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Is targeting voter fraud in Albemarle County worth the effort?

As debate over Virginia’s controversial new voter ID law rages on, Republicans on the Albemarle County Electoral Board have quietly orchestrated an investigation into what they say are serious vulnerabilities in local voter registration lists. It’s a crusade that’s raised legal questions over improper reproduction of court documents and divided the three-member Board. But vocal Tea Party activist and Board secretary Dr. Clara Belle Wheeler said it’s a necessary step toward avoiding voter fraud—something many Democrats say is a non-issue—ahead of the November elections.

In June, Wheeler and fellow Republican Electoral Board member Alan Swinger started a study of 450 questionnaires of Albemarle jurors who were excused from duty for reasons that should also bar them from voting, and then cross-checked the names against those in the Virginia Election and Registration Information System—a process used by several other Virginia municipalities to pinpoint people who should be pulled from local voter rolls.

They found six people who claimed they were non-citizens, three who identified themselves as felons, two whose families said they were deceased, and 148 who said they’d moved out of Albemarle County still on the voter rolls.

In an August 16 letter explaining the findings to the State Board of Elections, Wheeler extrapolated, saying those numbers could mean that out of about 70,000 registered voters, 3,710 shouldn’t be registered—an error rate of a little over 5 percent.

“This likelihood compromises the integrity of the voting system by exposing it to voter fraud,” Wheeler wrote. The letter went on to urge the state Board to help Albemarle County purge improperly registered voters from its rolls before November, and to encourage other localities to go through their own jury questionnaires “to assess the potential magnitude of the unauthorized voter registration problem” and clean up lists statewide.

But not everyone thinks that’s a good idea.

Albemarle Commonwealth’s Attorney Denise Lunsford said she was surprised when she learned in early August that Wheeler and Swinger had examined years’ worth of jury questionnaires—and alarmed when she found out they’d been photocopied.

“A jury list is not a public record to be exposed to the general public,” Lunsford said, and questionnaires contain sensitive information, including addresses and Social Security numbers. A judge has to agree there’s good cause to examine them, she said, and even then, two Virginia Supreme Court decisions say making copies is prohibited.

Wheeler did get judicial permission to review the records, but photocopying them could get somebody charged with contempt of court, Lunsford said.

The county Electoral Board is split on the matter, too. James Heilman, a former registrar, elections consultant, and the lone Democrat on the three-member Board, said that while he initially said he was O.K. with the plan to dig into jury questionnaires, he voted against going forward with it once he learned the Board had to clear legal hurdles to access the information. He also said he didn’t support Wheeler’s decision to contact the state once the study was done.

“I believe voter registration issues are the purview of the registrar and the state Board, and I think those have shared due diligence in the work to keep our rolls clean,” Heilman said, and local staff and appointed officials’ tiime would be better spent preparing for the upcoming elections.

“I’m just as much as anybody else for having our election rolls clean,” he said. “But there’s a point at which looking for this person or that person on a roll of 70,000 people takes up a lot of time that’s more wisely spent on the electoral process, which is what the Electoral Board is all about.”

It’s not clear whether Wheeler and Swinger’s investigation turned up any actual fraud. County registrar Jake Washburne said that of the six non-citizens found on the rolls, for instance, one was determined to be a city resident, two had become citizens since they filled out the jury questionnaire, and three had no voting history. Of the four who indicated they were felons, he said, three had registered before their convictions and hadn’t voted since, and one had simply ticked the wrong box on the jury questionnaire.

But Wheeler said clean voter rolls are a legal mandate, and there simply aren’t enough checks in the system to make sure people who don’t belong on registered voter lists aren’t there—whether because they’re not citizens, they’ve moved, had their right to vote stripped, or died.

“There are an awful lot of people who die, and it doesn’t get reported,” she said. “Nobody signs a death certificate, they’re buried in the backyard and nobody ever knows they’re dead.”

The lack of oversight means the entire system is vulnerable, she said. “Your vote is one of the most sacred things you’ve got, particularly in our country, and if someone is going to presume to steal your vote by diluting your choice, then you’ve been disenfranchised.”

