C-VILLE Weekly’s planning and development coverage features regular stories on Charlottesville and Albemarle County real estate and local government actions.
While Charlottesville is seeking ways to make housing more affordable (see p. 12), rent prices keep climbing as pandemic eviction protection and rental assistance programs end.
“Just over the past month, the median rent increased by 2.3 percent. And when we look year over year, rents in Charlottesville are now up by over 12 percent, so pretty significant rent increase that we’re seeing,” housing economist Chris Salviati told NBC29.
Charlottesville isn’t the only locality with rising rent prices due in part to inflation and supply chain issues. In fact, the city is still slightly under the national rise in rents, which Salviati said was around 14 percent. However, he also told NBC29 that Charlottesville’s status as a college town creates a different sort of demand and calls for a strong rental market.
City Councilor Michael Payne reported that the city is taking steps to address it.
“We have adopted our affordable housing strategy. We’re working on the city’s zoning rewrite and Comprehensive Plan update, which will include inclusionary zoning, affordable housing requirements,” Payne told NBC29.
Payne did note that these solutions are long-term and will require a significant amount of funding. During the most recent budget cycle, the city invested about $10 million, Payne said.
He admitted that “the reality is that for working-class people, the only way we’re going to get affordable housing is with community land trusts and with direct investment from the city, state, and federal government in housing.”
The need for such assistance increased July 1, as landlords now only have to give their tenants five days notice before evicting them, rather than 14. Compounding woes, rental assistance programs are also coming to an end, which NBC29 reports is already leading to an increase in eviction court filings in Richmond and Charlottesville.
Gold Star father gets Presidential Medal of Freedom
One president’s nemesis is another one’s hero. That’s the case with Khizr Khan, the Gold Star father and founder of the Constitution Literacy and National Unity Center, who’ll receive the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Joe Biden on July 7.
Khan, whose son Humayun Khan, was killed in Iraq in 2004 while serving in the U.S. Army, rose to national prominence when he gave an impassioned speech denouncing Donald Trump at the Democratic National Convention in 2016, and became a target of the now-twice-impeached former president.
“Go look at the graves of brave patriots who died defending the United States of America,” Khan said to Trump. “You will see all faiths, genders, and ethnicities. You have sacrificed nothing and no one.”
Undeterred by Trump’s public attacks that were publicly denounced by many, including the late Republican Senator John McCain, Khan, a Constitutional scholar, continued to speak out on the danger Trump posed to democracy. An advocate for the rule of law and religious freedom, Khan served on the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom under Biden.
In brief
Walk it off
As Charlottesville schools cope with a deepening shortage of bus drivers, the administration has announced a plan to expand school walking zones. In the current plan, elementary schoolers would have to walk up to .75 miles to school and some high schoolers could walk over a mile. Other efforts include encouraging students to ride their bikes to school and asking older students to use other public transportation.
The party’s over
UVA is removing two fraternities, Kappa Alpha and Phi Gamma Delta, after a university investigation determined they’d engaged in hazing. Among the hazing activities the two organizations were found guilty of were spraying new members with a water hose, forcing new members to eat inedible objects, forcing them to drink beer and smoke cigarettes, and ordering new members to do push-ups and sit-ups. Several other Greek organizations at the university are under investigation for allegations of hazing and will have trials in the fall.
Money for something
The Charlottesville Area Community Foundation is giving almost $100,000 in grants to Louisa County nonprofits. “We had 27 applications this go round, which is the most we ever had, and 17 organizations received funding,” the CACF’s Ethan Tate told NBC29. “The great thing about this community, in particular, is that we have a community of folks who live in Louisa County and know what the needs are in Louisa County.”
Giving back
Tampa Bay Buccaneers guard Aaron Stinnie came back to Charlottesville last Saturday to help kids in need, NBC29 reports. The St. Anne’s-Belfield alum hosted a school supply give-away at the First Recreation Center, giving away free backpacks full of school supplies to nearly 50 children. Stinnie said he hopes to continue to plan events like this and help even more kids in Charlottesville.
Edit 7/6/22 7:21pm: A previous version of this story incorrectlyidentified the Presidential Medal of Freedom as the Medal of Honor.
In the past few decades, rising housing costs have forced many families who have lived in Charlottesville for generations to move out of the city. They’ve left for Louisa, Fluvanna, and Greene counties and the City of Waynesboro, localities close enough to commute to Charlottesville but where the cost of living is more in line with the median incomes.
Rachel has lived in the Charlottesville area her whole life. Now 25, she works as a barista and supplements her income with freelance marketing, brand management, and digital content editing. Growing up, she says, her family could afford to live in Albemarle County, but when she was 15, they moved to Charlottesville.
“We were unable to afford to rent a home to live in, but we were able to find an apartment,” Rachel says. As an adult, she has found that one-bedroom and studio apartments in areas near bus lines are close to the same price her parents paid for a two-bedroom apartment on the outskirts of the city 10 years ago. According to the census, Charlottesville’s median gross rent from 2016-2020 was $1,188. For comparison, in Boston, among the most expensive housing markets in the country, the median gross rent those same years was $1,685. According to Rentdata.org, the Charlottesville fair market rent area is more expensive than 95 percent of the state of Virginia.
Owning is no easier for lower- and middle-income households. According to the Charlottesville Area Association of Realtors, in the first quarter of 2022, the median sale price of homes in Charlottesville was $412,00 and the median home price is $75,000 higher than it was two years ago.
Affordability and equity are among the most pressing matters for City Council as it works to implement its new Comprehensive Plan. This document, required by the state for every Virginia locality every five years, for the first time addresses injustices in housing opportunities, and strives to tackle the affordable housing problem. Beyond housing, the city’s new Comprehensive Plan covers topics such as land use, transportation, communities, and housing as a vision for the next several years. In Charlottesville, the Planning Commission works to create the plan and then advises City Council on its implementation. In November 2021, City Council unanimously voted to adopt the 2021 Comprehensive Plan Update.
Affordable housing has emerged as the city’s key issue over the past five years, says Rory Stolzenberg, who has served on the Charlottesville Planning Commission since 2018. After the Unite the Right rally in August 2017, Stolzenberg says “we started to hear from a much broader set of voices in the community.”
In 2018, the Planning Commission completed a housing needs assessment and extended the Comprehensive Plan process. The assessment found that demand significantly exceeded supply. For households earning less than 60 percent of the area median income, the assessment found the market shortcomings are forcing those households to spend too much of their income for housing, live in overcrowded or substandard housing conditions, move outside the city to find less expensive housing, or face homelessness. In 2019, City Council brought on consultants to help create an Affordable Housing Plan, and assist in finishing the Comprehensive Plan.
In the Affordable Housing section, the completed 2021 Comprehensive Plan calls for a pledge of at least $10 million per year for the next 10 years for affordable housing. In 2022, City Council dedicated $10.6 million in subsidy and tax relief, meeting the goal outlined in the Comprehensive Plan. Direct subsidies are distributed among various nonprofits and divided between development projects to create more affordable housing and funding for homelessness services, down-payment assistance programs to allow families to buy homes, and home repairs and energy retrofits.
Beyond the goal of funding, Stolzenberg emphasizes the importance of land use and zoning to create change and increase affordability. In 1955, the city first hired Harland Bartholomew & Associates to clear out lower-income neighborhoods from the center of the city. The firm recommended street enlargement and made zoning more exclusive. It also directed Charlottesville’s first urban renewal project in Vinegar Hill, a working-class Black neighborhood. In 1965, the Housing and Redevelopment Authority razed the entire neighborhood. The destruction led to the displacement of over 500 residents and 40 businesses and churches. Seeking to reverse the damage wrought, the 2021 plan eases restrictions on housing density and expands accepted affordable housing types.
The Future Land Use Map is meant to be implemented into specific law through zoning districts. The map calls for triplexes to be legal on lots in the city, and for more housing in certain designated areas.
