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Dominion proposes alternative pipeline routes through Nelson

Dominion has announced that it is exploring several alternative routes for its planned Atlantic Coast Pipeline through Nelson County.

The 550-mile natural gas pipeline, which the company hopes to have online by the end of 2018, would be routed through West Virginia, Virginia and North Carolina, and has seen significant opposition in Nelson, where many landowners approached by Dominion have refused the company’s requests to survey their land. The company has sued dozens of property owners for access; most of those cases have yet to be resolved.

The proposed alterations include a different route across the Appalachian Trail that would affect fewer bodies of water, a bypass around an area of steep slopes near Lovingston that saw massive destruction during Hurricane Camille in 1969 and a new path around a proposed historic district near Wingina. Also on the table is a possible connector that would join the first two alternative routes, should both be approved.

This updated map, released Monday by Dominion, details several potential new routes for the Atlantic Coast Pipeline through Nelson County.
This updated map, released Monday by Dominion, details several potential new routes for the Atlantic Coast Pipeline through Nelson County.

Altogether, the new routes will require surveying 281 new parcels of land, 186 of which are in Nelson County, according to a news release from Dominion. The owners of those parcels were notified of the company’s intent to survey in letters sent out Monday, Dominion spokesman Jim Norvelle said in the release.

“These alternatives are a natural part of the routing process,” Norvelle said. “They are the result of conversations with local, state and federal officials, landowners and other stakeholders. It is consistent with our promise to work with all parties to find the best route with the least impacts to people, the environment, and historic and cultural resources. It also is consistent with what we have done elsewhere along the proposed route.”

Opponents who have fought back against the company’s efforts to survey—and who have decried the potential use of eminent domain to seize land for the pipeline—aren’t satisfied.

“The fact that Dominion has now gone on record with a handful of routes doesn’t solve any of their problems,” said Joanna Salidis, president of anti-pipeline group Friends of Nelson, in a press release Monday. “These will impact an entirely new list of landowners, resulting in increased property owner resistance and lawsuits. Dominion continues to ignore all requests to drop the proposal or to use existing pipeline easement infrastructure instead of depending solely on eminent domain to achieve its business goals.”

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Will a new administration grant Robert Davis clemency, despite his confession?

Twelve years ago this week, firefighters found Nola Charles and her toddler son William dead inside their burning Crozet home. Someone had duct taped Charles to her bed before stabbing her and slitting her throat. Three-year-old William had died of smoke inhalation. Three teens were convicted of the murders. All of them agree that one of them, Robert Davis, is innocent. Now, thanks to an investigation by Governor Terry McAuliffe’s parole board into what some legal experts believe was a flawed interrogation and a false confession, Davis is getting another shot at a pardon—his only hope for an early end to a 23-year sentence.

Davis has sought a pardon before, and failed. Last January, on his final day in office, Governor Robert McDonnell signed his name to a letter denying Davis’ petition for clemency more than a year after it was submitted, said Davis’ attorney Steve Rosenfield. McDonnell appointees never followed up on the petition, Rosenfield said.

But Davis’ second request is getting a different treatment. Governor Terry McAuliffe’s administration has pushed for a probe of Davis’ claims, according to Deputy Secretary of Public Safety and Homeland Security Tonya Vincent. Her department oversees the Virginia State Parole Board, which examines clemency requests.

“I don’t think it was ever investigated under the previous administration,” Vincent said of Davis’ petition. “We have requested that they do a full investigation.”

Under pressure

The details of the early days of the investigation have been extensively reported by various news outlets since 2003, and are backed up by later affidavits: Within two days of the murders, 19-year-old Rocky Fugett and his 15-year-old sister Jessica admitted they played a role in the slaying of their across-the-street neighbor and her son. They also named two other Western Albemarle High School teens. One was released from juvenile detention after police conceded they didn’t have enough evidence against him and dropped charges. The other was Robert Davis. Then 18, he was arrested at gunpoint by Albemarle County police and brought in for questioning at around 1am February 22.

Video released to C-VILLE and posted by the newspaper to YouTube shows what happened next. Police questioned Davis for six hours. Held in leg shackles and given little respite, Davis sounds first bewildered and then desperate on the interrogation tape, pleading repeatedly for a chance to talk to his mother as investigators push him to tell them the truth, so that he can be spared “the ultimate punishment.”

After more than five hours and dozens of claims of innocence, he starts giving police what they want. Bit by bit, he confesses to the crime, including the stabbing of Nola Charles; he stabbed her “one or two times,” he says. Moments before the video feed cuts out, the detective who has faced him off and on all morning asks him a final question.

“Is what you said tonight, this morning, to me—is that a true and accurate statement about your involvement, about who was there?” he asks.

“Yes,” Davis says, almost inaudibly. And then, after a pause, “because it’s too late for me to say no.”

He was right. Davis eventually entered an Alford plea: He pleaded guilty, conceding there was enough evidence to convict him, but maintained his innocence.

In 2006, Rocky Fugett asked for a meeting with Rosenfield, the attorney said, and said Davis wasn’t there the night of the double murder. He later told reporters the same thing. Jessica Fugett initially stuck to her story, Rosenfield said, but she later told him she wanted to clear her conscience, and admitted she lied about Davis’ involvement. Both have signed sworn affidavits saying Davis is innocent, he said.

“You have two killers, neither of them having any reason to lie, having signed under oath saying they framed Robert,” said Rosenfield. But Davis’ guilty plea meant a new trial or a sentence modification were off the table. A pardon was his only chance.

“And then you still have to overcome the confession,” Rosenfield said.

When innocents confess

A confession is a powerful piece of evidence, explained UVA law professor and false confession expert Brandon Garrett, and it’s often the only one police have to work with in a murder case.

“Assuming you don’t have DNA evidence or somebody caught in the act, some of the most important crimes crucially rely on whether this person is going to come clean,” he said. Sometimes investigators can’t resist asking leading questions. “It’s very tempting, if they’re not getting the answer they want, to encourage the answer.”

But there’s a growing understanding in the criminal justice world of the dangers of leading questions during an overzealous interrogation, he said: Certain people are vulnerable to confessing to crimes they didn’t commit.

