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Out and in: A turnover of top local leaders

It was an unprecedented year for the city, but also one in which we saw a major shift among people in positions of power. Some heads rolled, some quietly retired, and the list of local leaders is almost unrecognizable from this time last summer.

Charlottesville Police Chief Al Thomas abruptly resigned in December, making way for Chief RaShall Brackney, who took her oath in June. Thomas wasn’t the most popular guy in town after Tim Heaphy released his independent review of the summer of hate, which alleged that Thomas deleted texts, used a personal email to skirt FOIA, and told law enforcement when white supremacists and counterprotesters went to war in the streets to “let them fight a little,” because it would make it easier to declare an unlawful assembly.

That wasn’t the only law enforcement shake-up. After nearly 15 years as Virginia State Police superintendent, Colonel Steve Flaherty retired in December, and was succeeded by Lieutenant Colonel Gary Settle. At the University of Virginia, Police Chief Michael Gibson also retired this summer, and new Chief Tommye Sutton was sworn in August 1, the same day as new UVA President Jim Ryan.

Ryan took the reins from Teresa Sullivan, who was highly criticized for having prior knowledge that white supremacists planned to march across Grounds last August 11, not warning students, and initially denying that she was privy to any of it. She had plans to leave before last summer, and on her way out, Ryan said he admires that she stayed focused on what really mattered to the university. “These were turbulent times and I think she demonstrated remarkable courage,” he said. Nevertheless, the Beta Bridge was decorated with the words, “Nazis love T. Sully” as she left.

The university also appointed Gloria Graham as its first-ever vice president of safety and security after emboldened neo-Nazis in white polos and khakis encircled and beat several students with their torches.

Poor planning for the weekend of the Unite the Right rally also fell on the head of City Manager Maurice Jones, and City Council decided not to renew his contract on May 25. Jones took a job as town manager for Chapel Hill, and in came former assistant city manager Mike Murphy, who will serve in the interim—but not without a fight from Mayor Nikuyah Walker, who challenged the first person offered the job.

Walker wasn’t mayor, or even on City Council, last summer. She replaced then-mayor Mike Signer, whose leadership came under fire when it emerged that he threatened to fire Jones and Thomas during the height of the August 12 violence. He was also suspected of leaking emails and was publicly reprimanded by his fellow councilors. Vice-Mayor Heather Hill also joined the ranks in the November council election—Kristin Szakos did not run for re-election and Bob Fenwick got the boot in the June primary.

City Attorney Craig Brown said goodbye, and was replaced by John Blair, who most recently served as deputy county attorney in Albemarle.

And last but not least, city spokesperson Miriam Dickler stepped down as Charlottesville’s director of communications in January, and former Charlottesville Tomorrow executive director Brian Wheeler filled her shoes.

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In brief: City departures, a random drawing and Coran’s cannabis (or lack thereof)

City departures

Besides the abrupt retirement of former police chief Al Thomas, City Attorney Craig Brown will head out the door after 32 years for a new gig as Manassas’ first city attorney. In addition, Charlottesville’s spokesperson Miriam Dickler will sign off early next year, and Commonwealth’s Attorney Dave Chapman is filing his final briefs after six terms as the city’s prosecutor.

Another retirement

Virginia State Police Superintendent Steven Flaherty will leave the post he’s had for 14 years early next year, a move he says is unrelated to scathing reviews of state police August 12. Governor-elect Ralph Northam has named Lieutenant Colonel Gary Settle to succeed Flaherty February 1.

Random drawing

Virginia’s House of Delegates could see a 50-50 Democratic-Republican split—or not—following the December 19 recount of a Newport News race that put Dem Shelly Simonds up by one vote. The next day, Republican Delegate David Yancey picked up another vote to tie the race, and now the winner will be determined by drawing lots.

Quote of the Week:

“They put two names in, somebody shakes it up and they pull it. It’s that or it’s straws.” -State Board of Elections member Clara Belle Wheeler tells the Richmond Times-Dispatch how the winner in the tied race in the 94th District will be determined

Unpopular move

Albemarle County General District Court. Staff photo

Albemarle supes put a moratorium on discussions about moving county courts from downtown until March 2, but directed their consultant to continue exploring relocating the County Office Building and developing a performing arts and convention center in the county.

Shelling it out

The city will most likely be ordered to pay $7,600 in legal fees to attorney Pam Starsia, who represented Vice-Mayor Wes Bellamy when white nationalist Jason Kessler unsuccessfully attempted to remove him from office in February. Starsia, who is a former Showing Up for Racial Justice organizer, told the Daily Progress she plans to donate the money to local anti-racism causes, though she has relocated to Texas.