This new map has created controversy and prompted hundreds of public comments. The group Citizens for Responsible Planning argues that “the draft plan does not indicate how increased density will lead to affordable housing as opposed to more expensive development.” In December, several anonymous Charlottesville property owners filed a lawsuit against the city in response to the Comprehensive Plan and Future Land Use Map they claim fails to be “general in nature” and to supply adequate transportation infrastructure with increased density. The plaintiffs live in areas designated as medium and higher intensity residential and want to remain in lower density areas. The city responded in April, asking the court to reveal the identities of the plaintiffs, and releasing a formal objection to the legal basis of the case.
The plan focuses on adding significantly more housing in areas where housing is already expensive, so that if there is an increase in land prices, homeowners in those areas will be less likely to be displaced from a resulting tax increase. People will be incentivized to keep existing units, and can earn additional income through leasing accessory dwelling units in their backyards. The map designates sensitive areas that are more at risk of displacement in higher minority and lower-income areas. Stolzenberg hopes council will implement more inclusionary zoning requirements regulating a minimum number of affordable units in any future developments.
Increased awareness of discriminatory housing policy is reflected throughout the new Comprehensive Plan. The word equity was used just three times in the 2013 plan, but it was used 85 times in the new Comprehensive Plan. Stolzenberg says the role of equity is the foundation of the plan, and central to the instructions given to the consulting team.
The census cites an owner-occupied housing rate in Charlottesville of 40.1 percent, making homeowners a minority. “There are many more renters than homeowners, but they’re traditionally not part of the process, and their concerns aren’t as central to the decisions policymakers are making right now,” Stolzenberg says. In writing the current Comprehensive Plan, a great effort was made to receive input from residents who are at risk of being pushed out and cannot afford to live in a home in the city. According to citydata.com, in 2019, the median household income in Charlottesville was $61,261, which was 24.8 percent less than the state’s median annual income of $76,456.
Another player in the affordable housing plan is the Charlottesville Redevlopment and Housing Authority. Most of its funding comes from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, and it received $3 million from City Council in 2022.
Betsy Roettger, the assistant dean of students and a lecturer in the urban and environmental planning department at UVA, served two terms as a commissioner on the CRHA. As a board member, Roettger advised the executive director, helped maintain financial stability, wrote grants, and made partnerships with other affordable housing providers. Though the board is supposed to be looking strategically to the future, Roettger says “because the state of housing is so unpredictable and chaotic and they are so underfunded, there ended up being a lot of emergency situations.” For instance, she remembers an air conditioner went down in a building, and the CRHA had to scramble to keep people cool.
Roettger describes affordable housing as a ladder, where “the median income a person makes translates into what type of housing they can apply for.” The CRHA serves about 1,000 families within 0-30 percent of the area median income, and Piedmont Housing serves those earning between 40 and 80 percent of area median income. Habitat for Humanity focuses on home ownership, requiring people to have higher and more stable incomes to quality.
There are 376 public housing units that are cleaned and maintained by the city, but the city cannot add more public housing units due to the Faircloth Amendment, a provision to the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998, which prevents housing authorities from constructing further public housing units than existed in 1999. The city can, however, implement more Section 8 vouchers.
Because HUD sets the standard market rate and provides subsidies, residents often struggle to locate affordable apartments. When they’re forced to leave the city to find a place they can afford with their voucher, it often means less access to transportation and other infrastructure for those who work in Charlottesville.
Roettger says organizations must not just focus on one piece of the affordable housing challenge, but work together to help residents move from public housing to Section 8 vouchers to market rate units.
“When I first came on, everyone was fighting for city funds,” Roettger says, “but it would be great if we all work together.” In Charlottesville, the Housing Authority is separate from City Council, so there has been some friction between the two groups, depending on leadership.
The CRHA, like the Planning Commission, has recently worked to better include residents’ voices in the conversation and decision-making process. Roettger explains that residents were not traditionally treated well, so recently, the Housing Authority has worked with the Public Housing Association of Residents, a neighborhood leadership group, to maintain the 376 units and prevent displacement during redevelopment.
The CRHA is focused on big redevelopment projects so residents can move into new housing while their units are being renovated or rebuilt. When it comes to density, from Roettger’s perspective, the more people you can fit, the more people you can serve. Though it does not always guarantee affordability, density helps with construction costs.
But density can have implications on pre-existing sites. On South First Street, a site with mostly two-story townhomes, the city opted for as much density as possible in the redevelopment project. But the CRHA pushed back and supported residents in a plan with more units, while also maintaining front and back yards.
Additionally, HUD suggests mixing income as much as possible, with the view that this will help lower-income people move up the ladder. Because the city can’t build more units, it can either add tax-credit units or market-rate units. But in Charlottesville, Roettger says communities are much smaller, and people have created “supportive, cooperative friendships and generational ties to these neighborhoods.” The Housing authority pushed back on HUD’s recommendations, and instead of adding market-rate units, there will be a mix of public housing units and tax-credit units for tenants with less than 60 percent of the area median income.
Perhaps the biggest player in Charlottesville’s affordable housing crisis is UVA. The health system is the largest employer in the city and the county, and along with the professors and support staff, thousands of students come to live here during the academic year.
UVA has traditionally provided enough housing for all first years, and only some housing for upperclassmen. Over the last several decades, the school’s student population has ballooned. Students have moved outward, beyond traditional off-Grounds housing, and have moved into places that have been occupied by families in the community. This process drives up rent in those areas and displaces families.
In the post-recession era, after UVA’s massive growth, many national student housing developers have redeveloped lots, such as The Standard and the Flats at West Village. Though some are billed as luxury, much of off-Grounds housing is cheaper than that on-Grounds. Stolzenberg says if UVA accommodates the students, they will not spread outward. However, Roettger explains that many Charlottesville residents fear further encroachment; The Standard looms over Westhaven, the city’s oldest public housing development.
The Standard contributes $500,000 to city coffers each year in real estate taxes. Because UVA is a nonprofit, it doesn’t pay taxes, so some City Council members propose requiring the university to pay into the city’s affordable housing funds. Further, UVA is not subject to zoning laws, and Stolzenberg fears it will continue to encroach further into the community for additional student housing rather than adding density to the current dorm locations. The university has recently bought property along Ivy Road west of Emmet Street, and if it builds housing in that area, that takes properties off the city tax roll.
UVA’s role in the affordable housing crisis has complex historical roots. The growth of its medical center has displaced many residents from Fifeville and 10th and Page. In a 2016 comprehensive housing analysis by Robert Charles Lesser and Co., it was found that “Charlottesville’s upper-income earners are buying houses at lower prices than they can afford.”
One of Rachel’s siblings, who works for UVA, moved to Fluvanna County to find an affordable house to raise a family. With two incomes, “it surprises me that they are unable to find a place to afford in the area,” Rachel says.
Through the President’s Council on UVA-Community Partnerships, the university has established a goal of developing 1,000-1,5000 affordable units over the next decade on university-owned land. Roettger does not think the university has done well in the past, but she’s hopeful that UVA President Jim Ryan could make positive change. He “has brought fresh hope and energy into generally working with the community and acknowledging a mutual arrangement: you have the university, the people working at the university, and everyone is connected,” she says.
Thinking about the future of affordable housing in Charlottesville, Stolzenberg says he’s “hopeful we’ll start to turn things around from the policy perspective. I think we have already started that process.” Ten million dollars will likely not be enough to address all families below 50 percent of the area median income, but he says the rest of households should not be left out in the cold.
The current voucher system has a multi-year waitlist and can only address a certain portion of the population below the area median income. If rent decreases, a higher percentage of people below the area median income won’t receive vouchers. Because the city will be paying a lower percentage, it will be able to assist more households.
Stolzenberg hopes the city can get to a place where there is no need to ration affordable housing. Charlottesville has started to give out more subsidies, but zoning law has not yet changed. Stolzenberg is hopeful the city can reverse the current housing market trend but does not see a solution where Charlottesville can make sure every family is securely housed in the near, linear future without significantly scaling up policy solutions beyond the present status.
A month after the president of a local descendants organization called on the Jefferson-Madison Regional Library to change its name to something more inclusive, library leadership says the effort would be an uphill battle. According to reporting in The Daily Progress, that’s because a 1974 agreement between the five localities—Charlottesville, Albemarle, Louisa, Nelson and Greene—would require unanimous agreement. Already, Louisa and Greene have threatened to use their veto power to block a name change, the Progress reports.