Robert Davis is just such a person, said Dr. Jeffrey Aaron, a forensic and clinical psychologist at UVA who specializes in evaluating confessions, and the director of the Commonwealth Center for Children & Adolescents.

People have a hard time understanding the why and how of false confessions, Aaron said, but there’s a solid explanation.

“It seems crazy until you understand the process, and then it makes perfect sense. It’s completely consistent with known psychological processes,” he said. “There’s a core element of human psychology that involves choosing the best outcome available, and if it’s a bad but not worse outcome, you choose the bad outcome.”

Aaron testified in an Albemarle County Circuit Court hearing in 2003 that there were a number of errors with Davis’ interrogation by police, and when the Fugetts recanted, he signed a new affidavit reaffirming his takeaways. Davis had mental health problems and was immature, Aaron said, and combined with the way he was questioned—police indicated they had physical evidence against him when they had none, hinted that he could get the death penalty and told him he’d see his mom if he confessed, all of which was perfectly legal—he believes a false confession could have resulted.

Perhaps most importantly, said Aaron, the interrogation shows a clear pattern of Davis first denying allegations, seeking guidance on what to say and then feeding information provided to him back in the form of statements suggesting guilt. That, he said, is exactly how detailed false confessions come about.

The Albemarle County Police Department was unable to make detectives available for an interview about interrogation techniques by press time, but has committed to discussing policy for a follow-up story.

Aaron’s affidavit asserting Davis’ susceptibility to providing a false confession joins the sworn statements from the Fugetts in the clemency plea that is now, for the first time, getting a full investigation by the state. But Garrett pointed out that detailed confessions have staying power, even when there’s overwhelming evidence to contradict them.

“We have governors who fail to understand that a detailed confession could be wrong,” he said. Doug Wilder offered only life in prison to Earl Washington Jr., who confessed to raping and murdering a teenage mother in Culpeper in 1982, and Tim Kaine refused to grant a full pardon to the Norfolk Four, sailors who confessed to a brutal 1997 rape and murder; in both clemency petitions, there was exculpatory DNA evidence.

Davis and Rosenfield hope their case is strong enough to sway another governor.

“I’m deeply impressed with the McAuliffe administration taking the issue of justice surrounding the Davis case so seriously, and I’m happy at their commitment to seek out the truth,” Rosenfield said.

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Mike Signer’s bid: City Council candidate talks platform, public safety

Mike Signer grew up in Arlington, but Charlottesville tugged on him from an early age. The 42-year-old Fifeville resident and father of two spent summers here as an elementary school student in the ’70s, taking enrichment courses at UVA.

“I remember vividly falling in love with the city back then,” he said in an interview with C-VILLE a few days before he formally announced his campaign for City Council February 11 with a launch event at the Downtown Transit Center that was well-attended by local Democrats.

Charlottesville became his home while he attended UVA’s School of Law, and he put down roots not long after, buying his Fifeville home while working as a legal advisor to Senator Mark Warner in 2005. He launched an unsuccessful campaign for Lieutenant Governor in 2009, but since then, his focus has been closer to home. He’s got a law practice and a family here—he and his wife Emily have 4-month-old twin boys—and he’s spent the last few years digging into local politics and civic life. He ran the Democrats’ 2013 City Council campaign, serves as the president of the Fifeville Neighborhood Association, chairs the board of the Charlottesville Emergency Food Bank and sits on the West Main Steering Committee and a police advisory committee that includes City Manager Maurice Jones and former federal prosecutor Timothy Heaphy.

A run for local office felt like a natural next step, he said.

“Charlottesville has this extraordinary diversity of communities,” said Signer. “I’d like to build bridges between as many of those communities as we can. And I want to bring professional, responsible leadership to the Council.”

As a lawyer and the chair of a nonprofit board, he said he thinks about fiduciary responsibility a lot. “It means you have an actual duty to think about the interests and the body as a whole,” he said, and right now, “I think that special or parochial interests take up a lot of the Council’s agenda.”

Signer’s campaign will focus on economic development, improving quality of life—including public education and public spaces—and public safety, and he plans to hold community conversation meetings on all three.

That last plank has absorbed a good deal of his attention recently, he said, thanks to conversations that have grown out of meetings of the advisory committee.

“We should be leading the country in restoring trust between citizens and the police, but we also need to make sure that the city is as safe as we can make it,” he said. He wants to see a greater emphasis on community policing, including a requirement that officers spend a block of time each month or quarter introducing themselves to people on their beats.

Signer also said he learned from the recent controversy over the renewal of the West Main ABC store’s lease. This winter, he championed a petition opposing the store’s continued presence, citing complaints about crime and littering, but the effort saw a backlash after other neighborhood residents claimed the issue was about gentrification.

Despite the flap, Signer said he thinks the issue ended in a win for everybody: The lease was renewed, and the ABC agreed to an increased security presence, among other “compromises,” he said.

“Almost every issue in public life has two sides,” said Signer. “I know that the way I’d want to be on City Council is listening to and hearing all sides.”

For the next few weeks, C-VILLE will sit down with the candidates who have announced their plans to run for Charlottesville City Council in November.

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After a 48-year wait, what will be impact of John Warner Parkway?

When Charlottesville City Manager Maurice Jones began the ceremony to mark the opening of the final segment of the John W. Warner Parkway and the intersection that ties the road to the city’s downtown last Thursday, February 5, he couldn’t help driving home just how long locals had been waiting to cut the ribbon.

The year what was long called the Meadow Creek Parkway was first proposed, he reminded the gaggle of reporters and officials who stood shivering on the virgin pavement within sight of the new Route 250 Bypass overpass at McIntire Road, “Lyndon Baines Johnson was still President of the United States, Neil Armstrong had yet to take that first giant leap for mankind and it was still three years before I was born.”*

That would be 1967.

A joint project of the Virginia Department of Transportation, Albemarle County and the City of Charlottesville made possible with $25 million in federal funds earmarked by Senator Warner for its southernmost chunk and the Bypass interchange, the 1.4-mile corridor connecting Rio Road East and McIntire Road was long ago deemed critical for easing traffic flow in and out of the city’s center.

