that time. “It made me feel so sad we’re where we are, that things haven’t moved more than they have.”

Some solace was to be found at Sweet Auburn Seafood—besides the killer shrimp and grits and peach cobbler. A DJ had set up as the group readied to leave and an impromptu dance party ensued.

The Reverend Susan Minasian says dancing is a spiritual act. Photo Eze Amos

As civil rights activist Joyce Johnson advised at the Beloved Community Center in Greensboro, you’ve always got to have a song you can sing.

Or in this case, a dance.

Rosia Parker boogies on out of Sweet Auburn Seafood. Photo Eze Amos

Day 2 #CvillePilgrimage: First sit-in and Greensboro’s August 12

Joyce and Nelson Johnson’s ‘eerily familiar story” of watching friends and family killed by white supremacists touched pilgrims from Charlottesville. Photo Eze Amos

“Ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around.” July 9, the second day of traveling for Charlottesvillians on a pilgrimage to Montgomery, began with a song from Joyce Johnson, a native Virginian who was present in Greensboro when the Ku Klux Klan and Nazis shot and killed five activists at a black public housing complex in 1979.

Johnson and her husband, Nelson, founded the Beloved Community Center. They were Communist Workers Party activists at the time of the murders, and after two white juries found the KKKers not guilty, they organized a truth and reconciliation commission.

Beloved’s focus these days is training and healing, said Joyce Johnson, a mission that struck a chord with the August 12-scarred pilgrims from Charlottesville.

The story of the Greensboro murders by white supremacists and lack of police intervention seemed to activist Don Gathers an “eerily familiar story” 39 years later. While Charlottesville became international news, city fathers in Greensboro preferred not to dwell on November 3, 1979, a date that’s as notorious with the Johnsons as August 12 is in Charlottesville.

Don Gathers is embraced by Beloved Center’s Nelson Johnson. Photo Eze Amos

Much like Danville, which the pilgrimage visited the day before and where Bloody Monday occurred in 1963, many on the trip had not heard of the Greensboro KKK murders.

“My two children saw their Auntie Sandy with a bullet between her eyes,” said Nelson Johnson. The story got worse. Johnson was jailed with a bond double that of the accused Klan killers and “demonized,” he said, with police putting out a false narrative that the incident was a shootout.

The only legal satisfaction for the family of one of the victims was a civil suit that found the Klan and Greensboro police liable, the latter for their deliberate absence, said the Johnsons.

The questions from the Charlottesville contingent Joyce Johnson summarized as, “what do you do?” and “how do you do it?” Said Johnson, “I’ve been there.” She recounted being a 17-year-old from Blackwell outside of Richmond and thinking, “We’ll get the country straight in a few years.”

Albemarle Supervisor Norman Dill at Beloved Community Center in Greensboro. Photo Eze Amos

Community is the key to change, she said. Interact with people. “You use all avenues.” And have a song you can sing.

Nelson Johnson once met with a Klan grand dragon who was coming back to Greensboro. “This was an effort to speak to the soul that was there,” he said. “That may not work for everyone.”

And initiatives like the Charlottesville pilgrimage is another path. “What you’re doing today is almost off the radar,” said Johnson.

Many in the pilgrimage were moved by the Nelsons determination in the fight for civil rights over the years. Sitting in the front row, Ashlee Bellamy could see the emotion and the tears in Joyce Johnson’s eyes. “Here in Greensboro, they’re still dealing with that,” said Bellamy.

A few blocks away is the Woolworth’s where four A&T University students staged the first student sit-in at the segregated lunch counter on February 1, 1960, which sparked a wave of resistance around the country. The former five and dime is now the International Civil Rights Center and Museum,

The original lunch counter is still there and the building itself is an artifact, one that was nearly torn down to build a parking garage, according to the tour guide LT.

“Segregation is the sequel to the movie called slavery,” said LT,  who traced the beginnings of the civil rights movement and then went back to expose the racism, hatred and hypocrisy woven into the original fabric of the country, citing the words of Charlottesville’s own slave-owning progenitor Thomas Jefferson: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

Louis Nelson, UVA professor of architectural history and vice provost for academic outreach, has visited the much larger National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, and he said he was impressed with the Greensboro civil rights museum, particularly its depiction of America’s racial terror. Fractured images evoke “the shattered glass of physical violence, and the powerful effect of violence shattering lives and families,” he said.

The decision to exhibit mutilated bodies is one often avoided, he said. “The curators made the decision the season of submitting to delicate sensibilities is over.”

Pilgrimage organizer Jalane Schmidt, who got the Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society’s KKK robes out of the closet last summer, studies a Klan hood at the Levine Museum of the New South in Charlotte. Photo Eze Amos

On the road to the Levine Museum of the New South in Charlotte, a gospel sing along began that continued later on as the pilgrimage buses motored to Atlanta.

Updated 7:42am

Updated 9:38am with additional photos


 

Day 1 #CvillePilgrimage: From Civil War to civil rights

Mayor Nikuyah Walker and Councilor Wes Bellamy pause at the Bloody Monday historical marker in Danville. Eze Amos

Ninety-six Charlottesvillians boarded buses on the anniversary of the July 8 KKK rally a year ago and headed to Loyal White Knights country—but did not stop in Pelham, North Carolina, on the first day of their six-day pilgrimage to deliver soil from the lynching site of John Henry James to the Equal Justice Initiative memorial in Montgomery, Alabama.

Martin Luther King called Danville the worst segregated city he’d seen in the south. It’s where the Confederate cabinet met for the last time before General Robert E. Lee surrendered in 1865. It’s also the site of Bloody Monday, a 1963 civil rights demonstration where 47 protesters were beaten by police.

Confederate president Jefferson Davis stayed in the Italianate mansion that was the home of William Sutherlin. It’s now the Danville Museum of Fine Arts and History, and Civil War history and civil rights history coexist there—at times uneasily.

“That started out bad and turned out well,” said Charlottesville artist LeVonne Yountz.

A film about slave-owning tobacco magnate Sutherlin produced by the Daughters of the Confederacy did not sit well with some in the Charlottesville contingent, including City Councilor Wes Bellamy, who denounced being subjected to a “culturally incompetent whitewashing” on the anniversary of the Klan rally.