Library leadership has received 112 comments on the name change, and members of the public on both sides of the issue spoke at the Monday meeting held at the Northside branch. Trustee Lisa Woolfolk, who represents Charlottesville, expressed frustration at the limitations imposed by the regional agreement.
“It feels like they are trying to corner us into a box,” Woolfolk said, according to the Progress. “It makes me feel like I’m being pushed to keep something that I’ve heard from many people is not in line with the organization’s values.”
The board took no action on Monday, and has no plans to make a decision, but the trustees do plan to discuss the topic at the next meeting, and a committee with representatives from each locality will meet later this year to review the original agreement.
Incoming board chair Tony Townsend, a trustee representing Albemarle County who will assume leadership next month, said he intends to keep the subject alive and the conversation productive.
“My agenda here is to make sure that this area’s most inclusive, diverse and free community resource doesn’t get sidetracked or handicapped by this discussion,” he said.
Abortion becomes top issue
An hour after the U.S. Supreme Court decision abolished the constitutional right to abortion, Virginia Governor Glenn Youngkin praised the ruling. “The Supreme Court of the United States has rightfully returned power to the people and their elected representatives in the states,” Youngkin said in a statement, promising to “take every action I can to protect life.”
In the days since, the Virginia Mercury reports, Youngkin has announced a push to pass legislation that would ban most abortions in Virginia after 15 weeks of pregnancy.
As protests have erupted across the state, abortion is now a top issue as Republicans hope to retain control of the House and retake the Senate in 2023.
At a pro-choice rally outside the Virginia state capitol on Friday, hours after the SCOTUS ruling, Democrat Jennifer McClellan promised to fight to keep abortion safe and legal in Virginia.
“I’m angry today because we are fighting the same fights that our parents, our grandparents and our great-grandparents fought,” she said, according the Mercury. “I’m fighting because for the first time in my lifetime, the Supreme Court has taken away one of my rights. I am angry because my 7-year-old daughter will have less rights when she comes of childbearing age than I do.”
In brief
Top cop search
The city announced that it’s looking for a search firm to help find its next police chief, a position that has been vacant for nearly a year following the firing of RaShall Brackney, who filed a $10 million wrongful termination lawsuit against Charlottesville. On Monday, interim City Manager Michael Rogers told NBC29 that he wants the community involved in the hiring process, but he’s “not prepared to say at this time what that process will look like.”
Best shot
Mobi, the Virginia Department of Health’s mobile unit, parked at Tonsler Park on Sunday and, for the first time, vaccinated children from 6 months to 5 years old. It is currently taking appointments only for children under age 5, but walk-ins older than that are welcome. Go to vase.vdh.virginia.gov/ to make a vaccination appointment.
They won’t back down
More than 50 people gathered on the Downtown Mall last week to protest the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to over turn Roe v. Wade. “We want people to remember this rage and the feelings they’re having because you’re going to need that over the long run,” the Blue Ridge Abortion Fund’s Deborah Arenstein told NBC29. There’s also anticipation that there will be an increase in people traveling to Virginia, where abortion remains legal, to terminate their pregnancies.
Water wonders
UVA women’s swimming has done it again. Current and former UVA swimmers won a total of nine medals at the FINA World Championships in Budapest, according to The Daily Progress. Sophomore Alex Walsh, a silver medalist at the Tokyo Olympics, took home three golds, while Leah Smith, Kate Douglass, and Emma Weyant also earned medals at the competition.
At its June 21 meeting, Charlottesville City Council voted to pay $1.6 million for a 39-spot parking lot at 921 E. Jefferson St. to expand downtown parking capacity. While a new parking lot has been framed as a pressing need for years, some community members claim the decision to purchase the lot is based on false narratives, and is a waste valuable city funds.
“Excuse me, but where are your priorities,” Nancy Carpenter asked bluntly during public comment prior to the vote. She insisted there were more pressing matters Charlottesville should attend to, such as affordable housing.
Chris Engel, the city’s director of economic development, framed the purchase as a logical and cost-effective way to expand parking capacity downtown in general, and to meet an agreement between the city and county to provide more parking for the courts.
The alternative to the purchase would be allocating spaces for the courts in the Market Street Garage, Engel told councilors, pushing the occupancy in the garage well above 85 percent and “jeopardizing the business community.”
Providing parking for the courts has been an ongoing process. In 2018, the city entered an intergovernmental agreement with Albemarle County to provide parking for the courts complex downtown. After purchasing the county’s portion of a parking lot on Seventh Street and an adjoining parcel for an intended $11.3 million new parking garage, City Council voted to abandon that plan in June.
Claiming that the court’s deal with Albemarle County was “a bad agreement,” Councilor Michael Payne argued that providing 100 spaces for the courts in the garage “isn’t the end of the world,” although he acknowledged “the majority of council does not agree with that sentiment.” He pressed Engel on whether purchasing the Jefferson Street lot would guarantee that Lucky 7 and Guadalajara wouldn’t still be torn down in the future to build another parking garage.
“I don’t know if I’m in a position to give a guarantee on that,” Engel admitted. He stressed that the current purchase would help the parking situation in the short term.
Payne was the sole councilor to vote against the purchase. Councilor Brian Pinkston, who voted with the majority in favor of buying the lot, said he trusts city staff’s expertise in determining a reasonable occupancy rate in the Market Street garage.
“Everything having to do with parking downtown is always controversial,” Pinkston said with a slight chuckle.
Community member Matthew Gillikin—who regularly tweets about local politics to his 3.5K Twitter followers—doesn’t share Pinkston’s trust.
“I’ve said it a million times: We don’t have a parking supply problem downtown. We have a parking management problem,” he tells CVILLE. “And there’s plenty of evidence to back that up.”
The evidence Gillikin refers to is a 2015 study on downtown parking conducted by transportation planning firm Nelson\Nygaard. The study notes that parking utilization from 9am to 5pm on an average weekday is 67 percent. However, on peak court days the Market Street Garage “commonly reaches, and occasionally exceeds, its practical capacity.” Nelson\Nygaard recommended better managing the parking spaces the city already has rather than building new ones.
Gillikin has several suggestions for how the city could have better utilized the money now committed to the new parking lot.
“Even if we were to narrow it down to just ways to enhance downtown, you could put in seating, public bathrooms, more accessibility for people with disabilities,” he says.
It’s a process that happens over and over again in Charlottesville and other localities. A big project is proposed, but before any money is spent on construction, the city hires a consulting firm, often to the tune of six or seven figures. Projects like the Belmont Bridge, the West Main Streetscape, and Cville Plans Together have already cost the city millions, even though work has been delayed and may never even begin. Are these outsiders worth the big bucks?
“Consultants often have specialized knowledge, skills, or resources that allow them to take care of work that might be daunting to locality planners whose knowledge is necessarily more broad and generalized,” says Mike MacKenzie, the director of the Land Use Education Program at Virginia Commonwealth University.
After several years of turnover at the highest levels of government, even Charlottesville’s top official is currently a consultant paid through a firm the city hired.
Last December, the city issued a request for proposals for a firm to provide the service of city manager after a candidate hired in November turned down the job. The Robert Bobb Group of Washington, D.C., got the nod, and council selected Michael C. Rogers from a list of candidates. The initial six-month term carried a price tag of $155,000, and the firm just got a six-month contract extension for Rogers at the same price.
There’s no line item in the budget that lists all of the consultants working at any given time. In fact, the word “consultant” only appears once in the entire Charlottesville budget for FY23. Yet the work of various firms has played a significant role in city government long after their contracts are over.
In the past 10 years, Charlottesville has spent millions on firms to produce plans to guide city decisions. The Toole Design Group was hired in 2014 to develop a “multimodal plan for the City of Charlottesville” called Streets That Work for an initial payment of $50,000. At the time, at least one city councilor felt existing planning staff were not up to the task.
That summer, Toole got an additional $85,000 to update the Bicycle and Pedestrian Master Plan. In August 2017, it was hired again on a $199,987 contract to update a Standards and Design Manual. These three documents are frequently used by planning staff as it reviews plans.