Just how well it will do that remains to be seen. A highly unscientific C-VILLE traffic survey seems to indicate it’s pulling cars from Park Street, the residential road that used to be the sole back route for travelers trying to get between East Rio and Downtown. (We counted cars entering the intersection of Park and the Bypass from the north and south at rush hour, and marked a 58 percent decrease a day after the Parkway opened.)

Peter Kleeman will need a little more convincing. The transportation activist was a member of the Coalition to Preserve McIntire Park, which delayed the Parkway in the courts starting in 2009. Kleeman and others bemoaned the use of public park land for the road, and the group built a legal challenge around the claim that officials tried to circumvent regulations designed to limit transportation impacts by slicing up the project and limiting dependence on federal dollars.

They lost. A federal judge in Charlottesville dismissed their last suit in 2012, the same year the county opened its portion of the Parkway.

“My feeling is some of the grander good was cut out of the picture by the manipulations of the state DOT and the actions of the city and county,” Kleeman said. He said anti-Parkway activists like him did help get the project scaled down to two lanes, as opposed to the four initially planned. But while that’s a plus for those who wanted to limit impacts, he said it renders the project obsolete almost from the start, because growth is already outpacing the capacity upgrade.

“They keep saying this is improving our traffic, but relative to what?” he said.

Brad Sheffield concedes Kleeman has a point. He was elected to represent the Rio District on the Albemarle County Board of Supervisors in 2013 and is a career transportation and land use planner. The future Parkway influenced his family’s decision to build in Belvedere, a planned community off East Rio.

“This is what happens when it takes so long for us to build something that we don’t build it for future capacity, we just build it for current capacity,” Sheffield said. Without a doubt, “the day it opens, there’s no room for additional demand to be accommodated.”

But he estimates the sinuous ribbon of road will shave about five minutes off his morning commute, and he knows he’s not alone in being happy about that kind of improvement.

“We have a road dedicated to moving people not just from the northern part of the city, but the adjacent part of the county, in and out of Downtown,” he said, and there won’t be further development along its parkland flanks. “That’s going to be a good thing.”

His own experience indicates the effects on traffic could go beyond his corner of the growth area. He and his wife carried two carfuls of kids from their neighborhood to UVA’s Grounds last Saturday, two days after the Parkway opened to traffic. His wife drove straight down Route 29 to Emmett Street, but he took the new route to the Bypass.

“I got there five minutes faster,” he said, “so I’m very curious about how it’s going to affect westbound travel.”

He and everyone else will have to wait awhile to learn. The traffic pattern at the Parkway’s southern terminus will still be in flux for a few weeks as VDOT finalizes the ramp configuration; landscaping and final touches to pedestrian and bike paths will be completed later this year, officials said.

But what’s a few months after five decades? Enough to stir up snark, probably. The new road’s debut day didn’t go smoothly enough for some locals who were stuck in long car queues on the Bypass as traffic there was shunted into a single lane for last-minute asphalt grinding and line painting, which pushed back the opening of the Parkway by a few hours.

Quoth one Twitter user at the backup half a century in the making: “Irony abounds.”

*This story originally spelled the middle name of Lyndon B. Johnson incorrectly. The error was ours, not Jones’.

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Mandatory reporting bills targeting campus sexual assault scrutinized

There was one big trending topic heading into this year’s state legislative session, thanks largely to events that unfolded in Charlottesville. The death of UVA second-year Hannah Graham, allegedly at the hands of a man who left two Virginia schools under suspicion of sexual assault, and the explosive if now discredited Rolling Stone story on a fraternity house rape here made the city and the University campus safety’s ground zero last fall. One result was at least 10 bills proposed in the House of Delegates and the State Senate aimed at increasing reporting of and lasting consequences for student-on-student sexual violence.

The focus of most of them: requiring university employees who hear about assault to pass the report on to somebody who can take action. The “mandatory reporting” bills have taken a variety of approaches, with local reps spearheading several of them. A few bills have ended up on top, but not everybody’s happy about the measures that may carry the day.

Delegate Rob Bell (R-58th), who represents part of Albemarle, sponsored HB1930, which would require any faculty member or administrator at a Commonwealth school who learns of a violent felony to report it, names included, to the school’s Title IX coordinator—the administrator in charge of ensuring compliance with the federal regulations on college sexual assault prevention and other equal-access issues. That coordinator would then have to call a meeting of a special team to determine whether the incident posed enough of a public safety threat to report it to police.

Even if the team decided it didn’t, they’d have to pass along a “de-identified” report to law enforcement, who would review the case with the local Commonwealth’s attorney. That “ensures that the issue will always be considered by at least one person who is not a member of the university staff,” Bell said.

His original bill would have required faculty and staff to report directly to police. He’s not the only one who dialed down demands for mandatory reporting to law enforcement after the start of the session. House Minority Leader and Charlottesville Delegate David Toscano (D-57th) had initially proposed a go-directly-to-police bill as well, but a later draft instead pushed for “enhanced encouragement” of reporting. That bill was tabled in committee earlier this month.

Why the walkback? Both local legislators said they’d talked to a lot of stakeholders as they drew up the measures, and one group in particular has been vehement in its opposition to requiring police involvement in all cases of campus assault: survivors of such assaults.

Over in the Senate, a harder line prevails. Senator Dick Black (R-13th) is pushing a bill that not only requires professors and administrators to report information on a “criminal sexual assault” to police within 48 hours, it makes failing to do so a Class 1 misdemeanor, which is punishable by a $2,500 fine and up to a year in jail. A slew of other Senate bills were absorbed by Black’s in the Senate Standing Committee on Education and Health, on which Black serves.

Laura Dunn, founder and director of Washington, D.C.-based sexual assault advocacy organization SurvJustice and a rape survivor, said saddling all school employees with a mandate to turn over information on assaults to police is a terrible move, and Bell’s edited take isn’t much better.

Professors are often among the only people students feel comfortable turning to in confidence, Dunn said, which is why the Department of Education recommends they not be made “responsible employees” who are required to report.

Mandatory reporting laws have been shown to have a chilling effect on students reporting rape at all, said SurvJustice legal intern Carly Mees. Many are well aware of the difficulty in prosecuting sexual assault and want to avoid cops and courts, “and if those professors are required to go to the police, survivors are not going to go to them anymore.”