Wheeler said she and others want states to be able to cross-check their registration databases with federal lists of legal citizens, death records, and felons, but right now, that isn’t possible, and using jury exclusion information is a good alternative—and one that’s used by other Virginia municipalities.

“The system needs to be tightened up so people don’t fall through the holes and the cracks,” she said. “This checking the exclusions on the jury lists was quick and easy, and it was the most straightforward way we had.”

As for the improper photocopying, Wheeler said it was “an honest mistake,” and Lunsford said it’s unlikely anyone will actually be charged with contempt—though the copied records were ordered returned and destroyed.

Ultimately, Wheeler said, the purge was as much about informing voters as it was about cleaning up the rolls. “We want to educate,” she said, and make sure people know that if they move, it’s their responsibility to re-register.  “We don’t want people to be surprised on election day.”

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News

Obama to visit Charlottesville Aug. 29

Obama will make a campaign stop in Charlottesville next week.

The President will visit Wednesday, August 29, according to a regional press spokesman, though event time and location haven’t yet been announced.

The Charlottesville stop will round off a tour of college towns that includes Ames, Iowa and Fort Collins, Colorado.

Obama’s last visit to the city was in October of 2010, when he stumped for Tom Perriello. He also made a campaign stop in 2007, and First Lady Michelle Obama has made appearances here several times—though her last planned visit, scheduled for July 20, was called off in the wake of the Aurora, Colorado shootings.

Virginia is expected to be a key battleground state in the presidential election. National polls currently give Obama a slight edge over Republican rival Mitt Romney in the Commonwealth, but both camps say Virginia’s electoral votes will be crucial to a win—and they’re consequently showering the state with plenty of attention. Romney announced Paul Ryan would be his running mate in Norfolk August 11, and the vice presidential candidate has been back twice since.

We’ll update this story with details on Obama’s visit as they become available.

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Living

We love this town: A moment like this

A Charlottesville moment. It’s not an imaginative thing to name it, I know, but what else can you call those times when you’re talking to a server at Skybar for 10 minutes before you realize you grew up down the street from her and the two of you built an igloo with your siblings during the blizzard of 1996 before she moved away, only to move back to town three months before you did? Oh, and she’s married to the photographer you interviewed for a story last week, her mom is your realtor, and her little sister made the cappuccino you drank this morning at Mudhouse. And then your friend arrives and says, “Wait, how do you two know each other?”

O.K., I embellished that one. But it’s not that far from reality. It’s also not really an exaggeration to say I moved back here because of Charlottesville moments. I was born in the city, raised on a county mountainside, and moved to New Jersey with my family when I was still in high school. And while I’ll defend my adopted state to the hilt—I swear, it’s way better than what you see from the Turnpike—this place has always been home for me, and a place I wanted to end up. And the feeling that I’m always about to run into a friend here is a big reason why.

I’m well aware that what draws me to this town is the same thing that drove a lot of people I grew up with to flee to far-off cities where they don’t know every third person on the street, where there’s almost no chance they’ll run into their eighth grade history teacher, and where the owner of the local video store isn’t the father of their classmate since kindergarten.

But I love it. And the fact that there always seems to be no more than two degrees of separation between you and the person next to you on the trolley is more than just a charming side effect of settling in a city this size. Especially for somebody just beginning to take a stab at some serious adult milestones—like buying a house, which my husband and I just crossed off the list—the web of human connections is something of a safety net.

Banker, realtor, insurance broker. Home inspector, attorney. The kind woman in the public works department who reassures me when I call in a panic that no, I’m not in danger of blowing up my house if the pilot light goes out in my hot water heater. If I’m not on a first-name basis with them already, I can be pretty sure someone I know is. It makes all of us that much more likely to go a little further to help out the person on the other side of the counter or the other end of the phone line, and that much more likely to get a smile back. We follow up, we ask about kids and spouses, we look out for each other.

It’s the essence of community, really. It makes a place feel like home. And it makes life so much sweeter.

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News

Sullivan speaks with press on Carr’s Hill

It was hard not to draw comparisons yesterday when UVA President Teresa Sullivan met with reporters on Carr’s Hill—her first press conference since she was forced out and then reinstated this summer.