Wes Bellamy objects to learning the history of slaveowner William Sutherlin in his mansion, now the Danville Museum of Fine Art and History. Eze Amos

“You’re being disrespectful,” countered Lorie Strother, who said it was unfair to “come into their house and raise hell.”

Lorie Strother found Bellamy’s outburst “disrespectful.” Eze Amos

The mood calmed after a panel of civil rights activists, who were teenagers in 1963, talked about trying to end segregation with peaceful protests that brought movement leaders, including King, to Danville.

Pastor Thurman Echols was 16 and “one of the first to be arrested.” Police went to his house and arrested his mother and father, he said, which happened when the demonstrators were underage.

Dorothy Batson, Carolyn Wilson and Thurman Echols were teenagers in 1963 when peaceful protests in Danville turned violent. Eze Amos

Carolyn Wilson was 15 years old and described being taught by Andrew Young “how to curl up in a ball so you wouldn’t get as severely hurt when beaten.” And she assured the survivors of August 12 that just because she followed King’s practice of nonviolence didn’t mean she didn’t want to beat someone. “We were spat on and rocks were thrown on us,” she said.

Dorothy Batson was 17 when she was dragged from Belk—but had someone ready to step in to lead the demonstration after her arrest. “Be organized,” she advised.

She went on to organize against the poll tax and to teach people how to read and write so they could register to vote, because literacy tests were another way to disenfranchise black voters.

“That’s what we went through,” she said. “It hurt my heart that you wanted to walk out because you didn’t like what you heard.”

A Charlottesville teen said she could see going back to fighting for civil rights, which drew chuckles from the panelists, one of whom said the battle had never ended.

The museum was the site of a battle over a Confederate flag that flew outside in 2015. The building is owned by Danville and the city council refused to allow its removal—until the Charleston church massacre.

Another traveler asked what was being done about all the Confederate flags that went up when the museum flag came down, including the largest one in the country on U.S. 29 that cost $30,000 and is on private property, according to Martinsville Vice Mayor Chad Martin.

“No industries want to come to Danville,” said Pastor Echols, who suggested not supporting business owners that fly the flag.

The buses were loaded and had left the museum when they pulled into a parking lot so pilgrims could see the Bloody Monday historical marker in downtown Danville.

Earlier in the day, the pilgrimage stopped at Appomattox, where Lee surrendered and where former 5th District congressman Tom Perriello and his nephew joined the group for a bit. Perriello recalled first visiting the national park as a Boy Scout, and said the historical retelling had gotten more accurate over the years.

Tom Perriello talks to Susan Bro, and thanks her for trying to turn the death of her daughter Heather Heyer August 12 into something “powerful and positive.” Eze Amos

Historical interpretation was the topic after leaving Appomattox, where the focus was very much on the military history, with very little on the enslaved people who were there. “I would have liked a little bit more,” said Virginia Humanities’ Kevin McFadden.

And his colleague Justin Reid called it a “missed opportunity” and said Historic Jamestowne is “cutting edge” on the interpretation of African American history while Monticello is incorporating that history throughout the site.

Historical interpretation is likely to remain a theme. Next stop: Greensboro, North Carolina, home of the first lunch counter sit-in.

Correction: The original version should have identified Historic Jamestowne as doing historic interpretation that Justin Reid said was “cutting edge.” 

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Arts

Ann Randolph brings humor and truth to Charlottesville

Writer and performer Ann Randolph has lived an amazing life. In college, rather than paying to live in a dorm, she lived in the schizophrenic unit of a state mental hospital in exchange for writing plays with patients. She worked the graveyard shift at a homeless shelter for minimum wage for 10 years. And she once lived on a boat in Alaska for a year with 14 men from Louisiana with whom, at first, she appeared to have nothing in common.

A writer from a young age, Randolph joined The Groundlings, an improv and sketch comedy theater in Los Angeles, after college. “I was very interested in creating outrageous characters,” she says, but her personal style evolved into “combining comedy and the human condition.” Drawing from her own life, she began writing and performing solo shows. “Whatever I’m struggling with I create a show around it,” she says, adding, “I find writing is very healing, very powerful.”

She wrote Squeeze Box about her time working at the homeless shelter and performed it in “a crappy theater” she rented in L.A. “That’s when Mel Brooks kind of discovered me,” she says. “He and his wife [Anne Bancroft] showed up.” One of the characters Randolph played was a prostitute addicted to crack, a character inspired by someone she met at the homeless shelter. “Anne Bancroft loved that character,” she says. “She wanted to make [the show] into a movie and play her on Broadway.” Brooks and Bancroft whisked Randolph away to New York City where they produced Squeeze Box off Broadway in 2004. “It was a big shift for me,” says Randolph, who went on to tour with the show.

Bancroft passed away in 2005 before they were able to adapt Squeeze Box into a film. Then Randolph’s own father and mother died. “So,” Randolph says matter-of-factly, “the next show was a comedy about death.” Titled Loveland, she performed it at Arena Stage in Washington, D.C., in 2014. A theater critic for the Washington Post called it “inappropriate in all the right ways,” which struck Randolph as the perfect title for her next show.

“I’ve been told I’ve been inappropriate my whole life so I just love that title,” she says. “I believe that there’s room for appropriateness and inappropriateness, and it can be done in an illuminating and hilarious way.” Most important to her is what is true. “If we can’t speak our truth we can’t be authentic in our lives,” she says.

Virginia Organizing has invited Randolph to perform Inappropriate in All the Right Ways as the headliner for its Night of Comedy and Storytelling for Racial and Social Justice, an event that will include Susan Bro (mother of Heather Heyer), former 5th District Representative Tom Perriello and local hip-hop group Sons of Ichibei.

Randolph’s show is a “story about resiliency” that chronicles her life “as a creator,” she says. At one point in the production, she invites willing audience members to share their stories. “How incredibly cathartic it can be to speak something you’ve been holding on to for a long time,” Randolph says.

The show also raises the question “Can we see ourselves in another?” and illustrates the camaraderie Randolph found in people different from herself. “You may start out thinking you’re different,” she says, “and in the end you’ll see where you’re united rather than divided. It comes from listening to people’s stories and dropping judgment and preconceived ideas.”

What’s one thing she believes helps people listen? Humor. “Sometimes when we hear someone’s strong point of view in a preaching voice we tune out. But if there’s humor there we’re more receptive and open,” she says.