What doesn’t bother them is requiring responsible employees to turn over information to a Title IX coordinator for review by a threat assessment team. But, Dunn pointed out, federal law already requires that, and the last thing the issue of campus sexual assault needs is redundant and confusing legislation. Instead, she said, lawmakers should be focused on fixing a justice system that too often fails sexual assault victims.

In their speed to throw together solutions, Dunn said, Virginia legislators may do more damage than good. “They’re just kind of running with an idea and doing it for the headlines,” she said. “That’s the unfortunate nature of a legislative cycle like that.”

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UVA sorority sister: Why I quit

Last week UVA’s Greeks showed up on the national news once again, this time thanks to a decision by sorority leaders to ground their UVA chapters on Boys’ Bid Night, a men’s pledging celebration and one of the biggest party nights of the year. The mandate infuriated sorority members at the University. Simmering discontent over the disparate treatment of women and men in Greek life—national rules dictate that sororities can’t host parties with alcohol, which some feel is sexist and potentially dangerous for women, who can’t party on their own turf—had reached a boiling point. There was talk of protests, of women donning khakis and bow ties and flouting the mandate that they stay home with their sisters and eat pizza.

Practically speaking, the lockdown didn’t affect fourth-year Lindsey Bond. She had just resigned from the ranks of Delta Delta Delta.

“I don’t consider myself a rabble-rouser and I think that anyone who has ever interacted with me would know that I am not one who seeks out or revels in conflict,” Bond, 22, wrote in her deactivation letter. “However, I cannot overlook something that is screaming in my face as wrong.”

What’s wrong, she said, is much bigger than a one-night party ban.

When Bond arrived at the University from out of state, rushing seemed like a good way to make friends, and the Tri Delta girls struck her as down-to-earth and humble. In the years that followed, certain aspects of Greek life frustrated and disappointed her, including the way national sorority organizations seem to hold women to a far higher standard than fraternities do men: no drinking in the houses; more serious penalties when rules are broken. The divide warps interactions between women and men on Grounds, she said, because it hands so much social control to frats. Women’s relationships with men are affected by that power dynamic.

“Girls are definitely feeling that it’s happening, but they don’t necessarily know why they’re feeling that way,” she said.

The path to resignation started when she spoke up publicly about her concerns. Bond was interviewed by C-VILLE in October for a story about the gender divide in Greek life, and the conversation went national last month when The New York Times covered the same issue. Bond ended up giving an interview to The Huffington Post just as the party ban issue started heating up. In it, she criticized national rules, and the response was swift. Bond said Tri Delta’s national leaders didn’t address her directly, but they told the UVA sorority that if members acted up again—talking to media as a member of the sorority is a violation of the rules, Bond acknowledged—they’d face sanctions.

“I’d imagined that the girls were more independent, and the type to speak out,” she said. But even as people railed against the Boys’ Bid Night restrictions, they feared rocking the boat. “Nobody wants to be a pariah for being the one who ruined it for everyone,” Bond said. So she quit.

Debates over Greeks’ role in improving campus safety are far from over, and though she’s graduating in the spring, Bond said she plans on staying in the conversation, and working to make Greek life more equal.

“Sororities, in their policies and missions statements, are all about empowering women, and I can’t see how silencing women is in any way advancing that,” said Bond. She may be out of the club, but she still plans to speak up for sisters. “I’m now advocating for the rights of people in a group I no longer belong to,” she said.—With reporting by Nicolette Gendron

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Running the gauntlet: Two survivors on UVA’s sexual assault trial system

This story is part of a feature examining UVA’s sexual assault policies. Read a companion piece about the legal reviews of those policies here.

Sabrina Rubin Erdely’s now-discredited Rolling Stone story of a rape at UVA was written to shock and horrify. What it failed to do was show what it’s like to submit a formal complaint of sexual assault at the University of Virginia. An internal adjudication process is required under the gender equity statute known as Title IX, and UVA’s is being overhauled in the midst of investigation by the Department of Education into how the school handles complaints.

As administrators consider public comments on policy adjustments and legislators debate new laws that would force further changes, we bring you two accounts from UVA women. Two stories of assault. Two victories in name only. Two very different takeaways.

Caitlin’s story

When Caitlin Mahoney decided to take action against the man she said sexually assaulted her in a fraternity house bedroom in November of 2005—her first year at UVA—she told deans she wanted to pursue a formal complaint. She saw it through to the end, and after a trial in front of what was then called the Sexual Assault Board (SAB), she won.

It still wrecked her, and she said she fully understands why the number of women who press for action in the wake of their own sexual assaults at UVA and schools around the country is so low.

“It’s because of the gauntlet you have to run,” she said. “I can’t describe the process in any other way than, ‘Prepare to have your life ruined.’”

Caitlin describes what happened to her as horrifying, traumatic and disturbingly common. She went to a fraternity party with friends, met up with a couple of older fraternity members she’d gotten to know and drank with them in an upstairs bedroom. One of them plied her with vodka doubles, and while she felt uncomfortable, she drank them anyway. That’s the last thing she remembers. She woke up alone in his bed too sick to move, her underwear missing. She could hear men’s voices in the hall, joking about the guy who had been giving her drinks: “He likes to fuck dead girls,” she remembers one of them saying.

The guy told her they’d hooked up—he later admitted he’d fingered her—and that he’d been worried about her when she got sick and passed out. He said they’d had a good time, though. Then he dropped her off at her dorm.

“I reported it to the police within 48 hours,” Caitlin said. But ultimately, she decided against pressing charges. She knew she wasn’t a “perfect victim”: dazed, she’d taken a shower before she got a rape kit. She also didn’t want to go through telling her parents. But once friends told her more about what had happened that night—someone had seen her being carried nearly unconscious to an upstairs bedroom, and friends said they’d tried to find her, but were turned away by fraternity brothers—she decided to seek some remedy through the school.

“Somebody had told me about the Title IX option, that there was a lower standard of evidence, and it was confidential,” she said. “I could still be a private person instead of a public figure at a time when I was not capable of doing that. And I thought there was no way I could lose, knowing what I knew about what happened.”