Back in June, managing a press corps swollen with TV and print journalists from Washington and beyond became several staffers’ full-time jobs. There were days when a new statement seemed to come every hour, and the tension, technology, and overflow crowd that enabled live coverage of that final June 26 meeting possible made the Rotunda basement feel like the White House briefing room.

Yesterday’s gathering—a relaxed affair in the president’s own home, attended by about a dozen reporters—was a palate-cleanser, of sorts. Come. Have a seat in my foyer. Let’s talk, and get the summer out of our systems, shall we?

Which isn’t to say there weren’t serious topics on the table. Sullivan’s relationship with the Rector and Board members who tried to force her out (they’re “working hard to have a productive relationship,” said the president), Board governance (there’s some courageous examining of process going on, she said), and Chief Operating Officer Michael Strine’s sudden departure (no more specifics there, but the committee that hired him has been reconvened) all came up.

When asked about the questions raised over Strine’s loyalty and the administrative chain of command during his brief tenure, Sullivan made it clear that his replacement will report directly to her. “And I’ll make it clearer if need be,” she said.

In the meantime, there’s been a reshuffling to fill the gap he’s left. The three University Vice Presidents who previously reported to Strine report to Sullivan, and the staff who were under him report to Vice President for Management and Budget Colette Sheehy.

More shakeups are afoot.

“I’d say the biggest long-term issue as we roll out the strategic plan for the University Medical Center, the way in which the governance of the Medical Center may be affected,” Sullivan said. “I can’t tell you what that may be, because I don’t know myself.”

The University knows all eyes are on it, and on its president. Not just the students, who Sullivan said have figured out which exercise machines she favors at the gym, and would probably notice if she jaywalked on the Corner. Not just alumni, who helped push recent fundraising efforts past targets with gifts, including many offered in the president’s name. And not just the local press, dutifully assembled in folding chairs, recorders and cameras at the ready.

UVA’s troubles—and its efforts to rise above them—are reflective of challenges all of higher education is facing today, Sullivan said. More than ever, the University is a bellwether, “and it’s a mistake not to think that everyone’s watching.”

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News

Ultrasound foundation speeds medical advances

Seven years ago this month, Dr. Neal Kassell had an epiphany.

The UVA neurosurgeon was struggling with the challenge of treating certain brain tumors too deep for the knife and too big for targeted radiation. At the same time, he was researching how to use sound waves to measure blood flow in the brain.

During a drive home from the hospital one night, a solution came to him.

“I had this ‘Aha!’ moment where I said, ‘I bet we can use ultrasound in some way to treat these brain tumors,’” said Kassell, now 66. “I thought I had a Nobel Prize-winning idea.”

Turns out he might have—it just wasn’t his Nobel Prize-winning idea. But he didn’t let go of it.

Physicians have been exploring focused ultrasound as a non-invasive surgical tool for decades. Treatments involve pinpointing a trouble spot in the body with concentrated sound waves that can superheat a tiny area only a centimeter across and burn away tissue.

So far, the only FDA-approved use is for the treatment of benign uterine tumors, but in the last decade, research has indicated focused ultrasound’s potential as a tool to operate elsewhere in the body—including the brain. Kassell believes the applications are almost limitless. But the wheels of conventional medical device development turned far too slowly for the Porsche-driving doctor, so he built his own model to fund research. More than half a decade and $20 million later, he can point to results.

He’s driven by a simple philosophy: Identify the bottlenecks holding back advancements, and find the funds to loosen them up.

When it comes to moving medicine forward, said Kassell, “the distance between where we are today and where we need to be can be closed simply by the brute force application of money.”

Kassell became something of a rockstar in his field after he was recruited to UVA from the University of Iowa in 1984. He specialized in very tricky procedures on aneurysms and hard-to-reach tumors. John-Boy Walton actor Richard Thomas even played him in a 2001 TV movie about a famous surgery he performed on a boy with a brain tumor.

But even as helped build a world-class program at UVA, he was preoccupied with the things he couldn’t fix.

“You don’t log or think about the successes in general,” he said. “What really stays in your mind are the failures.”