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News

Progressive setback? Laufer, Hill, Platania move on; Fenwick, Fogel out

The heavily watched June 13 primary in Virginia offered several surprises, most notably record-setting Democratic turnout and Corey Stewart’s near upset of Ed Gillespie in the GOP gubernatorial race. Conversely, hometown favorite Tom Perriello’s race against Ralph Northam for governor was expected to be much closer than Northam’s 12-point win.

And in city Democratic primary races, challengers Amy Laufer and Heather Hill handily unseated incumbent Bob Fenwick, and Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney candidate Joe Platania blew out progressive, Equity and Progress in Charlottesville-endorsed opponent Jeff Fogel.

The energized progressive element of the Democratic party fielded House Minority Leader David Toscano’s first primary challenger, UVA instructor Ross Mittiga, in the 57th District in a dozen years.

And yet when the dust settled, establishment Dems were still firmly entrenched, and the upset threat came in the Republican Party, with former Trump Virginia campaign manager Stewart nearly toppling expected shoo-in Ed Gillespie in the GOP governor’s race.

‘It was certainly the closest of the races and the biggest surprise of the night,” says UVA’s Center for Politics analyst Geoffrey Skelley. Gillespie, who nearly unseated Senator Mark Warner in 2014 and was expected to be the GOP standard bearer, squeaked by Stewart with slightly more than a point.

Stewart’s message was “‘I was Trump before Trump,’” says Skelley. “It’s hard to dismiss his play to cultural conservatives and attaching himself to the Confederate monument issue.” Stewart made several visits to Charlottesville over City Council’s vote to remove the statue of Robert E. Lee. “He got his name out there,” says Skelley.

On the other hand, Dem turnout could be unsettling for Republicans in the fall. “The Democrats were clearly animated,” observes Skelley. “They had record-setting turnout for a non-presidential primary.”

While it’s not surprising that Perriello claimed 80 percent of the votes in Charlottesville, in the state’s major metropolitan areas, he trailed Northam by 15 points in Northern Virginia, and even more in Richmond. And in Northam’s home base of the Hampton Roads area, Northam led by 40 percent, says Skelley.

In Charlottesville, many predicted Laufer’s victory and saw it as a battle between Fenwick, who was endorsed by EPIC, and Hill. Laufer took a hefty 46 percent of the vote, while Hill picked up 34 percent and Fenwick nabbed a meager 20 percent.

“First of all, [Fenwick] was wildly outspent and arguably out-worked,” says former mayor Dave Norris, an EPIC founder who is no longer on its board.

“My sense is among the general population, there’s a lot of frustration with what is going on in the city and a lot of them took it out on Bob,” adds Norris.

EPIC also endorsed civil rights lawyer Jeff Fogel for commonwealth’s attorney. Fogel garnered 32 percent of the vote, but Norris doesn’t see that as a resounding defeat.

“Jeff played an important role in bringing attention to systemic racial inequity in the criminal justice system and the failure of the war on drugs,” says Norris. “His presence forced his opponent to take bolder positions.”

Unknown is what factor Fogel’s June 2 arrest for assault, stemming from a confrontation at Miller’s with an associate of whites-righter Jason Kessler, played in the voting booth.

“My position is progressives did great,” says Fogel, who says he got far more votes than expected because of the surge in turnout.

With progressive candidates like Perriello, Mittiga and Fogel being shut out of Democratic nominations, what does that bode for the fall?

“I think the progressive candidates and the progressive community has its work cut out for it,” says Norris. “It’s going to take a lot of mobilizing, maybe smarter strategy and more resources to prevail.”

On City Council, he says, “I think this is the year [independent] Nikuyah Walker could pull off a victory,” although she faces an ever-growing pool of independent candidates, as well as Dem nominees Laufer and Hill, in the November election.

Far from being disheartened by progressive candidates’ lackluster showings, Norris says, “Everyone understands change takes time. It’s important to get people into the debate. We may not have won this election, but we certainly influenced the debate.”

And in other state primary races, Justin Fairfax took the Democratic nomination for lieutenant governor, while state Senator Jill Vogel edged out state Senator Bryce Reeves in an acrimonious contest that included a defamation suit.

A Richmond Times-Dispatch editorial opined that Reeves was unsuitable for office after he criticized Vogel for supporting “the first openly gay judge in Virginia.”

Skelley is skeptical that the piece impacted Reeves, who took 40 percent of the primary vote, in a GOP contest where “Corey Stewart nearly won.” Says Skelley, “I don’t think gay bashing is going to hurt you in that situation.”

Correction June 15: Dave Norris said “smarter strategy,” not “harder strategy” would be needed for progressives. And Amy Laufer won with 46 percent of the vote.

Updated June 19 with Fogel comment.

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What’s at stake: Ralph Northam and Tom Perriello in post-Trumpalyptic race

Lieutenant Governor Ralph Northam pretty much had clear sailing to the Democratic nomination for governor when he announced his run in 2015. Attorney General Mark Herring agreed not to run and Northam had the endorsement of Governor Terry McAuliffe and just about everyone in the state Democratic establishment, as well as a sizable war chest.

Then along came Donald Trump, a tsunami of resistant activism—and former 5th District congressman Tom Perriello.

Perriello’s January announcement stunned Dems across the state, and caused some fissures here in his hometown where people who supported his 2008 and 2010 races were already committed to Northam.

Some see Perriello’s progressivism and Northam’s party anointment as a replay of Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders’ fight for the presidential nomination last year. And indeed, Perriello has obtained the endorsement of Sanders, as well as the Democratic Party’s other leading progressive figure, Senator Elizabeth Warren.

Others say that’s too simplistic a comparison.

“No new race is identical to a prior race,” says UVA Center for Politics pundit-in-chief Larry Sabato. “Obviously, Perriello is the insurgent, like Sanders, and Northam has the overwhelming backing from Democratic elected officials in Virginia, like Clinton did. But there are plenty of differences, too.”

Perriello’s energy often comes up when people talk about the 42-year-old. Supporter Dave Norris, former Charlottesville mayor, says Perriello “has a great energy. He’s personable. People know he’s going to push for positive change in Richmond.”

Norris finds it telling that Perriello was the only congressional candidate for whom President Barack Obama showed up in 2010. “People appreciate that he sacrificed his congressional career to assure that tens of millions of people could have health care,” he says. And now Perriello wears his ousting after one term for voting for the Affordable Care Act as a badge of honor.