Coran Capshaw. Photo by Ashley Twiggs

RLM disavows high-profile summit

On November 27, the Aspen High Summit website was touting music/development mogul Coran Capshaw of Red Light Management as a headliner for its invitation-only December 11-13 meeting of the minds for visionaries in the music and cannabis industries.

At least it was until a C-VILLE Weekly reporter called, and then Capshaw’s name abruptly disappeared from the Aspen High website.

The summit brings together the “Music Tribe and the Cannabis Tribe” to “finally consummate their long relationship,” according to the website, over hot toddies and “first class cannabis” in Colorado, where toking is legal.

The Arcview Group, a cannabis investment organization in Oakland that boasts more than 600 high net-worth investors who have pumped more than $140 million into 160 cannabis-related ventures and raised more than $3 million for the legalization effort, according to its website, sponsored the event.

Despite being billed as invitation only, the Aspen High website appeared to offer tickets to anyone who wanted to pony up $1,150.

In a rare response from Red Light Management, Ann Kingston writes in an email that Capshaw “was never attending this event. We called them due to your inquiry and they took down any reference to RLM.”

Correction December 28: Albemarle supervisors put a moratorium on court relocation until March 2, not March 1, but will continue to explore development of government offices and performing arts and convention centers in the county, but not the courts as originally reported.

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General Lee wins first court skirmish

At the end of a six-hour hearing May 2, a judge enjoined the City of Charlottesville from removing its statue of General Robert E. Lee for the next six months.

More than 150 years after Lee’s surrender at Appomattox, the battle over Confederate monuments continues. Protesters in favor of ousting the statue chanted outside Charlottesville Circuit Court, and Judge Rick Moore reminded the dozens of attendees that despite “the heated feelings” in the matter that has roiled Charlottesville the past year, “That’s not the way it’s going to be in this courtroom.”

Plaintiffs filed the lawsuit and injunction March 20, following City Council’s 3-2 vote February 6 to remove the statue of Lee. Council voted April 17 to sell the statue.

The courtroom was full of people on both sides of the issue. Seven of the 13 plaintiffs were present, as were the three city councilors—Wes Bellamy, Kristin Szakos and Bob Fenwick—who voted to remove the statue.

The city was represented by City Attorney Craig Brown and Chief Deputy City Attorney Lisa Robertson. Its insurance company, Virginia Municipal League, said it would not be covering this particular litigation because council’s vote to remove Lee was a “willful violation” of state law.

The city argued that Virginia’s monument law enacted in 1997 was not retroactive and would not cover the Lee statue, which was donated by Paul Goodloe McIntire and dedicated in 1924.

When Moore asked if it was the city’s position that every Revolutionary War, Civil War, World War I and II and Korean War memorials were excluded from the statute, Robertson answered, “Yes.”

Plaintiffs’ attorneys called more than a half dozen witnesses to demonstrate “irreparable harm” if the statue were removed, after Moore decided to proceed with the injunction motion and hear at a later date the city’s demurrer, which alleges some of the plaintiffs don’t have standing to sue the city.

Among the witnesses were attorney/plaintiff Fred Payne, who testified as an expert on Civil War uniforms because he “grew up with Confederate insignias since he was 10 years old.” When the city objected, Moore noted, “The standard for experts in Virginia is pretty low.” Payne pulled out a giant Official Military Atlas of the Civil War to show that the stars on Lee’s uniform on the statue were “clearly not” a U.S. colonel’s uniform.

Also called were Margaret O’Bryant, Albemarle Charlottesville Historical Society librarian and member of the city’s Blue Ribbon Commission on Race, Memorials and Public Spaces; City Manager Maurice Jones; and Friends of C’ville Monuments and nonprofit Monument Fund founder Jock Yellott, who testified that he was a plaintiff because the city’s “objective is to do some sort of desecration.”

After a 25-minute recess, Moore ruled to enjoin the city from removing the Lee statue for the next six months, but he did not agree to stop the city from renaming Lee and Jackson parks, nor from hiring a consultant to come up with a master plan for the parks.

The major issues for the plaintiffs, said their attorney, Ralph Main, was whether Moore would apply the provisions of state code and say the monument law applies. According to Main, in the judge’s opinion, “It was likely we would prevail on the merits.”

City Attorney Brown declined to comment on the decision. “We’re just going to move on to the next step,” he said.