In 2016, The Novak Consulting Group was paid $101,250 to study how Charlottesville government worked, followed by an additional $42,200 for a review of the city’s planning department. Many of these recommendations were not implemented, in part because of turmoil that began in the summer of 2017.
Other projects crafted by consultants have also not come to fruition. Earlier this month, council put the West Main Streetscape design overseen by Rhodeside & Harwell back on the shelf after agreeing to reprioritze capital spending for school renovation.
School systems hire consultants to do work, too. The Charlottesville School Board hired VMDO Architects for $1.47 million in April 2021 to develop the plans to renovate and expand Buford Middle School.
Consultants aren’t always hired to plan for infrastructure projects. Governments also hire consultants to get a fresh look on long-term planning, and last week, the city hired Venable LLP to help write a collective bargaining ordinance.
The practice continues under the current council. Vice-Mayor Juandiego Wade says hiring outside parties can help with staff shortages.
“I think the work could be very good if the consultants are appropriately chosen,” he says.
Councilor Sena Magill says she would prefer that more work be conducted in-house, but sometimes groups will have the right kind of expertise required.
“I have worked with some consultants who I feel really brought a lot to the table, and I have worked with some I felt really did not listen to what our community was asking for,” Magill says.
Active bids at the moment include an engineering firm to craft a plan for city buildings to become compliant with the Americans with Disabilities Act and a company to lead an executive search for the city’s next police chief.
A bit of advice
Kimley-Horn This Richmond-based firm was hired by the city in November 2016 for nearly $2 million to finalize a Belmont Bridge design built on the work of the previous consultant. Construction is now underway. This firm was also hired by the city to oversee the East High Streetscape, one of several Smart Scale transportation projects that have not yet gone to construction.
Rhodeside & Harwell RHI got the $340,000 contract for a design study of West Main Street approved by City Council in 2013. By October 2018, the firm had been paid $1.8 million to oversee technical drawings for a street improvement project whose cost estimates climbed as high as $55 million and which was recently sidelined. RHI was hired again in 2020 for nearly $1 million to oversee creation of an affordable housing plan, finish the Comprehensive Plan, and rewrite the city’s zoning code. Council has been authorized at least $165,000 more for additional studies to complete the work. As of the end of April, the city has paid out $766,316.78.
Timmons Group The Timmons Group is overseeing design work for two Smart Scale projects (Emmet Street Streetscape and Barracks Emmet Improvements), but is working closely with the city to develop new software for the city to track land-use applications such as rezonings and site plans. The firm will get more than $900K over five years to replace software from 2008. Such software has been recommended by previous consultants.
New Hill Development In late 2018, council directed $500,000 to the New Hill Development Company to create a master plan for the Starr Hill neighborhood, but the final work product ended up being converted to a vision plan.
After Charlottesville City Council voted to rezone Hinton Avenue United Methodist Church—the future site of Rachel’s Haven, a 15-unit apartment complex for low-income individuals, adults with developmental disabilities, and people at risk of homelessness—from residential to neighborhood commercial corridor in 2019, nearly three-dozen disgruntled residents filed a petition against the city, demanding a judge overturn the decision. The petitioners feared the property would eventually be sold and turned into a business, but they dropped the case in 2020, citing expensive legal costs and pandemic complications.
Since then, the project—named after the former church pastor’s wife Rachel Lewis, who died in 2016 from breast cancer—has been slowly moving forward. The church has partnered with the Piedmont Housing Alliance, which submitted a preliminary site plan to the city this spring, and hopes to secure funding from the federal Low-Income Housing Tax Credit program. However, some neighbors continue to voice concerns about the future affordable housing complex.
During a virtual site plan conference last week, Belmont resident Kimber Hawkey, one of the petition leaders, questioned the affordability of the units and on-site services available to disabled residents.
“Is the anticipation that people with certain difficulties would be having live-in help or living with families?” asked Hawkey. “Just someone who wants cheap rent could move in as a roommate and perhaps not act in a way that would be beneficial to this person.”
PHA Real Estate Development Director Andy Miller explained that all of the units, a mix of one and two bedrooms, will be affordable for households making between 30 and 60 percent of the area median income, but those who make below that should have access to housing vouchers that cover the rent. Four units will be set aside for adults with developmental disabilities and people at risk of homelessness.
Disabled residents will have support services delivered through a contracted third party, like Region Ten, in addition to help from church members. They will also be assigned a case manager, who would ensure any live-in caretakers—who would be “circumstance dependent” but “aren’t’ typical” for these types of projects, said Miller—meet compliance requirements.
Since 2019, the project’s design has undergone multiple changes in order to comply with LIHTC program requirements and cost constraints. Instead of renovating some of the church to build the units, the current design demolishes a part of it to make space for a three-story separate apartment building—one story higher than the first proposal—and a 28-space parking lot.
Belmont resident Julia Williams expressed concern about church members using a lot of the neighborhood’s on-street parking, since the parking lot would be largely used by apartment residents. The developers responded that they identified around 82 on-street parking spots in the surrounding area—at full capacity, the church would potentially use 44.
“Those 44 are definitely not available…so I’m seeing some pressure on the neighborhood streets,” said Williams. “I know what happens—it will eventually become permit parking if this really increases.”
“Most of us support the idea of this housing, but have concerns about its impact visually and architecturally, and also on pedestrian, bike, and traffic flow,” she added.
Rachel’s Haven vision team member Fred Schneider addressed residents’ concern that the church is shutting down, following Pastor Robert Lewis’ recent medical leave. Starting next month, the church congregation will worship with First United Methodist Church, while a transitional team explores next steps.
Regardless of the church’s future, PHA, which owns the project, must make the units affordable for at least 30 years under the LIHTC program—and wants to permanently keep them that way. “We would have no intention of selling this project,” said Miller.
While the exact timeline for Rachel’s Haven remains up in the air, PHA plans to apply for the LIHTC program next year. If the nonprofit is awarded the credits, it hopes to begin construction in 2024.
Within the next few weeks, Neighborhood Development Services will send a comment letter to PHA, which will then revise the preliminary site plan and submit a final one for approval. Community members can send comments to be included in the letter to principal city planner Brian Haluska at haluska@charlottesville.org.
Former Charlottesville mayor Maurice Cox, now Detroit’s director of planning and development, talks about managing growth, recovering from a crisis, and the power of telling the right story.
There was a time when Maurice Cox couldn’t escape being recognized in Charlottesville. In August 2012, almost a decade after he served as mayor, he sat with a reporter at a restaurant on the Downtown Mall, on the eve of his departure to New Orleans to become dean of community engagement at Tulane University School of Architecture.
“The Honorable Maurice Cox!” a passerby yelled, and Cox responded with a wave and a smile. “Once a mayor, always a mayor here,” he said. “I’m going to miss that.”
More recently, the man who served as Charlottesville’s mayor from 2002 to 2004 again joined a reporter for lunch on the mall. No one called out to him, and Cox enjoyed a bacon cheeseburger in quiet anonymity. But if brilliant city planners commanded the cultural pull of movie stars, the paparazzi would have been swarming.
Now the director of planning and development in Detroit, Cox was in town for final reviews of students’ work at the UVA School of Architecture, where he was an assistant professor from 1993 to 2012. Cox, who received his degree in architecture from New York’s Cooper Union in 1983, has also been design director at the National Endowment for the Arts, spent six years teaching architecture in Florence, Italy, as part of Syracuse University’s Italian program, and, while in New Orleans, was director of Tulane City Center. Architect Magazine has noted that Cox “is considered to be a phenomenon within urban planning circles: smart, passionate, and inspiring.”
Given all of this, and Cox’s record as a public official in Charlottesville, we were eager to get his take on how our city has evolved—and dealt with adversity—since he left.
He knows dire situations. He arrived in New Orleans while the city was still reeling, albeit years later, from Hurricane Katrina. And he answered the call in Detroit in the wake of its historic population decline and declaration of bankruptcy.