But Northam and his supporters aren’t backing down. Longtime political observer Waldo Jaquith, a Perriello supporter, notes that rather than changing course when Perriello came on the scene, “for the most part, people I know who committed to Northam have doubled down.”

He describes the race as one candidate who gets grassroots enthusiasm and another who quietly chugs along—and wins. “If I were a bookmaker, I would say Northam is the odds on favorite.”


Follow the money

Ralph Northam

Cash on hand March 31: $3.1 million

Top donors

Michael Bills: $200,000

Common Good VA: $110,000

Other locals

Barbara Fried: $5,000

L.F. Payne: $1,000

Tom Perriello

Cash on hand March 31: $1.7 million

Top donors

Sonjia Smith: $500,000

George Soros: $250,000

Avaaz Foundation: $230,000

Alexander Soros: $125,000

John Grisham: $25,000

Dave Matthews: $10,000


However, lieutenant governor isn’t the most high-profile office in Virginia, and although Northam has won a statewide office, says Jaquith, “From my perspective, Northam is super boring. I’m nervous in a Trump era to get someone like Northam rather than someone who gets people fired up like Perriello.”

Northam has state experience going for him, says Sabato, with his years in the Senate and four years as the gubernatorial understudy. “Perriello has never served in any state office,” he says, “But Perriello was a high-profile congressman from 2009-2010, and he has the backing of lots of national Democrats—Sanders, Warren and a host of Obama aides.”

Here’s how tight the race is—and how varying polls can be. One taken May 9 and 10 by the Virginia Education Association, which has endorsed Northam, puts him at a 10-point lead with 41 percent of potential primary voters choosing Northam, 31 percent favoring Perriello and a hefty 29 percent undecided.

But a May 9-14 Washington Post-Schar School poll puts Perriello slightly ahead with 40 percent of likely voters to Northam’s 38 percent. “Every indication we have is that it’s a reasonably close contest,” says Sabato. “Primaries tend to be determined in the final weeks and days, as news coverage and advertising ramps up with the approach of election day.”

Perriello polls well among younger voters. But the big question is, will resistance to Trump send those who normally don’t vote in primaries to the polls June 13?

“My opponent in this primary is not Ralph Northam,” says Perriello. “It’s the people who have no idea this primary is going on.”

Homegrown upstart

Perriello is blunt when asked if he’d be running for governor now had Trump not been elected president.

“No,” he says a month before the June 13 primary. “As someone who’s worked in countries with demagogues and authoritarians, I had a strong understanding that this was not some simple transfer of power from Democrats to Republicans, but a deeper attempt to undermine the rule of law and our concepts about living together across racial and regional lines.”

Later that same day, tiki torch-carrying white nationalists would assemble in Lee Park. “Get your white supremacist hate out of my hometown,” Perriello responded in a brief Twitter skirmish with alt-right leader Richard Spencer.

Northam, too, denounced the white-righters, as did many state leaders. But Perriello had a press conference the following Monday and called for a statewide commission on racial healing and transformation, and for booting Lee-Jackson Day from the calendar of state holidays, the latter of which Northam also supports.

In front of the Lee statue, he repeated a theme about his native soil: “Virginia is the birthplace of American democracy, and it’s also the birthplace of slavery. Each generation makes a decision about which one defines us.

Back in Ivy on May 13, Perriello spoke to C-VILLE in the playroom of the 5,300- square-foot Ivy house where he grew up, before talking to several dozen women in the living room for his campaign’s Women with Tom coalition kickoff, and then dashing off to a forum with Northam at The Haven.

The Yale-educated son of a physician acknowledges his privilege, and how he has tried to use it to help others. He tells the women who’ve come to his mom’s house about doing human rights work in Sierra Leone, a place with one of the worst records in the world. A female leader in Sierra Leone asked him to move there, and when he asked why, she replied, “If you’re standing next to me I’m less likely to get shot, and that would be really helpful.”

From Sierra Leone, says Perriello, “I learned I could use the structural privileges I have of race and gender and class to help everyone have a voice.”

When Linda Perriello introduces her son, she refers to him as “a man of conviction” and notes his “conviction politics.”

Family friend David Shreve calls Perriello’s stance the “politics of possibility.” He, too, dismisses a Hillary/Bernie replay, and says instead, “Tom is very astute at discerning the political movement culture.”

Says Perriello about entering the Virginia governor’s race, “The Democratic party had a theory of winning that made sense with Secretary Clinton in the office.” The shift in the political landscape after Trump won, he says, meant “I gave the Democrats a much better chance to win,”  as someone who’s been able to win in red parts of the state, “as well as exciting our base that’s going to need turnout to win. ”

Perriello sees himself as bringing a new generation of ideas to a Democratic party that’s out of touch. “Many of the leaders in both the Democratic and Republican parties are about 25 years behind the curve,” he says. “They’re just waking up to the idea that globalization created pain and inequality. Both parties have been behind the curve of the dynamics that gave rise to Trump in the first place.”

Automation and technology, he says, are going to destroy one-third to one-half the jobs in Virginia over the next 15 years, Perriello says, and “re-monopolization” will mean fewer businesses in fewer places.

“Donald Trump was right in many ways to call out the economic pain in communities, but he was 25 years out of date about the cause,” says Perriello, in blaming it on “globalization and any minority he could find.”

Perriello’s upsetting the state Dem applecart did bring some blowback in the first month from people who previously had been allies, and he says he got two responses. Privately he was asked, “What are you doing?” The other reaction: “Thank God.”

An officer and a gentleman

Eastern Shore-raised Ralph Northam, 57, still has that accent that pegs him as a Virginian. His grandfather was a surgeon, his father a judge and his mother a nurse.

It was from her, he says, that he “learned to give back.”

Northam, a pediatric neurologist, frequently notes that he went to public school during desegregation when other white parents were shipping their kids to private schools.

Politics didn’t become a calling until 2007, when he was elected to the state Senate. “I had a lot of frustration with insurance companies, and I was spending a lot of time on the phone getting things authorized for my patients,” says the physician.