A date to hear the city’s demurrer will be set June 19.

Civil rights icon Eugene Williams, 89, who sued to the city to allow desegregation, sat through the hearing and said, “I think that court decision is history-making.” He was there, he said, because he wanted to see the city stopped “from trying to destroy history.”

 

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Insurance denied: City footing Lee statue, parking garage legal bills

Since 2016, Charlottesville has faced a larger-than-usual number of high-profile lawsuits, and in at least two cases, its insurance carrier won’t be picking up the tab. And while the carrier hasn’t seen the most recent suit, filed by Albemarle County over the Ragged Mountain Natural Area April 20, that litigation could join the Lee statue coverage denial as a “willful violation” of state law.

The city’s insurer, the Virginia Municipal League, covered Joe Draego’s federal lawsuit after he was dragged out of City Council for calling Muslims “monstrous maniacs,” and a judge ruled the city’s public comment policy banning group defamation was unconstitutional.

But VML is not covering the lawsuit filed against the city for its 3-2 vote to remove the statue of General Robert E. Lee, nor is it covering Mark Brown’s Charlottesville Parking Center litigation against the city, which heads to mediation May 31.

In that case, the city is paying Richmond LeClairRyan attorney Tom Wolf $425 an hour. At press time, City Attorney Craig Brown was unable to come up with costs of that suit, but a year ago, as of April 30, 2016, before the city had gone to court on Brown’s emergency receivership petition, it had spent $11,593.

Craig Brown says the suits on the statue, parking garage and the dispute with Albemarle have “all generated a large amount of public interest, whereas someone tripping on a sidewalk doesn’t.”

“It’s unusual to be involved in as much high-profile litigation as it is now,” agrees former mayor and CPC general manager Dave Norris.

“There’s only a certain amount of appetite taxpayers have to paying high-priced lawyers,” he says.

The litigation with Albemarle stems from the city’s December 19 vote to allow biking at Ragged Mountain, which is located in the county, despite county regulations that prohibit biking at the reservoir. Before the vote, Liz Palmer, then chair of the Albemarle Board of Supervisors, sent a December 15 letter to City Council asking it to defer action and citing state code that prohibits a landowner locality from adopting regulations in conflict with the jurisdiction where the property is located.

And while the city held a year’s worth of public meetings about uses at Ragged Mountain, conspicuously absent from that process was the county. “We were not involved in that,” says Board of Supervisors chair Diantha McKeel. “It’s unfortunate it got as far as it did without recognizing that.”

McKeel stresses that the city and county are not at odds on most issues, but says, “Both of our localities have agreed this is a legal question that has to be settled in the courts.”

After the City Council voted April 3 to adopt a new trails plan that would allow biking, the city offered binding arbitration, “precisely because we wanted to resolve the underlying legal issues without having to go to court,” says Mayor Mike Signer.

That was an offer the county declined. “The question goes back to state code,” says McKeel. “We can’t mediate our way out of that.”

Attorney Buddy Weber, a plaintiff in the Lee statue suit, sees a pattern with the city’s decision to proceed at Ragged Mountain over the county’s objections—and state statutes. “What you really have to ask is where they’re getting their legal advice,” he says. “Are they doing this to invite litigation?”

An injunction hearing is scheduled for May 2 to halt the city from moving the statue—or selling it, as council voted to do April 17. “We thought it was reckless for them to do what they did to remove the statue,” says Weber.  “Selling it falls in line with that. That’s why we need an injunction.”

But when Councilor Bob Fenwick changed his vote to remove the statue February 6, he said it was an issue that would have to be decided by the courts.

For activist Walt Heinecke, that fight embodies the city’s values on the Civil War statue, and he also applauds council’s funding of $10,000 to Legal Aid Justice Center to support immigrants. “I do think it’s important,” he says.

Other legal battles, like the city’s defense of its 2011 panhandling ordinance or the Draego lawsuit, “seem like a complete waste of money,” he says. Heinecke hasn’t followed the Ragged Mountain debate, but says, “It certainly seems there would be better ways to work this through rather than bull-dogging it.”

Vice-Mayor Wes Bellamy, who had his own day in court recently to fend off a petition to remove him from office, says when he was campaigning, he frequently heard comments that prior councils were “paralyzed” and that citizens wanted City Council to make decisions.

“This council is committed to making a difference and to making bold choices,” he says. “We’re not going to be paralyzed.”