Following his ultrasound eureka moment, he invited the leading therapeutic ultrasound device manufacturer to give a presentation in Charlottesville, and started pitching the idea of a UVA-based therapy center to donors.

Kassell is not, he said, “a naturally born supplicant.” But he moved in powerful circles. He served on the board of directors of the Virginia National Bank and several nonprofits, and knew people with deep pockets. And he had a compelling pitch. Researchers are confident that focused ultrasound could be a safe way to destroy tumors anywhere in the body, increase the effectiveness of radiation and drugs, treat symptoms of Parkinson’s Disease, and much more.

Two weeks after he started shopping around the idea of a research center, he secured his first half-million-dollar pledge from Berkshire Hathaway hedge fund manager Ted Weschler, and Kassell started thinking beyond the University.

“It became apparent that we could do this on a much broader, more global scale, while continuing to nurture UVA,” he said. He created the Charlottesville-based Focused Ultrasound Foundation (FUSF) in October of 2006 with the idea that it could warehouse funds that would be used to drive ultrasound research all over the world.

Kassell still oversees surgical residents and visits patients, but these days, he’s swapped out the OR for a conference room in an office park off Barracks Road. Clad in scrubs and with one loafered foot propped on the table in front of him, he explained one recent morning why he’s out to change not just surgery, but medical research itself.

Medical advances—drugs, devices—are expensive and time-consuming to develop, said Kassell. Academic institutions have the know-how, but current funding mechanisms encourage researcher self-preservation over rapid development. He experienced it firsthand: Why go for a three-year grant when you can instead aim for the prestige and security of seven years of funding from the NIH for the same project?

“There’s an incentive to drag it out,” he said. “That was my life.”

His organization leverages private money to fund regular workshops that bring together far-flung experts, and the grants the FUSF offers come with strict milestone requirements. Kassell said the approach causes indigestion among some who are wary that collaboration could mean losing competitive footholds. And that’s fine, he said. They can look elsewhere for funding.

“Our feeling is, wonderful, let somebody steal your idea if they’re going to find a way to use it faster to treat the patient,” he said.

Of the $20 million the FUSF has spent on research since its founding, 30 percent has come from device manufacturers and 70 percent from philanthropists whose only return on investment is patient outcome. What they’ve created, Kassell said, is a nexus where academia, industry, and the private donor world pool resources and get a swift kick in the direction of progress. He brushes off questions about the model’s sustainability.

“We’re priming the pump,” he said. “Success for this foundation is when we go out of business.”

It seems unlikely that will happen soon. The FUSF has funded nearly two dozen studies on the use of ultrasound for everything from burning away breast tumors to melting body fat, and more research is on the horizon. Some of the most promising work is happening close to home.

UVA neurosurgeon Jeff Elias completed a pilot study earlier this year that tested ultrasound’s ability to treat essential tremor—unexplained and often debilitating shaking of the hands and body. Physicians know how to treat it: with tiny brain lesions created during procedures where the patient stays awake throughout. It’s a fix Elias thought could be achieved with ultrasound, and so far, it appears he was right. Fifteen patients were strapped into a device that looked like a giant shower cap and inserted into an MRI machine, Elias said, and for three hours, doctors carefully targeted problem areas of their brains with soundwaves. The results were on par with far more invasive procedures, he said.

It was the first time anyone had tried to treat tremor symptoms with ultrasound. “It was exciting to plow new territory,” said Elias. “Everyone here is invigorated.” A bigger, randomized study designed to prove efficacy in treating Parkinson’s patients with tremor is now in the works—with funding from the FUSF.

When he talks about what’s next for his foundation, Kassell’s excitement is evident —he points to swelling numbers of researchers at a regular ultrasound symposium he’s helped organize in Bethesda, and the international group of engineers that recently crowded Darden’s conference center for a workshop on improving the technology.

But his impatience shows, too. He has his foot on the gas, but he wants the work to move faster.

“It takes decades before a major technology—diagnostic or therapeutic—becomes mainstream,” he said. “If you can shave one year off that process, you’ve reduced death and suffering for countless people.”

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News

Google, Zagat, and Frommers: Where does Charlottesville come in?