Cox also faced a major crisis when he was in office in Charlottesville. In fact, if he and a group of fellow activists hadn’t stepped up, the city may have become a town in Albemarle County as part of a “reversion” movement. But Cox not only prevailed in the face of that existential threat, he laid the groundwork for Charlottesville to develop a dense urban core, become navigable on foot and by bicycle (his trademark form of transportation to this day), and combat sprawl and displacement of city residents.
The latter is still a challenge, and some of his projects (like his quest for a trolley along Main Street) never came through. But to the extent that Charlottesville exudes a sense of “urbanity” (his word) it can be traced back to Cox.
A skilled multitasker, the pin-thin former mayor, dressed in a slim gray suit and bright green shirt on a sunny day in May, managed to share his views of Charlottesville while also polishing off that fist-sized cheeseburger.
C-VILLE Weekly: Among the issues you faced as city councilor and mayor was reversion—the idea that Charlottesville would revert back to being part of Albemarle County. Why do you consider that a crisis moment?
Maurice Cox: It was ultimately an excuse to sprawl. We recognized that moment and saw an opportunity to think about how we grow in our own footprint.
The city needed to replenish its tax base. Housing, middle-class housing, was just nonexistent. So, reversion was a way of annexing effectively all of the commercial property that is the sprawl of Route 29. But it wasn’t going to address the sprawl, per se, or create urbanity—to have Charlottesville grow up.
We started looking at our commercial corridors and zoning ordinances, and we said, You know what? Let’s throw the sucker out if it’s not going to produce the kind of city we want, and look strategically at where we can absorb density.
The density you speak of is arriving on West Main Street now. Is that what you envisioned?
At the time, the goal was to give West Main Street enough density to support transit and a vibrant public realm. So, yes, the emerging density is consistent with what we had envisioned. But the goal was also to promote a density sensitive to its immediate context. Any misgivings I have today pertain to the scale of the development and the architecture of many of the new buildings.
For example?
The architecture developing towards the university hospital end of West Main appears to be of good quality and scaled for pedestrian use. The new construction beginning to intermingle with the existing buildings between the Amtrak station and Ridge McIntire Road also looks extremely promising—in large part because there was enough historical context for the architects to respond to. That end seems to be producing what I call “gentle density,” which is sensitive to its context and pedestrian in scale.
On the other hand, The Standard and The Flats are completely generic, architecturally dated, and insensitive to the scale of the neighborhoods to the north and south, Fifeville and Westhaven. The monolithic nature of The Standard effectively—and intentionally, I believe—creates a wall denying residents of Westhaven pedestrian access to West Main, and should never have been allowed to happen. The Flats student housing, which was supposed to transition down to the single-family neighborhood of Fifeville, according to the zoning, does the opposite, growing taller towards the neighborhood.
This happened because special density variances were granted, and I’m sure the council that approved the exception wishes today that they had followed their own rules. Just proves that it’s possible to get the density right and the form and the scale completely wrong.
The most obvious recent crisis the city has faced was brought on by the Unite the Right rally and its fallout. What is your opinion of how the city has handled that?
It was an enormous opportunity. But the statues are still standing, which suggests that we haven’t dealt with the crisis.
But it’s part of a larger issue that Charlottesville has dealt with for many, many years. Monticello, anyone?
It’s fascinating, because during the ’90s, the first thing Monticello had to address was the relationship between Sally Hemings and Thomas Jefferson. At first, they didn’t embrace this, but the evidence was so compelling that they had to acknowledge it. And it’s become a part of the incremental recasting of Monticello as a plantation, as opposed to a presidential retreat.
It is incremental, as you say.
On my way here, I walked past the memorial being built about UVA and its relationship to slavery. That’s another incremental step—the university coming to grips with that legacy. But the bigger issue right now is the city itself. And I think that until the city constructs another narrative, it is going to be known for that day in August.
In Detroit, the popular press wrote the narrative for 50 years. And it’s only through the force of a collective will that a new narrative is starting to emerge. I can take some ownership of that, but it does require a kind of collective courage. Individual courage, no, because you don’t do these things alone.
I presume that the narrative for Detroit is that the comeback is real. But people have heard that story before. Why is it different now?
When I arrived [in 2015], the city had just gone through bankruptcy. Without having gotten rid of that debt, I don’t think we would be able to attract the investment that’s being attracted now. We have an administration that can actually perform the duties expected of government, like getting lights to come on at night, picking up trash, demolishing burnt-down houses, getting emergency vehicles to arrive. That’s been the precursor to my being able to engage residents in a conversation about the future, because the present was being tended to.
We’ve had hundreds of meetings with residents. We’re listening, and we’re talking about the character of their neighborhoods, and what the future should look like. It’s a very empowering experience, for anyone who was normally preoccupied with the basics, to have enough mental space to talk about the future, and have some hope.
So what else could Charlottesville do?
You think about what other generations did, how they used civil disobedience. They got arrested for things they believed in. This notion that the courts, the Virginia courts, would cart our city council off to jail if they defied the order that the monuments could not be removed—I’d be curious to test that. I think it would be a national story. It’d be an international story.
There are other cities that removed the statues, and they did not face the legal impediments that Charlottesville has faced. But you don’t deal with these issues by soft-pedaling. That’s where civil disobedience comes in. I’m afraid that ultimately that’s what it’s going to take. Every day [the statues] sit there on the plaza is a reminder of unfinished business.
Let’s return to the issue of development in Charlottesville. Is what you’re seeing now a fulfillment of your ideas? Where do you think we stand?
We clearly made the argument that there are places that could and should absorb higher density that would create a kind of context for a pedestrian-oriented development with character. And so, the density is landing in the right places, but the character is questionable.
There’s also the challenge of unintended consequences. When you create the density that could potentially support transit and walkability, you make something of value that can create displacement, which has happened. The question is, how do you offset the fact that you created something of value? The answer is generally in the realm of affordable housing.
In Detroit, the city has made a commitment to 20 percent affordable housing in any development that receives public resources, and a commitment to retain 10,000 units of federally regulated housing. That includes Section 8 housing like Friendship Court in Charlottesville. Affordable housing has to be grafted onto the market-rate housing.
You invest in the public realm, and you protect the existing inventory of affordable housing so that people don’t get displaced. You do one without the other, then you’re going to get displacement, and that seems to be the challenge that Charlottesville faces. Put in the density and investment in the public realm, but also don’t forget to put in the policies and mechanisms for robust pushback in the area of affordability.
What we’re talking about for Detroit is a growth strategy. It stems from the basic notions that everyone who stuck it out with the city through thick and thin deserves to benefit from the opportunity that growth presents, and that the city should follow public policy that assures it’ll happen.
We were talking earlier about sprawl. Have you noticed the development along Route 29, out Fifth Street Extended, along Route 20?
Yeah, there’s a lot of it.
What does that signal? For most people those places are not affordable.
It’s all feeding off of the success of the urban core and the proximity to a thriving urban center. It’s a symptom of the city’s success that the county sprawl may be a little more tidy, but the quality is really, really low. Maybe in 50 years we’ll look back and [the new developments] will have provided the massive amounts of affordable housing that we need—that’s what it’s going to become, because quality has not been a factor in its development.
There is also the issue of public transportation. What are your observations about that in Charlottesville?
It’s still a fundamentally car-dependent region that’s not pushing hard enough on the alternative transit options. This is where the governmental structure inhibits the kind of regional cooperation that you need for transit. There’ve been fits and starts, but mostly fits and stalls.
That’s not unlike other areas that have a divide between the city and county. We always said, ‘Well, let’s try to jumpstart a pedestrian-oriented, transit-oriented core.’ And that’s where a streetcar down Main Street was a very viable scenario. It would have been an important demonstration that we can weave other modes of transportation into this small city.
Is it really any different in Detroit?
There’s a similar reluctance to embrace alternative modes of transportation in Detroit, the Motor City. But we’re pushing hard by making protected bike lanes a part of all the street improvements. Detroit is wonderfully flat and the streets are wonderfully wide, and you can get a lot of different modes of transportation in them. Detroit laid more protected bike lanes, which are the ones up against the curb with a buffer, than any city in America last year.
What else is Detroit doing to support alternative transportation?