Technically, she didn’t lose. The man she accused was found responsible and was suspended for three years, according to documentation of the formal resolution she provided to C-VILLE. Caitlin was able to graduate without having to worry about seeing him on campus. But she said she went through hell to get there.

“I knew there were things that were wrong with my trial,” she said. “But I thought that’s the way it was and I had to suck it up and deal, even though I knew deep down that what happened was wrong.”

For starters, it took 10 months for her case to make it in front of the SAB. She reported the incident in December 2005, she said, and the investigation was finished in March 2006. She didn’t get a trial until September of that year, because, she was told, UVA couldn’t muster the required number of students for the panel. In the meantime, she suffered through being called a liar by former friends who knew the accused.

Then came the actual trial. The first questions she was asked were invasive ones about her sex life, she said—Was she gay? Had she ever had sex with more than one person at a time? Such questions would have been inadmissible in a criminal proceeding. She said the panel also used the wrong evidentiary standard in deciding her case: For at least a decade, the U.S. Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights has said that schools should use the “preponderance of the evidence” standard, meaning they’re to find in favor of survivors if they’re more than 50 percent sure they’re telling the truth; Caitlin said the panel used the “clear and convincing” standard required in criminal cases, which demands a much higher level of certainty.

Caitlin said even though the panel ultimately found her assailant guilty of “sexual misconduct” because he’d gotten her drunk past the point of consent, the trial was traumatizing in ways it should never have been. For a long time, she tried to forget about it.

“I had to wait so long and fight so hard to get through the process that once it was over, I was just done,” she said. “I could not do more at that time. I just sort of pushed it to the back of my mind, because I had to focus on my life, school, everything else.”

Amy’s story

Amy’s first months dating Mike were uneventful. Fellow students in the same UVA grad school program, they’d connected in mid-2011 through classes and shared mutual friends, but by early 2012, the relationship was troubled. “Early on there were a lot of controlling features—he’d put me down, tell me he could call up any girl at any time,” she recalled. Soon, the verbal abuse expanded to physical abuse. Although she would ultimately win a verdict against Mike through the SAB (the body was renamed the Sexual Misconduct Board later that year), Amy asked that pseudonyms be used in her case and that her department not be identified because she is still a student at the school and fears retribution. She also provided C-VILLE with documentation of the trial and the ruling in her case.

One evening, the couple had gone out for a friend’s birthday. Back at Mike’s off-campus apartment, they began arguing. “Things got verbally scary,” Amy recalled of the February 2012 incident that would become the subject of a SAB trial. “I wanted to leave, so I tried to pack my bags up in the bathroom. He picked the lock, took my stuff, and that included everything, my wallet and ID.”

Mike demanded that she leave without her belongings, and Amy said when she tried to go and retrieve her things, “he started pushing and tried to bear hug me out of the apartment.” He didn’t stop with the bear hug, Amy said. “He pushed me and I fell over. Then he dragged me by my hair across the floor.” Amy, who was wearing a pair of Mike’s sweatpants, said she saw her phone and her keys on the table, and when he let go of her, she grabbed them and ran out the door. Mike pursued her. “He comes out after me, says I’m wearing his sweatpants, then he pulls my pants down, trying to get them off of me,” she recalls. “He punched me from behind.”

Stunned, and having dropped her keys, Amy fled to a friend’s apartment, where she spent the night. The next day, she had a male friend accompany her to Mike’s apartment to get her things, then she left.

“I wanted to call the cops but didn’t know what I should do,” she said. “I was in a state of disbelief.” Mike was getting ready to graduate, and that contributed to her hesitance. “I didn’t go to police because of the impact it would have had on his career,” she said. In addition, “we had mutual friends. When you do these things, you also think about how other people are going to react to it.”

Instead, about a week later she filed a complaint against him with the school, hoping there would be some sanction against him and that he would receive help. The incident occurred less than two years after the death of Yeardley Love, and Amy said for that reason, she believed the administration would go to great lengths to support her and keep her safe. She now says she was mistaken.

Amy said that despite obtaining a school issued no-contact order, which prohibited Mike from interacting with her while on Grounds, she endured weeks of Mike’s friends making antagonizing comments to her, and she tried and failed to get a court-recognized restraining order against him. In April, the case went to trial through the SAB. It was a grueling process that Amy now feels victimized her further.

The hearing began at 8am, and Amy said she didn’t leave until 8 or 9 that night after a day of testimony.

“The craziest part of the whole trial was they started nitpicking at my story because I kept switching the order of him taking my stuff and me going to the bathroom,” she said. “I was distraught.”

Ultimately, the board did issue a ruling of guilt against Mike, based on his attempt to remove the sweatpants she had been wearing, according to the letter issued explaining the verdict. He was ordered to attend anger management treatment, but there was no oversight or enforcement of that treatment, Amy said, and he graduated and left Charlottesville with no marks on his record.

“The only way it would ever go on his record is if he was suspended or expelled,” she said.

The way forward 

UVA has made some changes in the way it resolves sexual misconduct claims in recent years; in 2011, after a mandate was issued by the DOE, the University adopted the less-strict preponderance standard. More adjustments have been proposed in a new policy draft released last November. Those proposed rules would require the University attempt to resolve complaints within 60 days. They would also remove a lot of power from the Sexual Misconduct Board; an investigator alone would be in charge of producing finding, and the Board’s responsibility would be limited to leveling sanctions. The new rules also put greater emphasis on those sanctions, demanding that the board consider suspension or expulsion in every case.

That’s good, said Caitlin, but it’s not enough. The new policy doesn’t lay out a route for appealing a ruling, which she said is critical. She also wants to see the school adopt a student bill of rights that emphasizes Title IX rights, and she wants to see the Sexual Misconduct Board publish its decisions at the end of each semester—with names redacted —the same way the Honor Committee does. And she thinks a basic gender studies class should be a requirement for graduation.

“The everyday situation where you get drunk and your friend has sex with your unconscious body—the fundamental issue is that a lot of these people don’t think they’ve done anything wrong,” she said. “They don’t understand consent. They see sex as something they can take.” Schools need to take a more active role in changing that mindset, she said.