Google announced August 13 that it’s buying travel guide company Frommers, and plans to use the brand to build up its local search results. The search engine giant is already doing just that with content from Zagat, which it bought last year—ratings from the famous review guide will soon be folded into Google listings for restaurants in Charlottesville and around the country.

As Wall Street Journal and New York Times bloggers have pointed out, the $25 million Frommers buy signals a further shift by Google from user-generated content to curated search results created in part by editors working behind the scenes under brand names that carry some weight.

Megan Headley, C-VILLE’s own food and wine editor, is part of that shift. She was hired in April to create what’s likely to be an online-only, Google-search-oriented Zagat guide for our area. Google also tapped local experts to create similar guides in Richmond and Virginia Beach, and is in the process of wrapping up the survey stage of the project (the surveys were supposed to close earlier this month, but Headley says you’ve still got time to fill one out for the Charlottesville guide if you’re interested).

Zagat ratings are already showing up in Google results in major markets (search for Jean Georges in New York and there it is under the map listing, a little maroon 28 out of 30). The partnership with the famous restaurant review guide makes sense, Headley said—Zagat’s ratings are fueled by diner opinions, and Google’s search algorithm is fundamentally democratic.

The marriage with Frommer’s is a little more off the beaten path, and indicates Google is trying to hit on the right blend of information sources in its quest to solidify its status as the go-to place for all knowledge. It’s a formula everybody in media is chasing, Headley said. Google, bloggers, print publications—those with the info are trying to figure out how best to come at readers online, and stay afloat in the process.

Not only are they trying to figure out what people want, and how much and how fast, “but also how to make money on it,” Headley said. “That’s the weird place we are right now.”

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News

Charlottesville Sikhs reflect on Wisconsin massacre

One wall in Charlottesville Mayor Satyendra Huja’s dining room is occupied by floor-to-ceiling built-in shelves packed with teapots of every shape and size.

“You have to work for your tea,” he said, chuckling, as he and his friend Dr. Narinder Arora settled at the table. “Pick a pot.”

The array and the invitation are evidence of a hospitality built into both men’s beliefs. Huja and Arora are Sikhs, adherants to a centuries-old Indian religion whose followers are receiving an unprecedented amount of attention after the recent shooting at a Sikh temple in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, that left six dead and communities around the country shaken.

Sikhs in southeast Asia aren’t strangers to violence, having witnessed and been victims in the conflicts over sovereignty in India and Pakistan in the last century. In the U.S., they stand out. The turbans and full beards worn by men lead many to label them incorrectly as Muslim—which does nothing to justify the violence, Huja said. It does make them want to talk about their faith.

Huja, 70, came to the U.S. as a teenager to attend Cornell, and became Charlottesville’s city planner in 1973. Arora, 71, a pulmonologist, arrived here a year later, when he joined UVA’s medical school faculty. Neither expected to remain in the U.S., they said, but they put down roots and stayed.

Both men are accustomed to answering questions about what it means to be Sikh, and do so with passion. Huja, particularly visible as a public figure, even keeps a neatly typed, three-page guide to the religion on hand that outlines the basic tenets: Believe in one God, control the ego, respect humans equally, pray, give, work hard.

At times, they miss being surrounded by a community that shares their beliefs. The nearest Sikh temple is 70 miles away in Richmond. Arora goes weekly; Huja stays close to home and worships at Charlottesville’s Unitarian Church instead.

But they don’t mind being different. It comes with the territory.

“Sikhs are a minority in India, too,” Huja pointed out. “It’s not a problem to us. We’re used to being a minority.”

The things that make them stand out—their beards and uncut hair, their turbans, the steel bracelets on their wrists—are meant to. Symbols of Sikhism for centuries, they are the outward manifestations of the faith.

“We are who we are,” Arora said. “We are not hidden under our skin. That’s how you recognize a Sikh.”

And when you look like a Sikh, said Huja, you’re reminded to act like one.

“Your actions and deeds are more important than your philosophy,” he said. “So if I were walking down the street and threw a piece of paper on the ground, you would readily notice. A guy in a turban doesn’t do that. So I have to think about my behavior.”