We’ve identified 30 different areas where we can make Main Streets, slow the traffic down, integrate more modes of transportation, and create a public ground. We call them micro-districts. What we’re going for is not unlike the ambiance here on the mall, where you can shop and recreate within a 20-minute walk of your house.
Charlottesville is a great example to consider, because the mall is only eight blocks long. This is about as far as you are probably willing to walk for a couple of restaurants and your favorite coffee. And so, most of the micro-districts we are conceiving of in Detroit are no more than six, eight blocks long. But can you create that kind of mixed-use, retail Main Street in every single one of the neighborhoods? We think you can in some, and that’s more or less what’s happening.
It also involves increasing density, but it’s much more gentle density than even what we’re seeing here. Most of the buildings are three or four stories, maximum six, and we’re conferring with the public to set the tone and address the question of quality. We’re not just letting the market do what it wants to do, which is to be kind of status quo and mediocre. We want excellence. We’re pushing publicly commissioned work to an extreme, and then asking the private sector, can you top it?
Given the sheer size of Detroit— 139 square miles, as opposed to Charlottesville’s 10.4 square miles —is there an acknowledgment that some parts, and perhaps even some very large parts, are going
to have to be fallow?
Or that some parts are going to have to wait, which is what interests me about Detroit. It’s a laboratory for slow, sustainable urban growth. We’re experimenting with what it’s like to create an urban environment where you can walk and bike, but at the same time, we recognize that the same set of tools won’t work in neighborhoods that have lost significant populations.
We are now getting to those neighborhoods where you have to have a different maintenance strategy for vacant land. It might be a reforestation effort. It might be intersecting reforestation with commercial nurseries, tree nurseries. We are testing that idea. It might be hundreds of flowering meadows, and we have a place where we’re testing that idea, too. We acknowledge that you’re going to have to shift to a landscape-based strategy in areas that feel more rural, so it would be a mistake to try to force them to be urban.
You get that cross-section of neighborhood types in Detroit to explore. It’s a wicked problem. Every day we attempt to address it. I see why no other city in America that went through extreme population decline has succeeded. But we do have an appetite for experimentation. We acknowledge that one size doesn’t fit all. And so, the exact opposite of uniformity is what’s going on in Detroit.
Speaking of empty space, was City Yards an issue when you were mayor? How would you deal with it, with the benefit of hindsight?
I think with City Yards and a few other places near downtown, you could afford to do some unconventional experimentation. I don’t think it’s about high-density development. It’s probably about landscape as a framework. Yeah, I think it’s too valuable to stay fallow, but it’s too big and difficult to use a conventional set of tools. And there’s no shortage of fantastic landscape thinkers right here in Charlottesville. A very intentional bridge has to be made between city government and the academy, and it can be figured out.
Of the problems that you saw and addressed when you were here, which ones still exist, and how should they be handled?
These things can’t be approached in the abstract. Racism exists. Where does it exist? Does it exist in our housing policy? Does it exist in the economic opportunity given to entrepreneurs? It has to be grafted onto something real. So getting together for a kumbaya conversation about racism, while it may temporarily make you feel good, produces very little lasting impact. When you say we’re going to address the displacement of people by changing our housing policy, that’s tangible. When you say we’re going to build a cultural center to make sure that the history and the legacy of urban renewal is forever understood, like the Jefferson Center, that’s a tangible example of addressing an issue.
Even an effort to have minority businesses on the mall would be a good start. In Detroit, we have a program that matches entrepreneurs to real estate opportunities—and everything from business planning to getting the bricks and mortar—to open up a shop. Sixty-five percent of the people who receive grants are women, 70 percent are people of color. That’s a direct answer to, will economic opportunity on these Main Streets that we’re creating look and feel like the communities they exist in?
Where does your experience in architecture come in?
The power of design is its ability to convene people around a project, not an abstraction, and that is one of the reasons why design is so engaging even for the laypeople. At the end of it, there’s something standing there that’s a built environment, that’s a natural environment as a result of your hours and hours and hours of meeting. I think those are tangible ways to address issues of equity and inclusion. That’s been a mainstay. At least it’s been a mainstay in my career to use the imperative to build, to shape, as a way to have a larger conversation about what kind of community we want, who belongs in it, and how do we all get access to it.
In Detroit, we do it by culturally tagging infrastructure that is unifying the city. The Joe Louis Greenway, which unites dozens of neighborhoods, was purposefully named so that for the next hundred years people will think of this iconic sports figure as someone who unites the city. Or we do a park, and we bring a renowned African American artist, Hubert Massey, to work in the infrastructure of art, in this case a 160 foot-long mosaic tile wall that turns into a community build with kids and adults. It’s also in a park named after Ella Fitzgerald, another cultural icon. And so, these are ways to bring in a creative impulse that tells people…that this belongs to them.
So, you’re still commuting by bicycle in Detroit, as you did here?
I am. I live a commutable distance from work. I’ve always insisted on biking, and hiking and walking, ever since Charlottesville. I can see the city with all of my senses, and it helps you pay attention to detail and to the feel and the character of a place. It’s my way of doing some research even in the most banal act of going from home to work.
Do you think Detroit will ultimately be a success story?
Well, in some ways it already is. Let’s not forget that it’s also the largest African American city in America. So when a black city builds more protected bike lanes than a city like Portland, that in and of itself is newsworthy, and what does that mean? I’m always mindful that it’s not like we’re just doing this in any city. We’re doing this in the blackest city in America. Majority African-American cities have long been equated with dysfunctionality, corruption, and poverty. We have a chance to defy that stereotype and write a different narrative about a progressive, exploratory, inclusive, African American-majority city.
We are mindful that it’s a narrative that is very, very powerful. And that’s what I mean by Charlottesville has to find a way to snatch back its public narrative. Detroit did it with an onslaught of positive, affirming, forward-looking, progressive stories.
All of a sudden people feel like we’ve cured something. But we still have poverty. We still struggle with vacant land and home abandonment. But the counter-narrative is so compelling that people are not writing exclusively about Detroit’s decay and decline. I’ve seen that happen in a matter of four or five years, so I know that Charlottesville can do that.
It’s not going to happen just by the passage of time. People are not just going to forget, and I think that’s the issue: What willful actions can your public leaders and civic leaders take to snatch back the narrative of Charlottesville?
Highway blues: losing the battle for McIntire Park
When Maurice Cox was elected to the City Council in 2000, debate over the proposed road then known as the Meadowcreek Parkway had ground on for decades. The road, eventually christened the John W. Warner Parkway, is now a reality, but it looks the way it does (“a beautiful parkway rather than a highway,” as Cox puts it) in large part because of efforts by Cox and other local activists.
The parkway, first proposed in the 1960s, aimed to connect East Rio Road with McIntire Road, easing traffic on Rio and Park Street, and providing more direct entry into the city of Charlottesville from suburban northern Albemarle County neighborhoods.
“I was convinced then and still believe today that the Meadowcreek Parkway was Charlottesville’s greatest gift to Albemarle County,” Cox says. “Charlottesville sacrificed the city’s largest park, McIntire Park, in order to relieve traffic pressures from the county’s out-of-control growth along 29 North.”
Plans were coalescing by the time Cox was elected, but opponents, who challenged the then-prevalent idea that building more roads would ease traffic on existing ones, had laid out a set of demands for keeping it circumscribed. Among other concerns, they sought to ban truck traffic, limit speeds, and reduce the number of travel lanes from four to two.
“We never had the votes to kill the darn thing,” says Cox, “so instead I spent eight years of my political career trying to ‘defang’ a four-lane divided highway, aimed straight through the heart of downtown.”
Cox fought successfully for design restrictions that kept its interchange with the U.S. 250 Bypass relatively compact and its footprint narrow, so future leaders wouldn’t easily be able to widen it.
“Being a designer, I figured if you couldn’t kill it then perhaps I could use the power of design to resize the threat and remake it into one of the best two-lane parkways Virginia has built in a generation.”
But he adds, “we shouldn’t forget that we lost out on a great opportunity to gift to the next generations a world-class McIntire Park.”