Her biggest complaint, though, is that UVA hasn’t done enough to curb underage drinking, even as few deny that it’s a huge contributing problem. The school could put far more pressure than it does on student organizations, including frats, she said.

“I will never take the University seriously about wanting to fix the problems until they ban alcohol from fraternity houses, period,” she said.

Amy is so disillusioned with UVA’s system that she wants to pull it up by the roots. She thinks Title IX should be changed so that schools don’t adjudicate sexual assault cases at all.

“By going through the University you have a false sense or expectation of retribution that never happens,” she said. “You have law enforcers for a reason.”

She acknowledges that eliminating bodies like UVA’s Sexual Misconduct Board might decrease reporting. “But looking back, would I go through this again? No,” she said. “I would have rather not done it at all. If I had known how much energy and effort and mental anguish it took to go through this, I would wholeheartedly not do this again. You don’t get anything.”

Her advice to other students experiencing similar issues: Go straight to police and report abuse or assault as a crime, not only for yourself but for potential future victims.

So what role does she think a university should play? A supportive one, by providing a more direct link to psychological services for victims, who currently are referred to the school’s Counseling and Psychological Services center (CAPS), which offers short term crisis counseling and then refers students for longer term treatment with clinicians in the community.

“Skip that step, and get an immediate response to the problem,” she said, noting that she’d like to see students put directly in touch with counselors who are experts in domestic abuse or sexual violence and she’d like to see support groups widely publicized.

However differently the two women view what needs to change to stop violence against women from becoming so commonplace in college, they agree: Something’s got to give.

Caitlin wishes the impetus for the conversation was something other than tragedy and trauma.

“It took a gang rape article to get people mad about this issue,” she said. “It was the same thing with dating violence. It took Yeardley Love being murdered for people to give a shit about it.” But she believes things will change, especially if people speak up. What happened to her was traumatic, but it doesn’t define her, she said. She wants other women to hear that message.

“I have to maintain hope, because if I don’t have that, I don’t know,” she said. “That would be bad for me.”—With reporting by Courteney Stuart

 

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The business of rape: Who’s getting paid to fix UVA’s sexual assault problem?

This story is part of a feature examining UVA’s sexual assault policies. Read a companion piece profiling two sexual assault survivors here.

Late one Friday evening last December, toward the end of a six-and-a-half-hour special meeting in UVA’s Garrett Hall, the members of the University’s Board of Visitors listened as a Los Angeles lawyer named Apalla Chopra walked them through a presentation on Title IX and the Clery Act.

It had been exactly one month since Rolling Stone had published its searing account of a gang rape in a University fraternity house and a culture of cover-up among administrators, and two weeks since the fury and protest on Grounds had started to die down in the wake of a partial retraction of the story. UVA was in an awkward position: It had been partially vindicated after reporter Sabrina Rubin Erdely’s piece began falling apart, but school leaders had already made impassioned pledges to reexamine and reform policy in order to fix what nobody seemed to deny was a serious and reputation-killing problem with campus rape.

Among the promises was an extensive legal review of UVA’s response to Jackie’s reported assault, and the school’s sexual assault policies in general, by Chopra’s firm, Washington, D.C.-based O’Melveny & Myers. Back on December 19, the details of that review were still being worked out. A significant portion of the day’s meeting had already been spent in closed session negotiating a contract. But there was Chopra with a Powerpoint, giving the Board a taste of just how tangled the regulatory web is when it comes to schools’ responsibilities to prevent, report and adjudicate sexual assault claims.

The last statement on her final slide said it all: “Law and guidance is in a state of flux.”

UVA has agreed to pay dearly for some stabilizing counsel in the face of all that flux, signing off on not one but two new contracts totaling well over half a million dollars—how far over isn’t clear—with high-profile international firms that will examine and advise on its sexual assault policies. The scrutiny comes just as UVA is considering a major overhaul of those policies that were announced on the very day the Rolling Story ran online, either through cosmic coincidence or some careful timing by the magazine. (For more on the pending changes, see our story on page 18.)

It’s not the first time the University has shelled out for expert help in this realm. C-VILLE has also examined UVA’s nine-year relationship with another legal consultant and campus safety expert who has received more than $75,000 of the University’s money to train the panel of administrators, faculty and students that hear and adjudicate sexual assault claims.

Public university funds are on the line as UVA tries to hit multiple targets: preventing assault, helping victims, protecting the due process rights of accused students, protecting itself from legal liability and, not least, propping up a damaged image.

So is there a problem with throwing money at the problem? No, said Daniel Carter, as long as that’s not all a school is doing. Carter is the director of the 32 National Campus Safety Initiative, a nonprofit venture developing practical safety guidelines for colleges. He, too, is sometimes hired by schools that want to make sure they’re not running afoul of evolving federal regulations.

“Compliance is a good first start,” he said. “Obviously, it’s a baseline, and a lot of these regulations are designed to address the most serious concerns about protecting victims and the campus while ensuring an equitable process.”

But advice from lawyers alone isn’t going to make schools safer, he said. “If you just go in and train someone and say, ‘This is what the law is,’ that’s not really enough.”

UVA isn’t only getting its legal ducks in a row. The University hosted a four-day program on bystander awareness for 130 students, staff and faculty in January, and it’s gearing up to participate in a “climate survey” of 29 schools that will gather input from students on the issue of sexual assault.

It’s the legal reviews, however, that will become the biggest budget line items in the year to come. So who’s getting UVA’s money?

Then: NCHERM Group

Who: In the decade-and-a-half since Brett Sokolow founded his Pennsylvania law and consulting firm, the National Center for Higher Education Risk Management, he’s fashioned himself as the country’s leading expert on higher education risk management—particularly when it comes to sexual assault. A critical 2011 profile in The Chronicle of Higher Education describes him as a “tireless self-promoter,” and as schools’ concerns over their own liability in the face of the increasingly high-profile issue of campus rape has mounted, Sokolow has collected dozens of college and university clients.