Both said they’ve faced prejudice, even cruelty, especially since 9/11, when a lack of understanding and tolerance turned many Americans suspicious of anyone who wears a turban—just a hat in some parts of the world, Huja pointed out. Arora said that once, after a difficult day in the ICU, a fellow doctor shouted at him to go back to India, an encounter that left him quivering with rage, but one he resolved through peaceful conversation.

“People do say things which are not pleasant,” Huja said. In his 40 years of public service in Charlottesville, he’s experienced his fair share of slights and prejudice. “I don’t get angry,” he said. “I just try to see if I can be of some help in explaining. Most people you can talk to.”

But not all. The two men had few words to describe their feelings in the wake of the Wisconsin shootings.

“I was shocked,” Huja said. “It’s just senseless, whether Sikh or anybody else. It’s just very sad that people have to get to that stage.”

Arora stared into his teacup for a moment before speaking. “There were 100 people in that temple,” he said, all preparing for the weekly meal offered to anyone who walked through the door. “Children were learning Punjabi. They all had to be pushed away.”

The temple president tried to stop the gunman, Arora said, facing the killer head-on with the short, curved knife many observant Sikhs wear, a symbol of divine power and a reminder of battles of old, when Sikhs defended the Punjab region from invading warlords.

“He came to protect everyone,” Arora said. “Then he was shot two times.”

It’s part of their faith to love everyone, Huja and Arora said, but they’re afraid that despite Sikhs’ efforts to quietly teach others about their way of life, there are some people no one can reach, people whose minds are turned to hate.

“There are people like that living all over the country,” said Huja. “They’re amongst us here.”

“But good people are much more available everywhere you go in the world,” Arora interjected gently. “The bad are few and far. They make the headlines, maybe, to show they exist.”

True, his friend said. And the good, the majority, must keep conversing their way toward greater understanding. Keep smiling and talking to the child who points and says, “Are you a genie?” Keep pouring tea for friends and strangers alike.

“People need to learn that the solution to problems is not killing each other, it’s talking to each other,” Huja said. “If you don’t talk to each other, you can’t understand each other.”

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News

Was UVA COO Strine’s position untenable after failed Sullivan ouster?

Leonard Sandridge spent 44 years as chief operating officer of UVA. His successor, Michael Strine, was on the job for 13 months. Initially hailed as an effective leader whose experience as chief financial officer at Johns Hopkins could put the University and its medical center on firm financial footing, Strine’s brief tenure serves as a reminder of the collateral damage caused by the turmoil that shook Grounds over the summer after the failed ouster of President Teresa Sullivan.

Strine’s close professional relationships with Rector Helen Dragas and Vice Rector Mark Kington were laid bare in e-mails recently released under the Freedom of Information Act, and featured prominently in news reports during the two weeks prior to his abrupt resignation.

Dragas frequently made it clear she approved of Strine’s performance in e-mail exchanges, warmly praising his ability to manage the implementation of a new financial model that pushed budget decisions down to deans—sometimes at the expense of his predecessor, Leonard Sandridge. In February, she and Strine exchanged 11th-hour e-mails about a finance report.

“I’ll never complain about getting something at the last moment that in prior years I wouldn’t have gotten at all,” Dragas wrote. “Thanks for working so hard to fix a broken system.”

Strine often played the role of liaison between the administration and the Board, reporting back to Dragas and Kington about Sullivan’s feelings on various governance issues.

“Just a heads up in case Terry calls you about the matter,” Strine wrote to Dragas in November after Sullivan trumped a Board decision on just how recalcitrant the University should appear in a press release on the controversial removal of magnolia trees outside the Rotunda. “I made clear via e-mail that several board members were surprised and not happy with the statements that usurped decision making and were inconsistent with comments made in the recent meeting.”

In January, Strine and Sullivan shared a car to a meeting with state legislators in Richmond, and discussed a recent meeting with the UVA Board. “As we drove, Terry and I debriefed on yesterday’s meeting and the strategy document,” Strine’s e-mail to Dragas later that day reads. “I have some insights I can share.”

The e-mails show Strine and Dragas enjoyed a friendly personal relationship as well. Strine was invited to a post-Thanksgiving party at Dragas’ Keswick farm last year, and their families shared seats at a football game in January.