A few years ago, Molly Conger was just your average Charlottesville resident who, to be honest, didn’t pay much attention to politics. Now she’s got more than 20,000 Twitter followers hanging on her moment-by-moment reports on local government meetings, which she’s been live-tweeting since December 2017. In this issue, Conger, in the first of what will be a bi-monthly column on city politics for C–VILLE, explains how she accidentally discovered an unmet need—for a spirited, opinionated, and very real voice explaining local government.
Conger realized that forces shaping our city manifest in decisions made at sparsely attended meetings and work sessions. The bureaucracy of these meetings isn’t designed to engage the public, but what happens there affects us all.
This week’s cover story examines how we ended up with a large, under-utilized, city-owned parking lot in what is nearly the geographic center of the city, even as planners struggle to find land for affordable housing. It’s not a simple story, and it didn’t come from one big decision, but a series of smaller ones. In the end, Westhaven and the 10th and Page neighborhood were isolated from downtown, Vinegar Hill became home to parking lots and fast food chains, and potentially valuable real estate was preserved for storing dump trucks.
It’s not clear if that land, the City Yard, will prove inhabitable (City Council has proposed funds to get the site tested), but the New Hill Development Corporation is already looking at how to redevelop the entire area. They’ve promised to work closely with residents, though reactions so far have been mixed. As with the new land use map, the city has an opportunity to correct its past mistakes, and make the right decisions this time around. We’d better be paying attention.
“If Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence,” my 7-year-old asked me the other day, “why did he have slaves himself?”
The notion that “all men are created equal” was a radical and noble idea, and it still is, if you take “men” to mean “human beings.” But back then, as I struggled to explain to my daughter, many white men’s conception of humanity didn’t extend to people of other races. Nor did it include women, who were not allowed to vote or own property, and were often unable to go to school or hold a job (cue hilarious disbelief).
Our country has since expanded its definition of what constitutes a human being and who deserves equal treatment under the law, though clearly some of us are still not on board. And in similar ways, Charlottesville’s government and its residents are evolving in our ideas about who we are as a city, which neighborhoods matter, and who deserves to be heard.
As the city weighs a new land-use map, part of a Comprehensive Plan that will shape development for decades to come, we look back at how our neighborhoods came to be.
In particular, our feature story examines the history of the city’s neighborhood associations, groups that advocated to protect their neighborhoods from noise, traffic, and unwanted development–all seemingly worthwhile goals. But since city government ignored the concerns of black residents, while prioritizing those of white ones, that local advocacy ended up reinforcing Charlottesville’s segregated and unequal neighborhoods.
The president of the Fry’s Spring Neighborhood Association told us his own house, built in 1946, came with a racial covenant that would have prevented him and his wife from living there, if it was still in effect. Which is to say: Things change. We learn to welcome new neighbors. We can build a better city, if we want to.—Laura Longhine
In the early 1970s, City Council adopted a plan to turn Grady Avenue into a four-lane road running all the way from downtown to the bypass, with the goal of providing quick and easy access to I-64. Venable residents worried that the move would ruin their quiet neighborhood, and banded together to form what was later reported to be the city’s first neighborhood association.
They succeeded in defeating the plan (its remnant can be seen in the two turning lanes off Preston Avenue onto Grady), and association members were lauded in the press as “vigilant homeowners.” The experience showed residents how, through advocacy with city officials, they could use their neighborhood associations to shape the kind of city they wanted to have.
Today, there are 32 neighborhood associations, representing communities across Charlottesville. Like the Venable association, they often arose out of a desire to protect and preserve a neighborhood’s character.
But because race and housing have always been connected in Charlottesville, as elsewhere, neighborhood advocacy came with racial implications. When city officials neglected black desires and prioritized white ones, white neighborhoods ultimately were preserved as quiet enclaves of single-family homes, where property values increased over time, while black neighborhoods were left vulnerable to disruption.
Now, Charlottesville’s challenge is to address this legacy of inequality. A post-August 12 soul-searching has focused renewed attention on housing issues, just as the city’s government is undertaking a plan that could guide its future development patterns for decades. In December, as part of the years-long process to develop the city’s new Comprehensive Plan, the city Planning Commission unveiled a new land-use map that calls for zoning laws to permit higher-density housing across Charlottesville.
“The city is 10.4 square miles and has no authority to annex,” says Alex Ikefuna, director of Neighborhood Development Services. “The city cannot grow horizontally, and the community has to come to terms on how to manage its growth and accommodate its growing population.”
In the past, Charlottesville’s growth has been warped, with development directed toward a handful of neighborhoods while others remained untouchable. This continued even as late as 2003, says Planning Commission member Rory Stolzenberg, when the city moved to promote higher-density development in the West Main Street corridor.
“We took this very large, pent-up demand that wanted really to grow everywhere, and we forced it to spill out in a very specific, directed way, directly at the heart of two historically African American neighborhoods,” he says, referring to the 10th and Page and Fifeville neighborhoods.
Through decades of mistreatment, he says, those neighborhoods “really haven’t been subjected to the same sort of zoning protections as many historically white and wealthy neighborhoods have been.”
In discussions over the new plan, Planning Commission and City Council members have clashed over how much density is too much. The debate is a modern iteration of past zoning discussions, and it inevitably will hinge on the question that has long animated Charlottesville’s neighborhood associations: How, and how much, should neighborhoods be preserved in their current forms?
The “good” neighborhood
In the 1970s, the North Downtown Neighborhood Association was formed to stop the construction of a large office and apartment complex that residents considered to be “not in keeping with the character of the neighborhood.” The association took the case all the way to the Virginia Supreme Court; it lost, but by then the delays had caused the developer to drop the project.
Neighborhood associations soon proliferated throughout the city, monitoring home values, encouraging housing upkeep, organizing leaf pickups, and throwing seasonal parties. They advocated for reduced traffic, and focused on security and reducing noise. Associations also developed neighborhood watch programs, complete with block captains to monitor and report suspicious activities, even going so far as to hire off-duty city cops as private security. They closely followed issues at City Hall that would affect their way of life, and considered themselves both watchdogs and advisers of city government.
The organizations didn’t spontaneously become important: Their influence was possible because they didn’t take themselves lightly. They were undergirded by constitutions, boards of directors, and annual dues. In 1975, the individual associations came together under a larger organization known as the Charlottesville Federation of Neighborhood Associations, with a stated purpose of working “for a better quality of life in the neighborhoods and in the entire city.”
But better quality of life for whom?
In 1913, an ad ran in the Daily Progress encouraging people to move to the new neighborhood of Fry’s Spring, which the ad said had all the modern conveniences: sewer, water, electricity, and, “the proper restrictions to make it the most desirable suburb in the entire South.”
As in most Southern cities, Charlottesville’s neighborhoods in the early 1900s were highly segregated. In 1912, City Council overrode a mayor’s veto and unanimously passed an ordinance prohibiting racial mixing in residential areas. Many neighborhoods also used racial covenants when selling houses to prevent black (and sometimes also Jewish) residents from moving in, as journalist Jordy Yager has reported.
Fry’s Spring’s developers created it as an exciting, exclusive enclave, with a ‘Wonderland’ building that had bowling alleys and billiard parlors, a bandstand, room for dancing, and the only swimming pool in the area. All of these amenities were meant for white people. The founder of Fry’s Spring Beach Club, the city’s Department of Neighborhood Development Services said in a 2010 historical survey, “was an avowed white supremacist.” It wasn’t until the 1970s that black people were allowed to use the pool.
Despite its history of explicit racism, Fry’s Spring has often been held up as an ideal neighborhood. In the 2010 NDS survey, historian Margaret Peters said residents of the neighborhood “historically have represented the backbone of the Charlottesville community,” while the name Fry’s Spring “conjures images of what most would like to think are the essence of traditional American communities.”
Fry’s Spring was not alone, of course. In the Daily Progress’ 1985 report on Charlottesville’s neighborhoods, the paper described the expensive Lewis Mountain neighborhood as a “quiet oasis” in the midst of the university community, “virtually isolated” from the development going on around it. Ninety percent of residents were white. The same report praised the Barracks-Rugby neighborhood as housing “some of the most successful and affluent” people in the area, with 1940s-era housing giving the area a “grandeur” of a “bygone era.” At the time, the neighborhood was 94 percent white.