The environment was an even bigger factor. “I grew up on the Chesapeake Bay, it was literally my backyard, and I watched the demise of the bay over my 50-plus years,” he says. “I ran in a very conservative district that people said I could never win. I ran on the same Democratic progressive values I run on today.” He lists protecting the  environment, marriage equality, women’s reproductive rights, responsible gun ownership and economic opportunities for all.

Northam has gotten flak for voting for Republican George W. Bush—twice. “I was under-informed politically,” he admits. “Knowing what I know now, it was the incorrect vote.”

There is a moral to that admission of the ballots he cast in the privacy of a voting booth. “I did tell the truth,” he says. “My honor is very important to me.”

Honor is a theme that dates back to his days at Virginia Military Institute, where during his senior year he was president of the honor court. He initially wanted to fly Navy jets, but learned his eyesight wouldn’t pass muster for that.

Following Eastern Virginia Medical School, he served as a physician in the U.S. Army for eight years and treated casualties from Desert Storm. He left the Army in 1992 as a major.

Northam frequently mentions that he’s a vet, and that’s a point that plays well in conservative parts of Virginia. In 2009, Senate Republicans wooed him to switch teams, which would have given them a majority, but Northam rejected the GOP siren call. That same year, he got legislation passed that banned smoking in restaurants in tobacco-friendly Virginia.

His response when asked about Perriello’s entrance in the race is gentlemanly, and he harkens to the “unwavering support” he has from state Democrats.

“Let’s let people look at our résumés and where we want to take Virginia,” he suggests.

The differences between the two candidates, he says, are that he’s someone who can win statewide, as he did in 2013 “with more votes than anyone has ever gotten in an off-year election.”

Says Northam, “We need someone who knows how to win in rural Virginia. We need someone with the backbone to lead the resistance.”

The platforms

Listening to Perriello and Northam on the stump, one is struck by how similar they are on the issues.

Both support women’s rights on abortion. Northam voted against the General Assembly’s notorious transvaginal ultrasound bill in 2012, which even conservative Governor Bob McDonnell rebuffed as too extreme, and that’s earned him NARAL’s endorsement.

Perriello has gotten heat for his vote in support of the Stupak Amendment, which banned federal funding of abortion in the Affordable Care Act. “There are insinuations I was not pro choice,” he says. “I’ve always supported Roe v. Wade. Stupak was a vote I’ve long regretted.”

The environment is a big issue for both candidates. Perriello opposes the Atlantic Coast Pipeline, while Northam points out it’s not a state decision, and that if it happens, it should be done with transparency, with environmental responsibility and with respect for property rights.

That position got him interrupted at The Haven, where two pipeline protesters read a script from their cellphones, demanded his support and were joined by a handful of others who chanted briefly, and then split. Northam responded courteously.

And of course Perriello has hammered on Northam’s acceptance of close to $40,000 from Dominion, while Perriello pledged to accept no donations from the power company or any  public utilities.

Northam, in turn, has pointed out Perriello’s $250,000 funding from George Soros and $200,000 from Avaaz, an advocacy group Perriello helped start in 2007, which Northam calls “dark money.”

Says Northam, “He obviously has a lot of out-of-state support. Mine is in Virginia. I’m very proud to have the grassroots support here. This is a Virginia race.”

Perriello got a $500,000 check from local philanthropist Sonjia Smith, while her husband, Michael Bills, has donated $200,000 since 2015 to Northam. Both declined to comment, but in an April 19 op-ed in the Roanoke Times, Smith said it was all about Perriello’s pro-choice stance.

As for the domestic split in candidate support, on the phone Smith would only say, “You’re not the first to point that out.”


Crushing it

The day after the House of Representatives repealed the Affordable Care Act, Tom Perriello released an ad in which an ambulance is being crushed in the background while he stands in front of it and says, “Republican leaders are trying to do this to affordable health care.”

Says Perriello a few weeks later, “I really did do the ambulance ad in one take.”

Apparently scrap ambulances are hard to find, and it’s even harder to find one in a scrapyard that has a crusher. “But, as luck would have it, we found one locally in the D.C. metro area, sans engine, which is where we also shot the ad,” says Perriello staffer Remi Yamamoto.

“It began raining early in the shoot, when we were practicing,” she writes in an email. “So we were all worried that the ad wouldn’t get shot. But it cleared up, and we were able to shoot.”

Unexpected during the live take was how loud an ambulance being crushed is, “which is why Tom had to speak loudly to be heard over the booming noise of the crusher,” she says.

The ad was shot by Washington firm Putnam Partners, which specializes in Dem advertising.

According to the AP, Northam has spent $1.2 million on TV, more than double Perriello’s $500,000.


Both candidates support free community college. “The American dream as we celebrate it has turned from a cycle of opportunity to a cycle of debt,” says Perriello, with students coming out of college $35,000 to $45,000 in debt, and then being told five years later they need a master’s degree.

And he decries the minimum wage track that adds up to $14,000 annual income and a cycle of poverty “that’s unprecedented in America.” Even at the $28,000 living wage levels, a woman loses money if she has to pay for child care, he says.

Both also support criminal justice reform, and note that cell phone theft in a state where a larceny of more than $200 is a felony sends too many minority offenders on a school-to-prison pipeline.

Northam drew applause at The Haven when he said there are a lot of potential medical uses for marijuana and that he supports its decriminalization, as does Perriello.

And both point to a looming 2021, when the voting district lines get drawn. “It’s imperative we have a Democratic governor,” says Northam. “It’s important to stop the gerrymandering.”

He also points out the 111 vetoes McAuliffe signed for legislation from the GOP-controlled General Assembly that, he says, discriminates against LGBTQ people, immigrants and women’s access to health care. “If we didn’t have a Democratic governor, we’d be like North Carolina,” says Northam.

That state’s bathroom bill was bad for business and led to boycotts. When trying to entice companies to Virginia, Northam says one of the first questions he’s asked is whether Virginia is inclusive. And he wants to say, “We’re progressive, and we’re open for business.”

Northam touts his experience in the legislature in a state where the governor gets one term. “You have four years and you’ve got to hit the ground running,” he says. And that’s where having good relationships in the General Assembly will pay off, he says.

But Perriello maintains that generating excitement with new ideas is the way to keep a Democrat in the governor’s mansion. “By getting in this race, a lot more people are excited—a lot of people who don’t normally vote in off-year elections,” he says. “We have to give them a reason to be excited and provide a firewall against the hate and bigotry of Trump.”