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Hell no: City responds to parking center proposals

In the ongoing melodrama between the city and Charlottesville Parking Center owner Mark Brown, a letter from City Manager Maurice Jones says there’s no way the city will sell its Water Street Parking Garage shares to or even work with Brown, who, perhaps not coincidentally, announced plans to sell the Main Street Arena and take at least part of his investments elsewhere.

The latest barrage was in response to an August 8 letter from CPC general manager Dave Norris outlining three scenarios in which CPC would sell its parking spaces in the garage to the city or vice versa, complete with an optimistic plan that CPC would build a parking garage on a Market Street lot jointly owned by the city and county to appease the county, which has threatened to take its general district court out of the city because of the dismal parking situation.

Jones writes that former mayor Norris’ statements that the scenarios represent an opportunity to end the dispute “quickly” and “in the city’s favor” represent a “fundamental misunderstanding” of the city’s position.

He scoffs at the idea that the city would buy Brown’s interest in the Water Street Garage, which includes 390 spaces, the land underneath and commercial spaces, for $8,995,400, the amount CPC contends the city would have to pay if it goes through with its eminent domain threat. Brown bought CPC, including a surface lot across from the garage, for $13.8 million in 2013.

A major sticking point for the city is that while Brown offers to sell his spaces for $18,232 each, his offer to buy the city’s 629 spaces was at a much lower $7,822 each. “That huge discrepancy suggests that CPC either has no interest in seriously negotiating the sale” of its garage spaces or that it “continues to mistakenly believe” the fair market value of its spaces is far greater than the city’s because it owns the land upon which the Water Street Garage sits.

That, says Jones, is like the city arguing its spaces are more valuable because they’re exempt from real estate taxes. Neither “advantage” would be passed on to a purchaser, he says.

And in case there’s any doubt about the city’s position, using both bold text and underlining, Jones says, “City Council has no interest in selling its spaces in the WSPG to CPC.”

As for working together to build a garage on Seventh and Market streets after Brown’s attempts to force the city to sell its Water Street shares, says Jones, “I can unequivocally respond that no one on City Council can imagine any scenario where this type of partnership would be of interest to the city.”

On page three of the four-page letter, Jones lists Brown’s, er, CPC’s misdeeds, including suing the city, secretly negotiating with Albemarle to build a garage on Market Street, allowing downtown businesses to believe he was contemplating closing the garage because the association that runs it had not approved a budget and filing a second lawsuit seeking the emergency appointment of a receiver.

Norris declined to comment on the city’s letter, but Brown had something to say about it: “It seemed like the ramblings of a lunatic. Maurice Jones didn’t write a word of that.” Brown says he believes Mayor Mike Signer and the city’s Richmond attorney, Tom Wolf, wrote the letter.

“Not true,” says Wolf. He also downplays the tone of the letter. “I think it’s just responding to their letter. I don’t think it’s a go-to-hell letter.”

In a September 14 statement, Wolf says, “I would think that after a while people would get tired of Mark Brown’s constant whining and his relentless efforts to twist everything to benefit himself at the expense of others.”

Jones’ letter says, “This dispute is not, however, about parking rates and never has been,” and alleges that Brown’s scheme all along has been to force the city to sell its interest in the garage to him.

“That was an outright lie,” declares Brown. He contends the only time CPC ever made an offer was when the city requested one in writing.

As for an amicable settlement of the increasingly hostile dispute, says legal expert Dave Heilberg, “As of today it doesn’t look like it. It’s hard to tell how much [of the city’s letter] is posturing.”

Heilberg calls such communications in civil litigation “nastygrams.” And if the parties really want to settle, he says, “They’ll come in with offers a lot closer.”

City Attorney Craig Brown says, “Yes, there is a possibility for the case to settle. …CPC just needs to offer to sell its spaces in the Water Street Parking Garage for their fair market value.”

While Mark Brown, who also owns Yellow Cab, has listed the Main Street Arena for sale before as what he calls a “teaser,” this time he says he’s serious and has ordered a for sale sign. The arena is listed at $6.5 million.

“I don’t have any confidence in [city leadership’s] ability to function in a rational way,” he says, as Charlottesville transforms from a town to a small city. He sees “signs of dysfunction” in how the city is run. “You can’t put out patio chairs in the wrong color but they let the Landmark sit for eight years,” he says, referring to the hotel skeleton on the Downtown Mall.

“I’m not angry,” he says, while expressing concerns about the Belmont Bridge (“How long has that dragged on?”), the Strategic Investment Area and the West Main streetscape. “I don’t see any leadership from City Hall,” he says.

Brown believes money invested in municipalities that have “real leadership” will result in a higher return.