A history of neglect
Black neighborhoods, meanwhile, have historically been ignored, displaced, and overruled. In a 1995 oral history of the Ridge Street neighborhood, longtime black residents Joan and Theresa Woodfolk recounted a pattern of neglect by the city, and described feeling as if they had to beg for basic services. When wealthy white people moved out of the neighborhood, they said, city government stopped caring about the concerns of its residents.
In the book Urban Renewal and the End of Black Culture in Charlottesville, authors James Saunders and Renae Shackelford describe this practice as “municipal neglect.” In looking at requests by black neighborhoods over the years, it appears to be a pattern.
In 1976, representatives of the predominantly black Ridge Street and Rose Hill neighborhoods wrote to City Council describing their need for public works. Ridge Street Neighborhood Association President Mary Page said her neighborhood had been fighting for improvements for 15 years without success, and that many residents were still not receiving garbage service or home mail delivery.
Rose Hill residents attached pages of signatures and noted that “no significant repairs have been accomplished in over a decade.” They asked for sidewalks, repaved roads, lighting, and drainage, and described contacting various city officials and being brushed aside because their area was not considered a priority. Listing eight streets requiring public investment, they closed their letter by saying, “We are aware that our community is not in the exclusive category, yet this does not diminish our pride of ownership and desire for equal consideration as citizens and taxpayers.”
In response, Nancy O’Brien, the city’s first woman mayor, said she didn’t think all of the repairs were necessary. Indifferent responses from city officials were not new: Saunders and Shackelford found that in the 1950s and ’60s, “there was little that blacks could do to influence public policies even if the policies impacted primarily upon them.”
Zoning disparities
Ultimately, disparities between which neighborhoods were protected and which were neglected became codified in zoning laws.
Zoning dictates how land can be used, and is one of the main ways to control how a city grows. Traditionally, districts have been divided between residential, business, and industrial, but as cities have become more complex, so have the zoning districts. The results can often feel permanent, if not altogether natural.
Inequities in zoning go back to the beginning. The city created its first zoning map in 1929. According to the 2016 Blue Ribbon Commission report on race, early zoning restricted businesses from encroaching on white residential areas but not on black ones. As a result, within a few years, industries like Monticello Dairy, City Laundry, and the Triangle Service Station appeared along Preston Avenue, disrupting the predominantly black neighborhoods of Kellytown and Tinsleytown, in the area known today as Rose Hill.
It was only one of many incidences of displacement and removal for black Charlottesville residents. In 1919, the majority-black area known as McKee Row had been demolished to make way for the whites-only Jackson Park. Black neighborhoods were later razed at the future sites of Lane High School (now the Albemarle County Office Building) and the present-day City Hall, in addition to Vinegar Hill. As longtime community activist Theresa Jackson-Price said in Urban Renewal and the End of Black Culture in Charlottesville, “We just stay on the fringe of the redevelopment all the time.”
As the city’s neighborhood associations developed, they seized on zoning to create the neighborhood character they wanted. But city leaders’ treatment of zoning requests varied by neighborhood. In the summer of 1978, a group of black residents from 10th and Page came before the Planning Commission with a petition of 230 signatures opposing a rezoning of a piece of land between Preston and West avenues from residential to intensive commercial use. The commission overrode their concerns.
Less than three months later, white residents on North First Street asked for 20 properties to be downzoned from high- to moderate-density residential, so the houses couldn’t be used as multifamily rentals. Planning Commission Vice Chairman Lucius Bracey Jr., who had voted to override the 10th and Page residents’ concerns, told the North First Street residents that they should be “congratulated and saluted” for their work in saving their neighborhood.
Charlottesville today
Today, Rose Hill residents say a lack of zoning protections over the years have left the area vulnerable to continued demolitions, with developers buying homes that have been in families for a century and tearing them down for new construction. (Residents are currently in the process of trying to get a historical designation to protect the neighborhood).
Meanwhile, city neighborhoods that started out white and relatively wealthy, such as Fry’s Spring, Johnson Village, Lewis Mountain, Venable, Barracks-Rugby, and Greenbrier, have remained that way, in part because of a fateful decision by the City Council, formalized in 1991, to discourage construction of any types of housing there besides single-family homes.
In a zoning map released that year, the city created a new R-1A single-family zone, which affected around 4,500 parcels of land. This zoning designation allowed lots that had previously been too small for an R-1 single-family designation to now be included. This was known as downzoning, and it had to be done carefully. In early discussions, then-Deputy City Attorney Craig Brown cautioned council members that any such change in zoning would need to be justified and legally defensible.
The change had the stated goal of protecting neighborhood stability and encouraging homeownership, but even at the time there were opponents. William Harris, a Planning Commission member and the first dean of African American Affairs at the University of Virginia, called the single-family zoning exclusionary and argued it would make housing less affordable.
In prohibiting construction of new multifamily apartment buildings in much of the city, Harris said, the change also advanced the assumption that renting, and renters, were less valuable.
Today, housing activists and Planning Commission members say that strategy has contributed to one of the city’s most pressing problems, the lack of affordable housing.
It has also helped keep neighborhoods racially segregated. Many white neighborhoods that were restricted to single-family use with R-1A zoning originally developed when black people were not allowed to live in them. But even once explicitly segregationist policies faded away, few black Charlottesville residents could afford to move to those areas—in part because of severe income disparities and wealth lost through school segregation and the loss of black neighborhoods like Vinegar Hill. The problem only grew worse as home values increased throughout the years, especially since the single-family zone restricted the city’s housing stock.
Challenge and opportunity
While zoning is influential, it is also malleable, and the way that a city develops is not absolute. Policies can be changed, and inequities can be addressed.
“We could be gently densifying all over the place in a way that spreads out the impacts evenly,” Stolzenberg says. “But instead we’ve decided to funnel this disruption and flow directly into black neighborhoods; places we see as undesirable or not worthy of protection, and so we treat them differently and force them to bear the brunt of everything we deem inconvenient.”
In the current discussions over the city’s new Comprehensive Plan and land-use map, some council members expressed skepticism over the increased density the Planning Commission is proposing, and the initial map was rejected in a January 5 meeting. Council members are likely not the only ones with doubts.
Brian Becker, president of the Fry’s Spring Neighborhood Association, says current association members care about affordable housing and welcome diversity (he points out that the neighborhood is zoned for Jackson-Via and Johnson elementary schools, both of which are majority black). But the association previously sought to downzone part of the neighborhood, out of concern about “rent-seeking property owners who don’t maintain their property.”
“I don’t think the NA is against density per se,” Becker said in an email. “What we are concerned with is the impacts of density (i.e. traffic, parking, noise, and litter.)”
And as Ned Michie, president of the Greenbrier Neighborhood Association, told Charlottesville Tomorrow: “I, and probably most people, very much like the idea of being able to walk or bike to a coffee shop, a barber shop, or a little grocery store. Yet, no doubt most people will be less happy when the reality comes in the form of a specific proposal that is deemed ‘too near’ one’s own house.”
Stolzenberg argues, though, that density isn’t inherently bad.
“When you have a higher density in a given area it means you can support better infrastructure like bus lines and bike lanes,” he says. “It means that you can support commercial businesses like a corner store or a neighborhood barber shop, all types of things we’ve heard from residents of Charlottesville across all lines that they’d like to see.”
Permitting higher density and moving on from Charlottesville’s rural past, Stolzenberg argues, also means “embracing the fact we are an urban area and a city, and then accepting that we are going to grow, that we’re willing to accept new neighbors, and that new neighbors aren’t necessarily a bad thing.”
For nearly 50 years, neighborhood associations have been active in shaping city policy, often through the zoning and land-use processes. They are a tool that residents use to bend political will to their desires. But when desires clash, who do city leaders listen to?
Historically, all across the United States, it has been white people who have decided how land is used and who is allowed to live where. Charlottesville has the chance to change this narrative. This is the challenge, and the opportunity for our town. It is up to us to shape the kind of city we want to be.