And he disputes a common Democratic practice of running a more moderate candidate as “disastrous, because between two Republicans, they’ll vote for the real Republican.”

“The Democratic party is doing a lot of post-2016 posturing,” observes Charlottesville GOP head Erich Reimer. “This race is going to be a toss-up on whether they are more openly progressive or more centrist.”

House Minority Leader David Toscano signed on with Northam more than a year ago, but he’s not dissing Perriello.

“People support Ralph because he’s been running on the issues a long time,” says Toscano. “I like Tom because of his youthful energy, his enthusiasm and his support for progressive issues and the fact he did a great job as a congressman.”

What Toscano likes is that the race is not a choice between “the lesser of two evils.” He thinks the primary will make whoever wins a better Dem candidate in the fall when he will likely face the GOP’s Ed Gillespie, but in May, the primary race is “really unpredictable and comes down to the last few weeks.”

Perriello demonstrates a knack for channeling the enthusiasm of people galvanized by the election of Trump who have been calling their congressman or attending marches and protests since the election—and for putting it into the big picture.

“I believe this isn’t just about the governor’s race,” says Perriello. “It’s a chance to redefine the political landscape for a generation.”


PrimaryRaces_CourtesySubjects

Primary season: The other races

While the Ralph Northam/Tom Perriello matchup is the closest horse race in the Old Dominion, there are actually other candidates on the June 13 primary ballot. The GOP is also nominating a gubernatorial candidate, and Ed Gillespie is the odds-on favorite. Six people—three from each party—are vying for the low-profile lieutenant governor job. Here’s a heads-up before you enter the voting booth.

Governor

Republican candidates

Ed Gillespie

Fairfax County

Former adviser to President George W. Bush, former chair of the Republican National Committee

Claim to fame: Nearly upset Senator Mark Warner in 2014. Campaign contributors include Bush and Karl Rove.

Corey Stewart

Woodbridge

Attorney, chair Prince William County Board of Supervisors

Claim to fame: Trump’s campaign chair in Virginia until he was fired has embraced all things Confederate, including Charlottesville’s statue of General Robert E. Lee.

Frank Wagner

Virginia Beach

State senator

Claim to fame: He’s been totally overshadowed by Stewart’s antics and Gillespie’s enormous war chest.

Lieutenant governor

Republicans

Bryce Reeves

Fredericksburg

State senator for 16th District, which includes eastern Albemarle

Claim to fame: Filed a defamation lawsuit against possibly fictitious Martha McDaniel, who sent out an email to his supporters alleging Reeves is having an affair with an aide, which he denies. He has hired Nicole Eramo’s attorney, Libby Locke, who wants to depose his opponent Jill Vogel because the email came from a cell phone registered to Vogel’s husband.

Jill H. Vogel

Upperville

State senator

Claim to fame: See above. Vogel alleges her computer system was hacked and that she’s the victim of a political stunt.

Glenn Davis

Virginia Beach

Delegate/CEO OnCall Telecom

Claim to fame: Davis has been completely overshadowed by the Reeves/Vogel contretemps, but he does have a cool-looking campaign RV, and he’s asked for an investigation of Vogel’s ads against him.

Democrats

Justin Fairfax

Annandale

Former assistant U.S. attorney now in private practice

Claim to fame: Ran for state attorney general in 2013; endorsed by former 5th District congressman L.F. Payne.

Susan Platt

Great Falls

Activist, former chief of staff to then-Senator Joe Biden

Claim to fame: Endorsed by Rosie O’Donnell and Emily’s List; resolved a nearly $100,000 federal tax lien from 2011, which she says occurred after losing a child to addiction and draining retirement funds to pay for rehab.

Gene Rossi

Alexandria

Former U.S. prosecutor

Claim to fame: Survived a rare disease, amyloidosis; made 235 convictions in Operation Cotton Candy, a multi-year opioid investigation, and trained opponent Justin Fairfax in the Eastern District  of Virginia.

Both candidates for attorney general, incumbent Democrat Mark Herring and Republican John Adams, are the only candidates to qualify for their respective parties’ primaries and will be on the ballot November 7.


David Toscano. File photo
House of Delegates Minority Leader David Toscano. Submitted photo

Toscano gets a challenger

When David Toscano first ran for City Council in 1990, it was as a member of the Citizen Party. In the 27 years since, he’s gone from radical to Democratic establishment as the House of Delegates minority leader. And he faces his first Dem primary challenger in the dozen years he’s been in the House—one who contends Toscano’s not progressive enough.

UVA instructor Ross Mittiga, 28, who’s working on a Ph.D. on the ethical challenges of climate change, is another candidate spurred to action following the election of Donald Trump.

“After I recovered from that, I realized progressive environmentalists have to focus on the local level,” he says. “Delegate Toscano had a great reputation as a liberal lion of the General Assembly.” It’s the contributions from telecommunication corporations, banking, developers and Dominion Energy that concerned him, he says.

In particular, Mittiga questions a Toscano vote that froze Dominion rates, which he calls a “massive giveaway.” And he says he called Toscano’s office “dozens of times” and couldn’t get his position on the Atlantic Coast Pipeline. “Those are things that really bothered me,” he says.

When asked whether he’s in Dominion’s pocket, you can almost hear Toscano, 66, rolling his eyes over the phone. “I’d like to think my record stands for itself,” he says.

The more than $200,000 Toscano was sitting on at the end of March comes from a wide variety of donors. “Does that contribution buy a vote?” he asks. “The good news is I have a record. There are times I’ve supported Dominion and times I don’t.”

Ross Mittiga. Submitted photo
Ross Mittiga. Submitted photo

He has supported renewable energy and fought against the coal tax credit, he says. With endorsements from the Sierra Club and the Virginia League of Conservation Voters, he says, “my environmental bona fides are pretty good.”

Mittiga has endorsements, too: The Democratic Socialists of America and the local Our Revolution, an offshoot of the Bernie Sanders-affiliated Political Revolution.

“A lot of people are really excited” about his campaign raising environmental issues, says Mittiga. And better yet if he can beat the House minority leader who “has a quarter million dollar advantage over us,” he says.

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Perriello’s (mom’s) cookie campaign

While Tom Perriello tours the state seeking support for his gubernatorial run, his mom is running her own grassroots campaign, chocolate chip cookie by chocolate chip cookie.