As for the fate of the only ice rink in the area, says Brown, “That’s going to be up to the owners of the building. I’m going to be investing elsewhere.”

CPC Response Letter 9-12-16

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‘Medieval solution:’ Resistance emerges to plans for potential deer culling

 

Calling the potential deer culling in Charlottesville a “Trumpian solution to a practically nonexistent problem,” one city resident says policymakers should consider non-lethal alternatives before condoning a city-sponsored killing.

“We all live in Charlottesville because we appreciate the natural world and what it adds to our human life,” Holly Court resident Laura Jones wrote in a letter to City Council. “Deer are part of that world.”

She received a response from Kristin Szakos, who wrote that she has followed the issue for six years, both as a city councilor and a Locust Grove resident, and that she understands Jones’ “love of deer in [her] neighborhood.”

“I’m not a deer-lover,” says Jones, who adds that she has spoken up for those who do not wish to see wildlife slaughtered in their backyards. “Using a bowhunter to kill deer within the city limits is a dangerous idea and a medieval solution to a 21st-century problem.”

The only city ordinance that refers to bows and arrows says, “No person shall discharge arrows, nails or bullets from a bow or crossbow in or into any street or other public place…This section shall not be constructed to prohibit the use of bows and arrows on authorized archery ranges.” But City Attorney Craig Brown points out that a “public place” is not defined in the code, so whether hunting is allowed has been debated.

Charlottesville does not have ordinances regulating hunting, Brown says, “except for a prohibition on hunting birds and wild fowl,” and while it does have the power to adopt an ordinance on bowhunting within city limits, it has not done so.

Deer may be killed with a permit issued by the Department of Game & Inland Fisheries, however. Matt Knox, a deer project coordinator with the department, says 545 kill permits have been issued specifically for deer in Albemarle County since 2012, with 86 of those issued this year. Most of the addresses on the permits, though, are in Kewsick or North Garden, he says.

In Szakos’ e-mail response to Jones, the councilor said she first, “as an animal-lover,” was optimistic about finding a non-lethal way to control the deer population, but research has “led [her] to regard that path as unfeasible, expensive and ultimately ineffective.” Wrote Szakos, “I now believe that the only way to effectively reduce the population and address these issues is through hiring professional bowhunters to selectively kill deer.”

Their e-mail exchange happened just before the July 18 meeting in which David Kocka, a representative from the Virginia DGIF, presented the state’s DGIF report and said hunting is the most effective means of controlling the deer population.

The report did not have any Charlottesville-related deer population data, though Kocka did say the state’s deer population is stable and not increasing. In a submitted report to council members, but not in the presentation given to them, seven out of nine population-management options did not include human hunting or sharpshooting.

The report further informed Szakos’ opinion, she says, adding she learned cities that have hired sharpshooters to kill the deer have spent upward of $100,000 and have not been able to get the numbers down significantly.  Opening the regional hunting season in the city may be the best alternative, she says.

“It wasn’t exactly what I was ready for,” she adds. “I’m still struggling with the idea of it.”

Though it doesn’t initially seem like it, Szakos says allowing locals to bowhunt deer within city limits could be more humane than current circumstances.

“We are culling them now with cars,” she says, adding that she lives on the bypass and has heard them get hit in the past. “I’ve discovered that deer can scream. It’s horrible to listen to them die.”

So far this year, 60 reports of dead deer in a right of way have been filed in Charlottesville, whereas only 47 were filed in 2015 and 11 in 2014, according to data from the Department of Public Works.

Numbers show that deer running into highways are a persistent problem, but relying on culling with cars is not enough, says Szakos. “We need to come up with something better than that. The status quo is not an option at this point.”

The DGIF report, she says, reminded her that humans are the natural predator to deer.

“[Hunting] reinforces to the deer that they are prey animals, which our deer have forgotten because there is nothing preying on them,” Szakos says. “By having predators in the ecosystem, it causes deer to act like prey animals and not be strutting down the sidewalk and intimidating pets,” which are both issues locals have complained about to council.

Jones is “very surprised,” she says, that council “swallowed [Kocka’s] data, hook, line and sinker,” without questioning the lack of city-related statistics or pressing the DGIF for non-lethal alternatives, but a vote was not taken and Szakos says they will hold a public hearing in the future.

Jones says Kocka touted “killing for convenience” because the report showed that Charlottesville does not need to reduce the deer population for biological reasons, but because locals are irritated with the animals for trivial things, such as eating their plants.