In the aftermath of the surprise announcement of Sullivan’s resignation, Strine took on a key role in controlling the official information coming from the University. On June 12, he circled the wagons in response to an interview request from a Washington Post reporter, coordinating a possible reply with Dragas, Kington, Provost John Simon, and top UVA spokesperson Carol Wood.

“I recommend it be a balanced conversation of academic and financial admin leadership (John and me) and perhaps one or both of you at the same time in the same meeting with key points we wish to make well thought out and articulated in advance,” he wrote.

But no amount of message control was able to keep the Board’s plan for a leadership shakeup on track. Sullivan was reinstated June 26, and six weeks later, it was Strine who was announcing his resignation. Strine’s wife, Sharon, also resigned last week from her position as senior director of strategic marketing in UVA’s Office of Development and Public Affairs.

What drove his decision to step down isn’t clear, as none of the official communications from UVA offered a reason. But because the abrupt announcement came shortly after news reports revealed Strine and Dragas’ close cooperation, and due to the language of Sullivan’s own statement upon Strine’s departure—that he “recently determined that it would be in the best interest of the University that he step down and allow me to do some necessary internal restructuring”—some speculate Sullivan wanted to clean house.

“We’re sort of reading tea leaves here,” said Virginia Assembly Minority Leader David Toscano, who publicly criticized the Board for its handling of the ouster. It’s hard to know how involved Strine was in the decision to force Sullivan out, and if questions over his loyalty drove the president to ask him to leave.

But Toscano pointed out that there’s precedent for the COO to work very closely with the Board. Sandridge did so, he said, and managed to remain on good terms with then UVA president John Casteen.

“It’s a very difficult line to walk, but it’s what makes the University work,” Toscano said.

UVA officials said last week that a search for someone to fill the critical role of top financial leader is underway. Toscano said he thinks the University will keep quiet on the matter from here on out. “I don’t think you’re going to see a lot of people making any more statements about this,” he said. “My feeling is people are trying to move forward.”

Dragas appears to be one of those people. Her only public comment following Strine’s resignation put her squarely in support of Sullivan’s desire to restructure. And compared to her earlier effusive praise, her statement following his resignation sounds almost chilly: “In his work as an officer of the Board of Visitors, Michael Strine brought to bear those leadership skills and enthusiasm referenced by President Sullivan,” she said. “We share her optimism that his commitment to higher education will serve him well in his future endeavors.”

Far cry from the tone set by a note she sent Kington in April, when they were hashing out an upcoming Board presentation that Strine was set to present.

“Where would we be without Michael?” she wrote.

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News

Election e-mail: Watching the race via inbox

There’s no better reminder that we’re in the throes of election season than my inbox. The number of campaign e-mails I get on a daily basis—buildup from years of C-VILLE news editors getting added to the media lists of one flak or another, by request or otherwise—is astounding. And amusing, considering most of them are asking me for money and addressing me as “Will.” (Not sure why they think journalists will make good donors, or why they haven’t updated their media contact lists since the last presidential race.)

The messaging reached a fever pitch Saturday after Mitt Romney appeared on an aircraft carrier in Norfolk alongside Paul Ryan, his newly anointed running mate. Within hours, the missives started pouring in from both sides, and they offer a pretty good cross-section of the daily flood of election-related e-mails I can’t seem to escape—and an interesting preview of the kind of bashing and counter-bashing we can expect to see from both camps over the next two and a half months.

“We need to contact key voters immediately and make sure they know about the Romney-Ryan plan to put millionaire tax cuts over Medicare for seniors,” wrote Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chair Robby Mook (or an intern) at 9 a.m. Straight to the issue most likely to prove sticky for Ryan—and then straight to the ask, with a request to “Donate $3 or whatever you can right now.”

“We started in Norfolk and now we are headed to Ashland and Manassas where we are bringing our positive vision for a better future,” George Allen (or a speechwriter’s lackey) wrote two hours later, capitalizing on the campaign’s choice of the Commonwealth for the key announcement. “A better future where we can unleash Virginia’s energy resources from the coalfields to our coast. A better future where the men and women of our military don’t face $500 Billion in defense cuts. A better future where hard-working Virginians don’t face 200,000 lost jobs under Washington’s failed deal.” Poetry! He seemed to assume only slightly deeper pockets on my end: The request for a donation started at $5.