He and his staff have since founded three professional organizations for educators and administrators who work in the campus safety realm: the National Behavioral Intervention Team Association (NaBITA), the School and College Organization for Prevention Educators (SCOPE) and the Association of Title IX Administrators (ATIXA). All are registered as not-for-profit corporations in Pennsylvania—they share the same address in Philadelphia’s outer suburbs—but while the professional history on Sokolow’s NCHERM website talks about “giving back” and “venture philanthropy,” the trio of organizations are not traditional 501(c)3 nonprofits. They pay taxes and have no obligations to disclose their top officers’ salaries. Sokolow and several NCHERM partners sit on the boards of all three of the groups, which bring in significant amounts of money from dues, conferences and “accreditation”; membership in ATIXA, for example, costs $599 per person and $2,499 per institution, and its last conference in October 2014 cost as much as $479 per head. In The Chronicle’s profile and a scathing piece from Buzzfeed that ran four months before the Rolling Stone piece brought new attention to his line of work, Sokolow comes across as a savvy opportunist who has succeeded in aggressively marketing his brand of risk management.

What: Sokolow has conducted annual two-day training sessions for UVA’s Sexual Misconduct Board (up until 2012, it was known as the Sexual Assault Board) since 2006, workshops that include instruction in best practices and detailed case studies.

How much: UVA has paid NCHERM a total of $75,793 for about 18 days’ worth of work since 2006, according to a summary of payments turned over to C-VILLE in response to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request. Sokolow’s fee has ticked up steadily since his first trip to UVA to a high of $15,000 for his most recent training session at the University, which took place January 16 and 17 of last year.

Left to right: Gina Smith and Leslie Gomez of Pepper Hamilton; Apalla Chopra, Danielle Gray and Walter Dellinger of O'Melveny & Myers. Photos courtesy firms
Left to right: Gina Smith and Leslie Gomez of Pepper Hamilton; Apalla Chopra, Danielle Gray and Walter Dellinger of O’Melveny & Myers. Photos courtesy firms

 

Now: O’Melveny & Myers, Pepper Hamilton

Who: UVA’s new legal consultants on sexual assault are nothing if not qualified. Leading the team from O’Melveny & Myers is Walter Dellinger III, a former Acting Solicitor General of the United States who successfully argued a landmark sex discrimination case in front of the U.S. Supreme Court in 2005, Jackson v. Birmingham Board of Education, which significantly expanded Title IX to protect institutional whistleblowers (Dellinger’s client was a high school girl’s basketball coach who was demoted after claiming his school’s boys’ team was unfairly favored).

Joining him is Danielle Gray, a former associate counsel and then Cabinet secretary for the Obama administration who has served on the White House’s college sexual assault task force. And according to a brief bio sketch released when the firm was appointed to work with UVA, Apalla Chopra has expertise in helping colleges and universities make sure they’re compliant with federal law when it comes to campus sexual assault. What that bio leaves out but her CV makes clear: She also has extensive experience successfully defending institutions accused of unfair wage practices, discrimination and harassment.

Then there’s the Philadelphia-based pair from Pepper Hamilton. Gina Maisto Smith and Leslie M. Gomez are both Pepper partners and both nationally recognized experts on colleges’ response to sexual misconduct. Smith serves on a committee that’s helping the Department of Education implement the Campus Sexual Violence Elimination (SaVE) Act, which went into effect last year. Gomez started her career as a domestic violence and sexual assault prosecutor before shifting to represent and conduct internal investigations for schools in sexual misconduct cases.

What: The mandate to bring on outside counsel in the wake of the Rolling Stone story came from Virginia Attorney General Mark Herring, and it came swiftly; he first announced his office was appointing a special investigator to review UVA’s sexual assault policies within a week of the article’s publication. Herring and UVA Rector George Martin initially proposed retired judge and former Deputy U.S. Attorney Mark Filip, but changed course after it was made public that Filip was a member of Phi Kappa Psi, the fraternity at the center of the Rolling Stone rape allegations.

The trio from O’Melveny & Myer was the unimpeachable second pick. It was initially announced the attorneys would investigate both UVA’s response to Jackie’s case and “the University’s entire structure of policies and procedures” on sexual assault.

Somewhere along the line, the scope of O’Melveny & Myers was narrowed to Jackie’s story, and the job of a broader institutional investigation was handed off to Pepper Hamilton’s experts. UVA spokesman Anthony de Bruyn said Smith and Gomez will assist the University with “new and ongoing Title IX sexual assault reports and cases,” as well as assessment and implementation of policy and the school’s response to the Department of Education’s ongoing investigation of potential Title IX violations at UVA.

How much: Good question. O’Melveny & Myers will be paid $500,000 for its review, plus fees and expenses—there’s no limit to those laid out in the contract between the firm and the Commonwealth, which was received by C-VILLE as part of a FOIA request.

The contract with Pepper Hamilton includes no upper limit at all, but specifies that Smith will be paid $660 per hour and Gomez $550, with other supporting attorneys getting $275 and $400 per hour. To put those numbers in perspective, if Smith and Gomez alone each bill 10 hours a week, UVA would be on the hook for nearly $50,000 in February. Their contract doesn’t specify how long they’ll be working for the University.

What UVA says: 

Very little. It took weeks of pressure from the media before Rector George Martin responded to questions on December 17 about the transparency of the O’Melveny & Myers review by saying that a findings report would eventually be made public. According to de Bruyn, the University will eventually release documents from both legal reviews, but a date for that release has not been determined.

Since late December, C-VILLE has been asking for an interview with a University employee well positioned to provide insight into the legal challenges the school is facing in sorting out fact from fiction in the Rolling Stone story while simultaneously hammering out new policy on sexual assault: Susan Davis, an associate VP for student affairs and liaison to UVA’s general counsel. Davis joined the staff as an associate general counsel in 1999, according to Board of Visitors records. Her position as both a University attorney and a top administrator in student affairs means she’s smack in the middle of the policy balancing act. She also has a relationship with ATIXA, one of consultant Brett Sokolow’s professional organizations; according to past agendas, she’s been a member of the “training faculty” at four ATIXA conferences since 2012, including one last month in Nashville.

Despite numerous requests, she was not made available for an interview. Sokolow didn’t respond to requests for comment, either.