“It frightened me to live in a place where people value landscape more than life,” Jones says.

Kocka says it is nearly impossible to measure deer in any city or town because “populations are not static, to begin with.” He says controlling numbers of deer is based on a town’s “cultural carrying capacity,” or the idea that everyone has a certain tolerance for wildlife.

“That’s the crux of the issue,” he says. “When you start whacking them with your cars and they’re eating shrubbery around your house, that’s when a lot of people’s tolerance is exceeded.”

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Brown petitions for emergency receivership against Water Street Garage association

 

For a few moments, it looked like the city and Charlottesville Parking Center owner Mark Brown were going to be able to settle out of court their differences about the Water Street Parking Garage. That was before City Council authorized a resolution June 6 to make an offer to buy Brown’s spaces in the garage without his knowledge, and before Brown filed a petition for an emergency receivership the next day.

The petition cites the deadlock on the board of the Water Street Parking Garage Condominium Association, the entity that runs the garage. Its seats are evenly split between the city and CPC, and because of a dispute over parking rates, the association has not approved a budget. CPC’s contract to manage the garage expires June 30, and a receiver is needed, says the petition, “to make necessary decisions related to the future operation” of the garage.

Those decisions include making a budget and approving rates. With the current deadlock, claims the petition, the condo association can’t negotiate with CPC to run the garage or hire a new managing agent. And CPC fears the deadlock will keep the association from maintaining appropriate insurance on the garage.

“A receiver is a fiduciary position like a trustee or guardian,” says legal expert David Heilberg. The receiver reports to the court about the assets and property for an entity, he says.

“Obviously Brown must feel like his hands are tied because the city won’t settle,” says Heilberg. “The receiver will sort it out until this is resolved. He’s saying, ‘I don’t want the responsibility of handling a disputed property.’”

And Brown wants $450-an-hour attorney Brian Jackson, a partner at white-shoe firm McGuireWoods, to be the receiver, with the help of $100-an-hour legal assistants.

“That’s pretty pricey,” says Heilberg.

But that rate may not even touch what the city is paying for its attorney, Tom Wolf with LeClairRyan in Richmond, who allegedly is one of the most expensive lawyers in Virginia.

City Attorney Craig Brown says he has to ask Wolf whether he can reveal his hourly rate, and he did not immediately respond to a Freedom of Information Act request.

The city attorney says he hasn’t seen the petition: “I’m not in a position to comment.”

As for whether the receivership request means a failure of the the city and Mark Brown’s efforts to settle their respective lawsuits out of court, Craig Brown says, “We haven’t made our offer” to buy CPC’s share of the garage. “We’ll have to see where that goes.”

Mark Brown declined to comment. The petition will be heard court June 22.

Says Heilberg, “It sounds like a mess.”


Timeline of contention

August 12, 2014: Mark Brown buys Charlottesville Parking Center for $13.8 million.

October 15, 2015: CPC proposes new rates of $145 a month, $180 for reserved spaces and $2.50 an hour at the Water Street Garage.

October 28, 2015: The city counters with $125 and $140 for reserved spaces and an hourly rate of $2.

February 2, 2016: The city declines CPC’s offer to lease parking center spaces to the city, says it will consider a fair offer to sell its 629 spaces to CPC.

February 17: The city refuses CPC’s offer to pay $6,792 per space—nearly $4.3 million.

March 14: Brown sues the city, alleging he’s being forced to run the Water Street Garage at below market rate and below what the city-owned Market Street Garage charges. CPC v. Charlottesville

March 28: Brown announces he’s hired former mayor Dave Norris to be general manager of Charlottesville Parking Center.

April 4: Chris Engel, Charlottesville director of economic development, sends a letter to Brown questioning Norris’ qualifications to run the parking garage.

April 6: Brown notifies the Water Street Parking Garage Condo Association that it’s in default of its agreement with CPC by not having a 2016 budget and gives the city 30 days to come up with one. Fears that the garage will close May 6 begin to foment.

April 28: Mark Brown writes the city, urging them to work things out. brown letter to City Council 4-28-16

April 29: Charlottesville countersues CPC, claiming the city didn’t get its right of first refusal for Wells Fargo’s parking spaces that the bank sold to CPC. city counterclaim 4-29-16

May 25: Violet Crown hires PR firm Payne Ross, calls for petition urging city to hold onto its shares in the Water Street Garage.

June 6: City Council passes resolution authorizing the purchase of CPC’s spaces in the garage.

June 7: Brown petitions for an emergency receivership. brown petition receiver 6-7-16