During her son’s 5th District congressional campaigns in 2008 and 2010, Linda Perriello took cookies with her everywhere she went as an icebreaker. “I’m kind of shy,” she says. That effort added up to 12,000 to 15,000 cookies, she estimates, and left permanent marks on her cookie sheet.

For the governor’s race, a friend was blunt. “I said, ‘Linda, that’s the whole state,” says JJ Towler, the campaign’s chocolate chip cookie coordinator. A cookie crew of eight to 10 friends and family get together every couple of weeks to send cookies to every group that’s invited Tom Perriello to speak.

“We box two dozen cookies, information on Tom and a handwritten note, and mail them after the event,” says Towler. “It’s grassroots politics at it’s very best.”

And in a world of divisive and often ugly politics, says Towler, “It is refreshing to find a politician whose campaign includes something as simple and sweet as a chocolate chip cookie.”

“People love it,” says Linda Perriello. “It’s personal.”

On April 1 the cookie crew packed up 70 boxes, each containing two dozen cookies, to ship out. “You can never send too many chocolate chip cookies,” Perriello advises.

And she’s learned one other thing about cookies and politics: “I’m convinced more than ever that campaigns are won person to person.” Sweet.

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Pasta supper surprise: Protest interrupts Dem dinner party

Gubernatorial candidates Ralph Northam and Tom Perriello and three lieutenant governor hopefuls were in town over the weekend for the Charlottesville Democratic Party’s 17th annual pasta supper and auction. New on this year’s menu was an Atlantic Coast Pipeline protest in which seven sign-carrying UVA students took the stage to demand that the candidates oppose the $6 billion project.

Perriello has been vocal about his opposition to the pipeline, while Northam has been silent on the issue, but has reportedly accepted more than $97,000 from Dominion Energy, a major company backing the pipeline, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.

First-year Clara Camber, a member of the university’s Climate Action Society, which organized the protest, filmed the protest from the crowd.

“When the young women demanded resistance from Democratic candidates to pipelines that threaten Virginia, they were grabbed and pushed by local party leaders,” Camber says. “The moderator led the crowd in chanting, ‘Leave the stage!’ while others shouted back, ‘Let them speak!’ and ‘They deserve to be heard.’”

Protesting the fundraiser was a strategic move, she adds.

“People might expect a protest in a Republican fundraising event, but, honestly, I think that going to the Democratic party was [better] because we have a better shot with them,” she says. “They are people who are already a lot closer to where I align my views.”

The girls were asked several times by the party’s co-chairs to leave the stage and they refused, says Erin Monaghan, the local Democratic party’s communications representative. “Nothing like this kind of action has ever been part of what is considered a social event before.”

But Camber says her group isn’t discouraged.

“We’ll be back,” she says. “As youth in our community, we feel surprisingly neglected. We’re supposed to be in this progressive party and we’re called upon to knock on doors and help them out, but they don’t really want to listen to us.”

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Where’s Tom? The case of the missing congressman

Craig DuBose made his appointment February 1 to meet with Congressman Tom Garrett in the congressman’s Charlottesville office March 6. Heather Rowland made hers February 10. Both constituents called to confirm their appointments before showing up at Garrett’s Berkmar Crossing office, and both were dismayed to learn Garrett wasn’t there.

“I was disappointed,” says DuBose, a carpenter. “I had taken the day off from work. It’s common courtesy to notify if you have to cancel.”

Garrett’s chief of staff, Kevin Reynolds, said it was a scheduling mistake.

Rowland says she confirmed her meeting with Garrett the morning of March 6. Reynolds told her that, too, was a mistake, and she should have been told “or with an aide,” she says.

Rowland is a volunteer counselor who helps people sign up for the Affordable Care Act, and that’s why she and a couple of colleagues wanted to meet with Garrett. “I felt we had insights about constituents who had benefited from the Affordable Care Act,” she says, noting that 36,000 people in the 5th District signed up in 2016.

“They’re good upstanding members of the community who happen to not earn very much,” she says. Garrett is critical of Speaker Paul Ryan’s plan, and Rowland describes Garrett’s health care vision as basically a health savings account. “If you have no money, there’s no way you’ll have money for an HSA,” she adds.

Meeting with Reynolds was not the same as meeting with the congressman, she says. “He’s taking your message but not answering your questions,” she explains.

DuBose says he called several times the week before to confirm the meeting, and when he showed up at the district office, he was told Garrett had other meetings in Nelson County, where he met with the Farm Bureau. “If these other meetings were planned and I called last week to confirm mine, they had a half dozen times to let me know,” he says. “That’s just bad form.”

Rowland and DuBose weren’t the only constituents stood up by the scheduling snafu. Some members of Indivisible Charlottesville, which has regularly scheduled protests at Garrett’s office and held a town hall meeting without him February 26, also had appointments that day.

Indivisible Charlottesville lies “perpetually,” Garrett told the Lynchburg News-Advance. “They’re like the kid in school who nobody talks to because every word that comes out of his mouth is a lie.”

“They should get their story straight before calling community groups liars,” says Indivisible’s David Singerman.

Garrett stands by the characterization. According to his office, Reynolds has reached out to several Indivisible leaders, including Singerman on March 6, and says they refused to meet with him or, in another case, to take phone calls from Garrett.

Garrett spokesperson Andrew Griffin also challenges Indivisible claims of wanting “civil dialogue” and “nonviolence,” and says Reynolds was called an “S.O.B.” by a bullhorn-wielding Indivisible Nelson member on March 6, and another has “wished death” on Garrett in an online forum.

“Our staff and congressman are routinely cursed, threatened and mocked by people from this group despite their wish for ‘civil dialogue,’” says Griffin.

Singerman recalls that years ago, when he was an intern in the House of Representatives, congressmen considered district work meetings “sacrosanct.” He says, “I’m pretty shocked Garrett would stand up his constituents that way.”

He adds, “It’s a bad precedent with what it says about Garrett’s commitment to the 5th District.”

Or maybe it’s not so much the 5th District for the Republican congressman as it is Dem-leaning Charlottesville, suggests DuBose. “They’ve made the calculation they really don’t have to deal with people in Charlottesville.”

Garrett is not the first congressman named Tom who has been called upon to face angry constituents. Tom Perriello was elected in 2008 and his support for the Affordable Care Act cost him a second term.