We had more questions for UVA administrators: the extent to which Sokolow has influenced the University’s sexual assault policy; how administrators balance the dual challenges of limiting liability and protecting students.

De Bruyn responded by saying that the University has “found the training and case study material provided by Mr. Sokolow to be helpful.” He added this: “The safety and well-being of our students remains our top priority, and the University believes its sexual assault and prevention and adjudication policies reflect this commitment.”

Official statements from UVA President Teresa Sullivan have been couched in careful optimism. In a lengthy speech last Friday—a sort of State of the University address announced only a day in advance
—she promised the school would emerge stronger from last semester’s hell.

“The Rolling Stone article put our University in the spotlight, and we are using this moment of national attention to provide strong leadership in the long-running effort to improve student safety on America’s college campuses,” she said. “But there is a danger in the spotlight. Let’s make sure that the glare of the spotlight does not blind us to everything that is already great, and good, and promising about this University.”

 

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Reeves’ Senate district swap prompts claims of political maneuvering

Thanks to a bill that passed in the State Senate Monday in a party-line vote, nearly 11,000 Albemarle residents are a step closer to getting reassigned to a new Senate district.

SB1237 was introduced by Republican State Senator Bryce Reeves, whose 17th District includes part of Albemarle County and borders Democratic State Senator Creigh Deeds’ 25th District. Reeves said the bill is meant to correct split voting precincts in Albemarle. The county has three precincts that straddle the line dividing the 17th and the 25th: Jack Jouett, Woodbrook and Stony Point.

The ragged edges confuse voters and frustrate registrars, including Albemarle’s Jake Washburn, who along with the county electoral board has previously asked the legislature to clean up district lines when possible. Doing so can be tricky, however, because districts need to have even populations, with a deviation of no more than 2 percent.

Reeves’ bill hands his chunk of Jouett to Deeds and takes Deeds’ piece of Stony Point, uniting two of the county’s three sundered precincts. But it also swaps two unsplit precincts: The entire Charlottesville-adjacent Georgetown goes to Deeds, and Stone Robinson, which lies east of the city, goes to Reeves.

This partial map drawn up by the Albemarle County Registrar's office in response to Bryce Reeves' proposed bill shows the changes in State Senate districts that would result if it's signed into law. Part of the Jack Jouett precinct and all of the Georgetown precinct (both in dark blue) would move to Creigh Deeds' 25th District, while part of Stony Point precinct and all of Stone Robinson precinct (shown in dark orange; Stone Robinson only partially shown) would move to Reeves' 17th District.
This partial map drawn up by the Albemarle County Registrar’s office in response to Bryce Reeves’ proposed bill shows the changes in State Senate districts that would result if it’s signed into law. Part of the Jack Jouett precinct and all of the Georgetown precinct (both in dark blue) would move to Creigh Deeds’ 25th District, while part of Stony Point precinct and all of Stone Robinson precinct (shown in dark orange; Stone Robinson only partially shown) would move to Reeves’ 17th District.

“I voted against it in full committee and I voted against it on the full floor, and if it makes it off the floor, I’d ask the governor to veto it,” said Deeds. He said the bill is unconstitutional; the legislature adjusted Virginia’s constitution in 2004 to mandate that redistricting happen only once a decade. He pointed out that it also doesn’t completely solve the problem of Albemarle’s split precincts, because it leaves Woodbrook divided.

But more than that, said Deeds, Reeves’ redrawing makes both districts more partisan: Georgetown and Reeves’ chunk of Jouett, which he’s handing off, lean strongly to the left, while Stone Robinson and the piece of Stony Point he’s taking lean to the right.

“The net effect of the bill would be to make the district I represent more Democratic and the district Bryce represents more Republican,” Deeds said. “You’ve got to wonder if there’s a political motive.”

Anna Scholl, executive director of ProgressVA, was more blunt in her take on Reeves’ intent. “It looks like a blatant partisan attempt to redraw the district lines in an election year to ensure that he’s reelected,” she said. Combined with another redistricting bill making its way through the Senate, she estimates Reeves’ bill would give him a 600 vote boost “in a district he won in 2011 by around 226 votes.”

In a statement e-mailed by an aide Monday, Reeves said the new boundaries were carefully drawn to keep both districts within the 2 percent population deviation.

“I am disappointed, but not surprised, that Senator Deeds views these practical district boundary changes as solely political,” his statement read. “Having voted for the most gerrymandered map in the history of the Virginia Senate, and having initially been elected to the General Assembly by virtue of the hyper-partisan House redistricting of 1991, it is entirely understandable that he would view all legislation related to redistricting as being solely political. It certainly has been in his case.”

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Prosecutor: No link between Jesse Matthew and Alexis Murphy

Nelson County Commonwealth’s Attorney Anthony Martin has for months maintained that there’s no credible link between accused Hannah Graham abductor Jesse Matthew and Alexis Murphy, another local teen who disappeared in August 2013 and whose convicted killer, Randy Taylor, is now serving two life sentences. Now Martin is pointing to DNA tests conducted by the FBI backs him up.

Martin released a lengthy statement Friday afternoon detailing the tests conducted on the forensic evidence collected during the Murphy investigation, reiterating the connections to Taylor and explaining the lack of any link to Matthew. Authorities compared Matthew’s DNA profile to evidence collected from Taylor’s trailer and truck, including a T-shirt of Taylor’s found balled up under his sofa that was stained with Murphy’s blood and contained Taylor’s DNA. They also compared it to swabs taken from Murphy’s 2003 Nissan Maxima, which was found in Charlottesville shortly after she disappeared. According to the press release, everything tested negative for Matthew’s DNA.

“In light of all the factors mentioned above and now the added scientific testing that has excluded Jesse Matthew, law enforcement affirms its earlier conclusion that there is no credible evidence linking Jesse Matthew to the abduction and murder of Alexis Murphy,” Martin wrote.

Matthew was arrested in October for abduction with intent to defile in the disappearance and death of graham. Police have linked Matthew’s DNA to two other crimes: The 2012 abduction and murder of Morgan Harrington and the 2005 rape and attempted murder of a woman in Fairfax. He is in jail pending court dates in Fairfax and Charlottesville in March.

Read the full text of prosecutor Martin’s press release here.