Next came a string of state-specific messages from Virginia Democrats—more criticism for the Ryan budget and Medicare reform model, and plenty for George Allen for cheering it. Finally, a few more notes from the DCCC pointing to a big GOP fundraising bump following the Ryan announcement and asking, not without a whiff of desperation, for donors to step up. These came with the ambiguous, no-caps, could-be-from-your-cousin subject lines the national Dems are especially partial to (“the floodgates,” “drowned out,” “disturbing news”).

All of it is evidence that these days, the election news cycle never sleeps, and that whatever’s coming directly from the campaign mouthpieces is largely selected for its potential to deliver dollars. To follow the race via e-mail is to see it through the eyes of those in charge of the filling the war chests, and they’re always hungry. I could unsubscribe, I suppose, but frankly, it’s pretty entertaining.

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Will Wegmans’ arrival spell trouble for existing groceries?

Charlottesville is buzzing about the arrival of a Wegmans grocery store in the planned Fifth Street Station shopping center, which won rezoning approval from the Albemarle County Planning Commission last week. But the chain’s arrival in town could shake up the grocery scene in surrounding neighborhoods, already home to two Food Lion stores.

Riverbend Management, owned by big-time Charlottesville developer Coran Capshaw, confirmed in June that Wegmans would be the anchor tenant in the new 80-acre, $21.7 million shopping center, due to be completed in 2015.

The Rochester-based Wegmans has 80 stores between Virginia and New York, six of them in the Commonwealth. The company is well known for inspiring customer loyalty, and it can point to national ratings that back up its cult status: Consumer Reports named Wegmans the country’s top grocery chain in 2012.

Riverbend’s zoning permit is contingent on the construction of a connector between Fifth Street and Avon Street Extended, parallel roads that head southwest out of town less than half a mile apart. The two are currently joined within the city limits only by Elliott Avenue, but once the new road is completed, the streets and the areas around them—Fry’s Spring and numerous county developments along Fifth; south Belmont and the Monticello High School feeder neighborhoods off Avon—will be more accessible to each other.

But that also means two existing Food Lion stores that serve the separate areas may face the double blow of competition with another chain as well as with each other. One outlet is in the Willoughby Square shopping center off Fifth Street in the city, the other is on Mill Creek Drive off Avon in the county. Though they’re less than a mile away as the crow flies, it currently takes about 10 minutes to drive from one to the other, and both are kept busy by different sets of customers.

Last week, shoppers at the existing stores were unconcerned about possible negative impacts on the local shopping landscape.

Nick Michaels said he’s stuck by his Food Lion on Mill Creek Drive for more than a decade out of convenience. He lives off Route 20 in the county, and has to drive by the store on his daily commute. The novelty of a Wegmans may draw some people in, he said, but he doesn’t think a new connector road will spell doom for the neighboring groceries.

“It’s an alternative,” he said. “But how often do you actually need to get from Avon to Fifth?”

Not far away, Brenda Kolfanty paused on her way out of the Fifth Street store to cheer the arrival of the shopping center.

“It’s about time something came down to this end of town,” she said. Kolfanty works in the city and frequently stays at her daughter’s home in Willoughby, the neighborhood just north of the planned development. She said she’s thrilled to soon have another grocery option, but didn’t think the existing stores would suffer significantly. A big cross-section of residents shop there, she said, but their customer base comes from the lower-income neighborhoods nearby—a group less likely to shell out for groceries at the more upscale Wegmans.

“This place is always busy,” Korfanty said. “That’s just Food Lion.”

Food Lion shares a similarly sunny view. Though the chain’s parent company closed 113 stores nationwide earlier this year, corporate spokeswoman Tenisha Waldo said five local stores, which each employ about 40 people, have recently seen a “brand relaunch” that has gone over well. “While the grocery market in Charlottesville is very competitive, we are pleased with the performance of our stores in the area,” she said.