“I think you have a moral obligation to hear from your constituents—even the ones you don’t agree with,” says Perriello. “It’s not that hard. You show up and listen. They’re your boss.”

Perriello had “a couple dozen” town halls and “stayed until the last question was answered,” even if it was past midnight, he says.

Garrett has scheduled a March 31 town hall at UVA’s Batten School, where 135 tickets will be distributed by lottery. An earlier March 13 event was changed because of yet another scheduling conflict.

“It seems pretty pitiful to me,” says Perriello. “You can do both—have a large town hall and a smaller event. The only reason to restrict attendance is you don’t want to answer constituents.”

However, Griffin cites safety concerns—and the riot at the University of California-Berkeley because of an invitation to former Breitbart editor Milo Yiannopoulos—as the reason for having the Batten School host the town hall.

“The issue with a spirited crowd is the potential for violence, intimidation and disenfranchisement by members of a greater, more spirited crowd,” he says. “We are adamant that we will not subject any constituent, regardless of their political support, to this potential scenario.”

Perriello offers advice to congressmen considering the repeal and replacement of Obamacare: “This is not a game. This is people’s lives.” And that requires “standing in front of them and hearing their stories,” he says. “Sometimes you shouldn’t be quite so afraid to do the right thing.”

And while DuBose and others didn’t get to meet with the current 5th District representative March 6, Garrett did make it to Charlottesville March 11 to meet with the Albemarle County Republican Committee at its monthly Sam’s Kitchen breakfast.

Correction 12:37pm: Griffin was misidentified in one reference.

Categories
Arts

ARTS Pick: Rock & Rally

Advocacy and music join forces to present Rock & Rally, a benefit for Tom Perriello’s gubernatorial run. The lineup boasts fiery bluegrass from the Perriello Pickers, a supergroup featuring members of Love Canon and Walker’s Run, Sarah White, Harli Saxon, the Michael Coleman Band and Dori Freeman, whose 2016 self-titled breakout album made year-end lists at Rolling Stone and American Songwriter. Perriello will make a speech about his campaign, highlighting his promise to keep Virginia a “firewall against the politics of hate.”

Friday, February 10. $10-2,500, 7pm. The Jefferson Theater, 110 E. Main St., Downtown Mall. 245-4980.

Categories
News

Perriello resurfaces… and wants to be governor

Former congressman Tom Perriello announced his surprise candidacy for governor of Virginia Thursday, upsetting the plans of many leading Virginia Democrats.

In a hastily arranged speech at the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center in downtown Charlottesville, Perriello spoke of how his father first arrived in Virginia.

“He grew up in West Virginia, Italian immigrant parents, in and out of poverty,” Perriello said. “He got a local scholarship to come across the mountains and go to UVA.” His father spent his first day crying on a bench in Lee Park, thinking, “‘I don’t belong here, this isn’t a place where a mountain kid from West Virginia belongs,’” said Perriello, “but everyone here did make him feel welcome.”

Perriello won election to Congress in the 5th District of Virginia in 2008, ousting longtime incumbent Virgil Goode. A strong supporter of President Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act, he narrowly lost reelection in 2010 to Robert Hurt.

Following his defeat, Perriello became president and CEO of the Center for American Progress Action Fund, a progressive public policy research and advocacy organization. Most recently, he served as the Obama administration’s special envoy for the Great Lakes Region of Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

His unexpected campaign to become governor was only assembled in the last 10 days.

“My initial reaction is that it’s certainly a stunning development,” says Geoffrey Skelley, a political analyst at the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics.

Lieutenant Governor Ralph Northam previously had been the only declared Democratic candidate for governor in the upcoming election. Northam had long since secured the endorsements of major figures in the state Democratic Party, including current Governor Terry McAuliffe, and was expected to run unopposed for the nomination.

“All those well-laid plans by McAuliffe, formulating these plans, all of this has been thrown off,” Skelley says. In Congress, Perriello “was progressive on the big ticket items, the stimulus, cap-and-trade, but he was endorsed by the NRA.” Skelley notes that Perriello also backed the Stupak Amendment to the Affordable Care Act, which would have prevented federal funding of abortion, “so his record, at least as a member of Congress, is not Sanders-esque.”

But in the context of running against Ralph Northam, who was the target of a party-switch effort in 2009, says Skelley, Perriello “is clearly to the left of Northam.”

As of June 30, Northam had $1.59 million in his campaign fund. With a campaign organization only 10 days old, Perriello has a long way to go to catch up financially. However, between 2009 and 2010, Perriello was able to raise $3,775,000 for his federal campaign fund, which was subject to tighter restrictions than his new state-level campaign in Virginia.

During his 2008 and 2010 campaigns for Congress, Perriello captured attention, support and donations from many progressive groups, both locally and nationally.

“He was a darling of the net-roots,” says Skelley. “He’s young and energetic. In terms of how he casts himself, he would be viewed as the more progressive of the two candidates. It’s probably more than just that in terms of the framing. Northam isn’t that well known. Lieutenant governor isn’t a job that draws a lot of visibility.”

“Virginia’s everything to me,” said Perriello. “It’s the place that gave my family a chance at the American dream, the place that gave me a sense of progress.” He recalled the first political race he worked on—Doug Wilder’s bid for governor—and “the fact that the capital of the Confederacy would elect the first black governor in the entire country. That said to me anything is possible. I’ve taken that spirit around the nonprofit work I’ve done around the state… and also into conflict zones around the world.”

PerrielloCharlottesville-JenFariello-69
Tom Perriello meets the press after his surprise announcement he’s running for governor. Photo Jen Fariello

Perriello did not mention any of his potential Republican opponents during his speech, which include former GOP party chair Ed Gillespie, former Trump state party chair Corey Stewart, state Senator Frank Wagner and Silverback Distillery owner Denver Riggleman, but afterwards he had only kind words for Northam.

“I think Mr. Northam is a really nice guy and I think he’d be a really good governor and we agree on an awful lot,” Perriello said. “This isn’t about me running against him, this is about me running for the voters of Virginia.”

“Northam is an early favorite but I think that Perriello is a very legitimate opponent,” Skelley says. “I wouldn’t be surprised if he ends up winning the nomination.”

Updated at 9:31am January 10 to correct the name of the public policy research and advocacy organization Tom Perriello worked for.